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Memoirs of J. A. Pierce

 

Table of Contents

Chapter Title

Section Title

Page Number

Foreword

Introduction

 

 

The Making of a Minor Scientist

 

 

Chapter 1:
Father Harrington et al

 

1

 

Mother Raymond / Uncle Con

3

 

Uncle Con "Aramaic"

5

 

Father Harrington's Appreciation

6

Chapter 2:
The Family in Orono

 

7

 

Grandpa

8

 

Grandma

10

 

Grandma's Memory

11

 

Grandma's Poetry

12

 

Father

15

 

Mother

16

 

Sister

18

Chapter 3:
Boyhood

 

19

 

Toys and Such

20

 

Beginning with Radio

22

 

Schooling

23

 

College and Troubles

24

 

More About My "Small" Accident

25

Chapter 4:
The New Haven Railroad

 

27

 

General Pershing

29

 

End of My Work for the Railroad

30

Chapter 5:
The Little Telephone Company

 

31

 

The Repeater

32

 

C. C. C. Boys

33

 

The Dead River

35

 

Radios for the Fire Towers

36

 

Henry S. Shaw

37

Chapter 6:
Early Years at Harvard

 

38

 

Professor Mimno

39

 

Bar Harbor

41

 

Marooned / Harvard Football

43

 

"The Shadow"

45

 

Weather Balloons

46

Chapter 7:
The Eclipse Expedition to the Soviet Union

 

48

 

Eclipse Preparations

49

 

The Trip to Russia

50

 

A "Last Night Out"

51

 

A Day in Helsinki

52

 

Leningrad in 1936

53

 

May Day in Leningrad

55

 

Moscow to Ak-Bulak

56

 

"What! No AC?"

57

 

Life in Ak-Bulak

58

 

Communication

62

 

Diversions in Ak-Bulak

63

 

Catherine Stillman!

64

 

Eclipse Day/ The "Comradely Tea Party"

65

 

Return from Ak-Bulak

68

 

Along the Volga / Picnic

69

 

Moscow

70

 

Seeds of Democracy/ Equipment Inspection

71

 

Air Raid Drill

73

 

Understanding Art

74

 

Censorship or Propaganda

75

 

Millimarlenes

76

 

Depressing Things

78

 

Finland Again

79

 

The Finnish Lakes

80

 

In Northern Finland

81

 

Elsinore and Copenhagen

83

 

London Again

84

Chapter 8:
Phongraphy

 

85

 

The Quality of Phonographs in 1936

88

 

Pickup Design

89

 

Mr. Benner's Precise Machine Work

90

 

Studies of Distortion

91

 

Useless Patents

92

 

G.W.'s Advice / Psychology of Hearing

93

 

Loudspeaker Phasing

95

 

Jam Session/ Jim

96

 

Jim/ Walter Hampden

96

Chapter 9:
Back to the Ionosphere

 

99

 

Meteoric Ionization

100

 

The 1938 Hurricane

102

 

Mrs. Stillman/ Marriage to Catherine

103

 

Complex Reflections

105

Chapter 10:
The South Africa Trip

 

106

 

Preparations for South Africa

108

 

The S.S.Lancaster

109

 

Captain Baker

110

 

Capetown

111

 

Capetown to Queenstown, Cape Province

113

 

Settling in Queenstown

114

 

Activities in Queenstown / The Cape Rood

115

 

The Technique of Our Measurements

116

 

Practice / High Static

117

 

Power Leaks / Life in Queenstown

119

 

The Natives

120

 

Erosion

121

 

Treatment of Natives

124

 

The Afrikaans Language / The Eclipse

125

Chapter 11:
Travels in South Africa

 

126

 

A Vacation Trip

128

 

At Pretorius Kop

129

 

Johannesburg

130

 

The Gold Mine

131

 

Dinner and Lecture / The Cross of Diaz

133

 

The Harvard Station

134

 

Return to Queenstown / The Native Reception

135

 

Leaving Queenstown

136

 

Returning the Keys

137

 

Visas for Trinidad

139

 

The City of New York

140

 

The Trinidad Coinage

141

 

Home Again at Last

142

Chapter 12:
In Cambridge Again

 

143

 

The Boston Symphony Orchestra

144

 

Recording Problems

146

 

Serge Koussevitsky

147

Chapter 13:
My Wartime Work Begins

 

148

 

The Office of Scientific Research and Development

149

 

Project C

151

 

The Idea of Hyperbolic Navigation

152

 

Hyperbolic Theory and Experiment

153

 

Circular Sweeps

155

 

Mr. Loomis Talks

156

 

Pre-Loran Observations

157

 

The Bermuda Trip

158

 

Receiver Modifications

159

 

Receiver-Indicator Production

160

 

The Spring of 1942

162

 

The Blimp Trip

163

 

The Middle of the Hangar

164

 

Other Early Tests of Loran

165

 

Charting

166

 

Serving Time at Buships

168

 

East Brewster / Reorganization

169

 

Birth of SS Loran

170

 

SS Loran Trials

171

Chapter 14:
A War-Time Winter in England

 

173

 

Charting Troubles

174

 

Life in War-Time London

176

 

Trials in the North Sea

177

 

Delays and, Finally, Operation

178

 

A Winter Day

179

 

Nightwear / The Little Blitz

180

 

Sonne

182

 

German Use of Gee

183

 

Gee / The Eagle Project

184

 

The Eagle / Promotion

185

 

The Homeward Trip

186

Chapter 15:
Variants of Loran

 

189

 

AT Loran

191

 

LF Loran

192

 

LF Loran Techniques

193

 

Balloon Anecdotes

194

 

The First Cycle Matching

195

Chapter 16:
Return to Harvard

 

198

 

The Musk-Calf Project

200

 

The End of LF Loran, for a While

201

 

My Speech in Duplicate

202

 

G. W. Pierce and the Height of the E Layer

204

 

Souvenirs of "G.W."

205

 

G.W. / Our New House

206

 

A Party at MIT

207

 

Tooling Up

208

 

Organization of the Work at Harvard

209

 

Oblique Incidence Studies

212

 

The Parmenter School Addition

213

 

Care of Oscillators

214

 

Endless Calculations

215

 

Persistent Errors

216

Chapter 17:
A Trip to Alaska

 

218

 

Antenna Coupling Units

219

 

Permafrost / Homing Again

220

 

Homing to Norman Wells

221

 

A Permanent Appointment and an Examination

223

 

President Conant's Haircut

224

Chapter 18:
Radux et cetera

 

225

 

Radux Instrumentation

226

 

A Trip to Hawaii

228

 

Noise Survey / Classification of Research

229

 

Noise / American Academy

230

 

Radux, Junior

232

 

Tijuana

233

 

Very Bad Navigation

234

Chapter 19:
Very Low Radio Frequencies

 

235

 

60-Kilohertz Frequency Comparisons

237

 

Problems in Intercomparison of Time

238

 

The First VLF Phase Measurements

239

 

The Beginning of Radux-Omega

240

 

Pre-Omega Studies

241

 

Measurement of Time

242

 

Frequency Comparisons

244

 

Frequency Standard Comparison Table

245

 

Transatlantic Cesium Clock' Comparisons

247

 

The Three-Atomichron Experiment

249

 

Definition of the Second / Ephemeris Time

250

 

Problems in Maintaining Frequency Standards

251

 

The Consultative Committee

252

 

The Moon Camera

253

 

Time Signal Adjustments

255

Chapter 20:
Two Memorable Concerts

 

256

 

The New Glass Armonica

257

 

The Academy Concert

259

 

The 80th Birthday of Pierre Monteux

260

Chapter 21:
Draco

 

261

 

Draco Philosophy

263

 

Plans for a Draco Pair of Stations

264

 

More Equipment Problems

265

 

Equipment for Jim Creek

266

 

Concealment of the Draco System

267

 

Trying to Find the Criggion Signal

269

 

Draco Lives!

270

 

Logging Roads / Security

271

 

Draco Observations

272

 

More Draco Results

273

Chapter 22:
Non-Professional Matters

 

275

 

Western Trip

276

 

Western Trips/ Anecdotes

278

Chapter 23:
Catherine

 

279

Chapter 24:
A Trip to England

 

280

 

Swans and Other Attractions at Portsmouth

282

 

Tracking the First Satellite

283

 

Change Ringing

284

 

More about Bell Ringing

285

 

The Queen

286

Chapter 25:
Polaris Communications

 

287

 

Limitations on Communications/Cost of Transmitting Site

289

 

My Reliability Proposals

290

 

A Very Minor Award / Cutler

291

 

More about the Antennae

292

 

Phase-Shift Keying

293

 

Translating the Phase Code

294

 

More about Slow Speed Instrumentation

296

 

Jamming of Cutler

297

 

Harold Beverage

298

Chapter 26:
Omega

 

300

 

Trials at Carrier Frequencies

302

 

The Implementation Committee

303

 

The Omega Report

304

 

Station Identification

305

 

Details of Ambiguity Resolution

306

 

Synchronization

308

 

Control Principles

309

 

Side Frequencies

310

 

Other Ideas that Were Not Adopted

311

 

Sites for Stations

312

 

More Moving / How Readings Are Defined

314

 

Typical Distances / The Frequency Source

315

 

Frequency Averaging

316

 

Antennas at Haiku

317

 

More about Low-Frequency Antennas

319

 

Sources of Some Propagational Vagaries

320

 

Phase or Time? / Composite Signals

321

 

Differential Omega

322

 

Differential Omega / Omega in Aircraft

323

 

Loop Antennas / Mactaggart

325

 

A Few Flight Data

326

 

The "Challenger" Flight / Various Delays

327

 

Political Interference

328

 

Other Personal Disappointments

329

 

The Proposed Global Rescue Alarm

331

Chapter 27:
Some Travels in 1965, 1966, and 1997

 

332

 

Bats / The Tropical Jungle

334

 

Another Bat / Munich

335

 

The Meeting in Munich

336

 

Munich and Oberammergau

337

 

Farewell to Munich / Trinidad Again

339

 

Carnival

340

 

Choice of the Queen of Carnival

341

 

The Carnival Spirit

342

 

The End of Carnival / Norway

343

 

Elementary Diplomacy

345

 

Cable Hanging Techniques / Oslo

346

 

Trolls / Bodo

347

 

Construction on the Mountain

348

 

An Invisible Communication Network

349

 

A Short Stop in England

351

 

Facilities at Expo 67

352

 

The International Art Exhibition

353

Chapter 28:
Nine Solar Eclipses

 

354

 

More Eclipses

355

 

The "Telstar" Eclipse

356

 

The Telstar Party

358

 

Telstar / Our Last Eclipse

359

 

Prince Edward Island / Summary of Eclipses

360

Chapter 29:
My last Years at Harvard

 

361

 

The Coast Guard Science Advisory Committee

363

 

Coast Guard / Old Ironsides

364

 

Old Ironsides / Nova Scotia

365

 

The Marconi Site

366

Chapter 30:
After My Retirement

 

368

 

My First (and only) Computer

370

 

Selling and Moving

371

 

New Hampshire

372

Index

 

373

 

JP rev. 1.00 1.


 

Foreword

Although John Alvin Pierce (1907-1996) has been long lauded as a major contributor in the radio navigation community, he made significant contributions in other technical fields. His first scientific work was at Harvard University involving radio wave measurements during solar eclipse periods. Later, somewhat by accident, he became involved in studying theory of phonograph recording and playback with Prof. F. V. Hunt at Harvard. This work resulted in publication of technical papers which later laid the theoretical foundation for the long-playing phonograph record, and subsequently, the stereophonic phonograph record.

 

Jack Pierce was recruited to assist war-time efforts at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where his knowledge of ionospheric effects on radio propagation was needed to develop new electronic methods of navigation for military use. This work led to the development and deployment of Long Range Navigation (LORAN) in the 1940s. Although LORAN found immediate and enthusiastic acceptance, Jack Pierce did not rest. He devoted the remainder of his long career to furthering radio techniques for long-range navigation, positioning, and timing. His efforts produced LORAN-C which remains in widespread use today, and also the Omega Navigation System which provided worldwide navigation and timing service for several decades. Omega was the first truly global radionavigation system: it set important precedents regarding international cooperation in providing navigation services until superseded by today's Global Positioning System and other satellite-based systems. Jack Pierce was often honored by numerous professional organizations for these contributions but he was always quick to point out that these successes in radionavigation were not his alone but the result of collaboration with other scientists and engineers.

 

Jack Pierce was an ardent supporter of the International Omega Association (IOA), forerunner of the International Navigation Association (INA). The INA's highest award is named in his honor: the John Alvin Pierce Award. He participated in several of our annual meetings. Thanks to the cooperation of INA members working with American Airlines and the Federal Aviation Administration, he was provided air transportation and a cockpit pass to attend our 13th Annual Meeting held 1988 in Munich, Germany. Thus, at the young age of 80 he was able to observe Omega navigation equipment in operation as it steered his flight from Boston to Munich across the Atlantic Ocean. He later said that this was the first time he had ever seen Omega operating in a moving vehicle.

 

Although Jack Pierce wrote his memoirs for his immediate family, he generously shared copies with several of his friends and colleagues. During his lifetime the INA, as well as other professional societies, reprinted selected portions thereof for the benefit of their membership. Because we feel that the information and personal observations contained therein will be of continuing interest to others in this and future generations, the INA proudly hosts the following material on our website.

 

The INA is deeply indebted to member Donald Mactaggart of Montreal, Canada, for converting the manuscript to electronic form and editing it to a suitable format. We are also indebted to Jack Pierce's daughter, Joy Pierce of Weare, New Hampshire, U.S.A., for permission to make the memoirs available to the public.

 

Frank C. "Charlie" Sakran, Jr.
Secretary, INA

David C. Scull
President, INA


Introduction

After meeting Jack Pierce in Weare, New Hampshire, and reading these

memoirs, my wife described Jack as "a man of parts". He was also a

fine storyteller, and here follow the stories, on radionavigation up

to Omega, time and frequency, and many other things. Jack said he

would like to see these circulated to those in the field of

radionavigation. That dinner pre-dated the Worldwide Web, though not

by much; perhaps he anticipated the Web as well.

This document is, by definition, one man's perspective, and it is an

interesting history of the interaction between understanding of the

medium in which we live, enabling technology and geopolitics, from

the mid-1930s to mid-1980s and from VLF to HF: that is, "time and

frequency". Jack made important contributions, bringing knowledge of

timekeeping, physics and propagation to a real need. He worked with

many familiar names which have now passed into history: this is his

personal account of those times and those personalities.

Sometimes one realizes the absolutely obvious several decades after

the fact: the number of informal discussions to which Jack refers in

chapter 26 gave me an intuitive feel for the nature of the Omega

"signal in lightning". It is doubtful this would have come out of a

Washington briefing, or in as enjoyable a manner as in Jack's living

room in Arlington with the sun having been declared over the

yardarm. This induced me to a multistage hard-limiting receiver

design which preserved signal phase, was simple to produce, and

which certainly did perform better than the others. More like an

audio system than a traditional radio, it suprised the production

line by not having any twiddle knobs. Without the chats with Jack,

the Marconi Canada Omega navigator would not have been as good. So,

we were able to validate one of Jack's many visions by equipping the

Pan Am 707 fleet, and be in pole position for the rest of the Omega

story.

I have added nothing; headers, pages, footnotes and a table have

been reformatted slightly to fit on a pure-text A4/letter (210mm x

11 inch, 68 character x 55 line page).* A few personal portions were

deleted, but the 30 chapter numbers are unchanged.

 

Yours Faithfully, Don Mactaggart Montreal, July 2001

mactag@total.net

 

*Webmaster's note: If you wish to print this document, please save the .htm document as a file and print from Word or other software package.  The A4 formatting will not be retained if you print from your browser, and the resulting document will be 600+ pages. When printed from a file, the document should be approximately 375 pages.

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The Making of a Minor Scientist

 

This memoir was first conceived as a collection of anecdotes or

accounts of things that have interested or amused me, with the

idea that our grandchildren could read them whenever they might

reach an age that would allow some interest in the doings of

their ancestors.

After beginning with a few family stories and my own

earliest recollections, I became interested in the writing itself

and realized that the tales could not be told without a

considerable amount of biographical material. The telling has

therefore become roughly chronological so that later episodes can

benefit from some understanding of earlier backgrounds.

Because my own interests have been largely technical rather

than personal, most readers will consider that I have given too much

space to my scientific or developmental problems. I can only

apologize half-heartedly for this condition, as I must describe

the way things have appeared to me.

The sequence in this volume is essentially that in which the

various chapters were written, and is largely chronological

except that the chapter about Catherine was written as soon as I

could bear to do so after her death. The writing of that and later

chapters suffers from the absence of her editorial consideration.

My efforts to choose from a large quantity of recollections and then

the attempt to tell the stories in concise form have made this

the most interesting and pleasant of any writing I have ever done.

I have written very little before that did not demand my every

effort to stick to strict scientific truth. I have found myself

continuing, therefore, in a relaxed and personal way, and very

largely for my own enjoyment.

 

J. A. Pierce

Memoirs of J. A. Pierce February 4th 1989 iv


 

Father Harrington et al

 

Father Harrington was the priest of a mixed Canadian-French and

Irish parish in Orono, Maine. His strong personality and aggressive

methods made him a focus of town gossip, especially among the

protestant youth. Much of this discussion dealt with rumors of his

hard tactics in extracting from his flock the support due the

church. In the face of these rumors, it was many years before I

realized that a parishioner in need always received a load of

groceries or a ton of coal when things were at their worst, and that

the protestant part of the town heard little or nothing about this

aspect of Father Harrington's mission.

My own acquaintance with Father Harrington was limited because he

did not serve until the time when I might have been able to maintain

an intelligent discussion with him. The great thing about Father

Harrington, to a young protestant boy, was that he had a motherly

housekeeper named Katie Mahoney who made better sugar cookies than

anyone. Throughout the neighborhood the recognized specific for a

bruise or a scraped knee was a visit to Katie Mahoney and her cookie

jars.

My earliest recollection of Father Harrington is that he came across

the street to our house one sunny morning, when I was idling on the

front steps, and gave me the first nickel I ever owned. I seem to

recall that I was curious, rather than impressed, until Mother

explained to me how many pieces of candy Miss Gee would give me for

the coin.

I suppose that Father Harrington had come to engage Grandpa in one

of the philosophical discussions that I am sure they both enjoyed.

Grandpa certainly rated as a pillar of the Congregational Church,

and I suspect that he stood almost alone as a protestant who would

allow himself to be seen talking with the priest, who was cordially

detested by many who were not of the Catholic faith, and perhaps by

some who were.

Grandpa's qualifications as a former college president and an

Emeritus Professor of Philosophy surely struck a chord in Father

Harrington and, unlikely as it seemed, a sincere friendship must

have existed between the two gentlemen. My strongest evidence to

support this belief came, when I was eight years old, in the short

interval between Grandpa's death and his funeral. On one of those

mornings Father Harrington called and was closeted with Grandma in

the big front parlor, with the sliding doors closed and Mother and

me both excluded. For what seemed an hour, the sounds of a violent

argument could be detected but not understood. I, at least, was

amazed, as I can recall no other occasion on which Grandma permitted

 

Father Harrington 2

herself to raise her voice. After Father Harrington had taken his

leave, with some formality, and after Grandma had recovered her

gentle speech, she told Mother that Father Harrington had been

determined to have the bell of the Catholic church tolled during

Grandpa's funeral service - an action that Grandma considered most

inappropriate. It seems that Grandma must have won the debate

because, although I recall few other details of the funeral (aside

from the novelty of riding in a carriage) I am sure that the

Catholic bell remained silent.

One of Mother's and Grandma's favorite stories concerned an incident

that must have dated from about the time of the first nickel. When I

was three, the Congregational Church called a new minister, the

Reverend Mr. Lyman. It fell to my family to offer our house for the

reception soon after his arrival. This function was held in two

parts, one in the afternoon and the other in the evening. Apparently

Father Harrington did not feel that he could call at a time when

many protestants were present, but thought that he should convey his

respects. Showing his diplomatic talents, which were frequently

concealed, and also betraying the sharp watch he must have

maintained from across the street, he arrived at the end of the

afternoon session when all the Congregational parishioners had left

although Mr. Lyman was still there. Mother and Grandma were busy

clearing the afternoon debris and preparing for the evening session.

I have no idea where Grandpa and Mrs. Lyman may have been at this

time. In any case, the two clergymen were introduced and, of

necessity, left much to their own devices. For the rest of her life,

Mother often recalled with glee that, on returning to the parlor,

she found me in the center of the black walnut sofa with the priest

on one side and the minister on the other. In my hand was a large

sugar cookie. It may have been one of Katie Mahoney's, although that

seems improbable. After taking a bite, I would hold the cookie for

Mr. Lyman to take his bite, and then extend it to Father Harrington.

This sharing continued long enough so that Grandma could be called

to help witness it. She and Mother never tired of referring to this

as the first and possibly the last time that these gentlemen broke

bread together.

Father Harrington coveted a field, almost across the street from our

house, that was owned by our neighbor, Dr. Mayo, who was perhaps the

chief of all the protestants in dislike of the priest. Dr. Mayo

declined forcefully to sell the field to the parish but, fairly soon

after the death of my grandfather, Father Harrington, by the adroit

use of a dummy purchaser, gained control of the field and proceeded

to build a parochial school. This action precipitated the most

violent protestant reaction that I remember, with opinions ranging

through various degrees of the immoral to the illegal.

When the school building was approximately finished a motto reading

 


Mother Raymond / Uncle Con 3

 

"Saint Mary's School / for God and Country" was incised over the

door. At first this slogan did not show clearly, as the building was

set back from the street, so the letters were filled in with black

paint. This was done on a morning when Mother and I were gardening

in front of our house. It happened that the painter had only

completed the C and the O in the last word at his lunch time. During

this interval two tiny Catholic girls stopped near us while the

elder spelled out the motto for the younger one. "Saint Mary's

School", she read, "for God and Company". Then, after a pause for

consideration, "I guess the Company must be Father Harrington".

This veneration for the priest was known not to extend to one member

of his flock, Mr. Maloney. Father Harrington's appreciation of this

fact was shown when Grandma asked him what statue would be placed in

the niche above the motto. "I have not decided", Father Harrington

replied, "whether it shall be a statue of Dr. Mayo or one of Mr.

Maloney". It turned out that the statue of an angel with extended

wings and with children at his knee, that Father Harrington had

actually ordered, was too large for the niche. It was then placed on

a pedestal in the middle of the schoolyard. The niche was ultimately

occupied, perhaps more appropriately, by a statue of the Virgin.

The Coburn house, directly across the street from us, between the

priest's house and the new school, became the convent of the

teaching Sisters. The Mother Superior was Sister Mary Raymond, whom

I eventually came to recognize as very nearly a saint. At first,

however, there was no communication between our house and the

convent, perhaps because of our being neighbors and friends of the

Mayos.

Seven years after the convent had been founded, and after Dr. Mayo

had died, there came an afternoon when Grandma said to Mother,

"Harriet, put on your hat. Let us pay a call on the convent". Mother

Raymond received the ladies graciously and presently took them on a

tour of the school. In one room they found a Sister who was

lingering to finish her chores. When Mother Raymond introduced my

folks as "our neighbors from across the street", the Sister looked

up with a twinkle and remarked, "It has taken you quite a while to

get across". In spite of this slow start, happy relations came

rapidly. The friendship between Mother Raymond and Grandma, in

particular, reminded me very much of that which had previously

existed between Father Harrington and Grandpa.

The Sisters, of course, always traveled in pairs, and could go only

where they had a proper errand. Despite this limitation, Mother

Raymond was often in our house. Frequently Mother or Grandma would

bake a cake, or some other goody, and send me across the street to

hand it in at the convent door. This naturally led to the need to

return the cake tin or plate, so in a day or two Mother Raymond and

 

Mother Raymond / Uncle Con 4

one or another of the Sisters would return the dish; usually full of

fresh eggs as the convent kept a flock of hens. If I had so much

sickness as a bad cold, word would get to the convent and Mother

Raymond and a Sister would call. After addressing a few appropriate

words to the Lord and to me, they would settle down for an hour's

happy chat with Mother and Grandma.

The memory of Mother Raymond will always be especially dear to me as

she, more than all others, found the right words to renew my courage

after the death of my mother. This event was perhaps particularly

hard because it happened after I had come to fully realize how much

Mother had sacrificed for me all my life and before I had become

able to do much for her in return. Without my finding the words to

say any of this very well, Mother Raymond seemed to understand.

Certainly her sympathy and support saved me from extreme depression,

if not worse.

The rapport between our rigidly Congregational household and our

Catholic neighbors may have been enhanced by the memories of a black

sheep in the family, of whom I think Grandma was somewhat proud.

This gentleman was her brother, Joseph Converse Heywood, who was,

until the age of forty or more, the dramatic critic and an essayist

on the New York "Sun". He also wrote immensely long epic poems on

biblical subjects, such as "Salome". These must be, today, totally

unreadable, but in the Victorian era they were favorably received,

possibly in part because of "Uncle Con's" position as a critic. Some

quotations I recall in publisher's "blurbs" might have made one

think that Heywood was a second Shakespeare. In that era Uncle Con

had the reputation, according to Grandma, of being the only man in

New York who knew every possible place where one could buy a drink.

This status came to an end when Uncle Con married a very wealthy

woman of the Catholic faith. Almost the first the family heard was

that the new couple had moved to Rome. The second surprising piece

of news was that Uncle Con had become American Chamberlain to the

Pope, which authorized him to wear a remarkable uniform, fortunately

only required on State occasions. He lived in the Palazzo Torlonia,

where he assembled what was reputed to be the finest private library

in Rome. His ring, along the lines of that of an archbishop, and a

magnificent portrait of him in his uniform, wearing the most

generous bifurcated beard I have ever seen represented, came to

Grandma after Uncle Con's death and were objects of veneration to

me.

There must have been some substance to these tales. Grandpa and

Grandma made their only trip to Europe a half dozen years after

Uncle Con's death. In Rome, Grandma mentioned his name to someone

with the result that the Vatican opened its doors for the visitors.

My grandparents were granted an audience with the Pope and were so

generously entertained by Cardinals whose names I no longer remember

 

Uncle Con "Aramaic" 5

that Grandma often referred to this episode throughout the rest of

her life.

 

* * *

 

My favorite story about Father Harrington came to me third hand,

through Grandpa and Grandma. Because my grandparents were both

personifications of honor, I cannot conceive of their having

modified this, or any other, story except perhaps by smoothing any

rough edges to forestall someone's hurt feelings.

It seems that after many years of his service in Orono a purse was

made up for Father Harrington to make possible a trip to the Holy

Land, followed by an extended visit to Ireland. I have heard that

the Father's wealthier parishioners found a way to suggest to him,

while in Ireland, that he would be maintained there permanently if

he cared to stay. This part of the story may well be apochryphal. If

there was such an offer, it was declined.

On his return, Father Harrington told Grandpa about a shipboard

encounter. One morning, after he had been pacing the deck reading

his prayers, he was approached by a young man in the garb of an

Episcopal curate. To open the conversation, the curate said, "I see,

Father, that you have been reading your prayers in Latin. I assume

then that you know that language well." Father Harrington agreed

that he was an excellent Latin scholar, so the young man enquired

about Greek, of which Father Harrington admitted to a perhaps

exceptional knowledge. The enquiry then proceeded through Hebrew and

a number of modern languages. Father Harrington claimed at least

adequate knowledge of all of them. At last the young man said, "You

are really an unusual expert in languages, Father. It makes me hope

that perhaps you may know some of the language that Christ spoke

when on earth. I have always longed to hear a few words spoken in

Aramaic". At this point Father Harrington exhibited some modesty,

but admitted that he had a slight knowledge of that language. "Would

it please you", he said, "if I were to recite the Lord's Prayer for

you in Aramaic?" The offer was, of course, gratefully accepted. In

telling Grandpa about the occasion Father Harrington concluded, "I

said it for him and sent him away perfectly happy". Then, after a

quizzical look (and in what Grandma later conveyed to me in a

somewhat exaggerated brogue), "I said it in Irish, but it did him

just as much good".

 

* * *

Father Harrington's Appreciation 6

I do not intend this anecdote to indicate any lack of respect for

the memory of Father Harrington. I can best restore the correct tone

by quoting the priest's "Appreciation" that was dated on the day of

Grandpa's death and published in a Bangor paper. It read:

"It is 16 years last October since first I met Dr. Fernald. I loved

and admired him then, and my love and admiration for him have

intensified and increased as years rolled by.

"He was a gentleman in the true sense of the word, noble in acts,

refined in manners, wellbred, educated, courteous, kind and

honorable, and carrying into public life the high standard of his

private morals. He was a true type of the gentleman of the old

school, which is unfortunately fast passing away but which has left

its impression in the generation in which he lived and its influence

even in the present. All, irrespective of creed or politics, revered

and loved him, for he was an upright citizen, than whom there was no

better in Orono: charitable, both in word and deed, whose good

works, in their entirety, are known only by Him who scrutinizes the

heart.

"He always helped to legislate what he considered best for the

benefit of the community, and as a neighbor, with all the

characteristics of a Christian gentleman. Dr. Fernald's memory will

be long and fondly cherished by his friend,

"John M. Harrington

"Orono, Jan. 8, 1916"


2.

The Family in Orono

 

Grandpa

 

My maternal Grandfather died a few weeks after my eighth birthday,

so I directly recall relatively little about him. The best evidence

of his ability and devotion to duty is to be found in, or between

the lines of, his "History of the University of Maine". He was

called to the Professorship of Mathematics and the Acting Presidency

of the Maine State College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts in

1868, when the first class matriculated. An interesting footnote is

that he and the Farm Superintendent, Samuel Johnson, were the entire

faculty for the first year. I have never known what the duties of

the Farm Superintendent may have been, but he, like Grandpa, had a

Master of Arts degree from Bowdoin.

Before going to Orono, Grandpa had spent several years as a teacher

or principal at some of the better known academies in Maine. He

served the college (and, later, University) for nearly forty years

except for two or three in the 1890s when his health failed. An

indication of his trials is to be found in the fact that the total

of the state appropriations for the college in the first four years

of his presidency in his own right (beginning in 1879) was $6,500.

I always knew that Grandpa had lived to be greatly respected and

honored. Once when I was a boy I found an old trunk in the attic

containing diplomas attesting to nearly thirty honorary degrees. It

is interesting that, in his History he mentions only three of these,

two from Bowdoin and one from Maine.

Grandpa was of about average height for his era, but of an erect,

not to say proud, carriage. He was distinguished in his later years

by a glorious pair of snowwhite sideburns extending as low as his

chin, while the chin itself was clean shaven. I am sure that he

never appeared in public, even to walk to the Post Office for the

mail, without his frock coat and silk hat. He used to delight me in

church. After seating his family in his pew, he would settle himself

at the end of it and extract from somewhere a beautiful black

watered silk skullcap which he would adjust carefully to protect his

bald head. I used to suspect that the organist timed the first bars

of "Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God Almighty", with which the service

always began, from the settling of Grandpa's skullcap.

One recollection is of my delight when on somewhat rare occasions

 

Grandpa 8

(possibly when I had been good) I was allowed to sit on Grandpa's

bed in the morning, or on his lap in the evening, and operate his

great, gold, minute repeater watch. I seem to remember that this

worked with a single bell ringing the hours, then double strokes for

the quarters, and finally single strokes again for the remainder of

the minutes; but my memory may be incorrect about this detail. The

memory certainly is aided by one of Mother's favorite photographs of

her father that showed Grandpa and me, complete with long blond

hair, on Grandpa's knee and looking at his watch.

I can understand not having forgotten the time when, returning from

a winter walk when I was about six, Grandpa and I broke through the

ice of the "frog pond" two or three hundred yards behind our house.

The water was about up to Grandpa' chest, but I think he managed to

keep me from submerging. Placing me on his shoulder and holding me

with one hand, he broke the ice with the other until we reached the

shore. I have never heard that there was any, witness to this

mishap. This is a pity, as I should treasure a description of

Grandpa, in his customary frock coat, coming dripping up out of the

pond.

In all probability this episode ended with my being dosed with

Mother's favorite specific for coughs or bronchitis: white of egg

beaten up with honey and, if the need were severe, a little whisky.

Grandpa would, of course, never allow liquor in the house, except a

bit for medical purposes. He could not, I suppose, forestall the

occasional gift of a bottle. After my folks were all dead, I found a

dozen or more excellent liquors in a remote corner of a cellar

cupboard. This collection included the only bottle of Napoleon

brandy I ever saw, so I deduce that Grandpa had instinctive good

judgment or had taken a bit of advice from someone.

One of the proud moments of my young life was when I stumped Grandpa

with an anagram. A frequent game at our house, probably to teach me

to spell, was to pass each other scrambled cardboard letters that

would form a word when put into the proper sequence. In one game,

near the end of his life, Grandpa admitted defeat in trying to

arrange the word "carrying" which I had given him. Possibly my

bedtime pressed upon him; it is inconceivable that he would have

deceived me by pretending something that was not the exact truth.

The only serious talk with Grandpa that I can recall was when he

told me that, because of the changing times and the spread of

education, I would know more when I graduated from high school than

he had had to know to graduate from Bowdoin College. Although I

readily admit the principle, when I compare my grandfather's ability

with my own I cannot help feeling that, for once at least, Grandpa

had made an error in judgment.

 

 

Grandpa 9

Often in the years after Grandpa died, presumably at times when I

displayed the somewhat violent disposition I had as a child, Grandma

would remind me of Grandpa's proud claim that he had never in his

life lost his temper. Occasionally she would thoughtfully amend this

statement by recalling that from time to time circumstances had

forced him into an intense state of "righteous indignation".

One of these occasions may have been when a small screw came out of

the rotary beater and was lost in the whipped cream topping for the

dessert for a dinner of the Conversation Club. Time did not permit

Grandma to do anything except serve the dinner and hope. Fortunately

nothing untoward happened until after the guests had left, when

Grandpa produced the screw from his vestpocket and demanded an

explanation of how such a thing could have been allowed to happen in

his house. GrandPa's indignation at this time may have been

accentuated by the partial elation of what Grandma often cited as

his favorite household dictum: "Anything really worth eating is

better with whipped cream on it".

My Fernald grandmother was born in a farmhouse in Weld, Maine. Her

middle name commemorated Elijah Lovejoy, a famous cousin of her

father who was called the first martyr in the abolition movement,

and is alternatively venerated for having lost his life in defence

of the principle of the freedom of the press.

After her mother died when she was six years old, Grandma was sent

to live with a favorite aunt, the former Harriet Converse, in New

Bedford, Massachusetts. The husband, Cornelius Howland, was a

relative of Henrietta Howland Robinson who later became famous as

the miser Hetty Green, a financier who left a fortune of a hundred

million dollars in the early part of this century. Grandma sometimes

referred to "having played" with Hetty Green when she was a small

child. Because my encyclopedia tells me that Hetty was ten years

older than Grandma, I incline to the happy thought that Hetty may

have been Grandma's babysitter.

Two years after his first wife died, my great grandfather married

Phebe (Kimball) Russell, a widow who brought two stepsisters into

the family. One of these, Susanna, later had a daughter Elizabeth

(Merrill) Hay who always remained a favorite "niece" of Grandma, and

who lived to be a member of her church in Portland for eighty-eight

years. I mention these geneological details only to support the

suggestion that Grandma returned from New Bedford in time to have

most of her schooling in Bethel, Maine, to which her father, a

former schoolteacher, had moved after his second marriage. This

question of where Grandma was educated interests me as she somehow

acquired a formidable amount of learning in her early years.

Grandma began teaching at the age of fourteen, presumably in Bethel.

 

Grandma 10

She once told me that it was in a typical one-room schoolhouse and

that her first pupils ranged in age from five to twenty-two. She was

proud of the fact that on her twenty-first birthday she was teaching

her twenty-first term of school. This claim I find barely possible,

on the assumption that Grandma taught in the first year after her

marriage, as she was presumably five months pregnant with my mother

on her twenty-first birthday.

I knew that Grandma had been a teacher as a girl, and even that she

had been able to help some now forgotten professor to prepare a

Latin grammar and, I think, dictionary. I also knew that she had

helped unofficially in any way she could in the early days of the

State College. I was, however, surprised, long after Grandma's

death, to find that she was listed among the faculty, in the third

year of the college, as Instructor in French and German.

Grandma and Grandpa met when she was teaching in the public school

at Bethel and he came there as principal of Gould Academy. A year or

two later when he had moved, or at least been appointed, to Houlton

Academy, Grandma finally chose a time when her father seemed to be

in a good mood, for an important question. The father was Winslow

Heywood, a taciturn man about whom I know only the detail that he

believed it best to eat only one kind of food at a meal. This meant

that his unfortunate wife had to prepare meat, potatoes, vegetables,

pies, and cakes so that, whatever he decided to eat, there would be

enough for his entire meal.

At the chosen time, Grandma approached her problem as follows:

"Father", she said, "Would it be all right if I should go to teach

at Houlton next year?" "No", said her father. "Well, Father, would

it be all right if Mr. Fernald and I were married first?" "Yes",

said Father, ending the conversation on that subject.

I gradually realized, as I was growing up, that Grandma had a

phenomenal memory. Much of this discovery came to me at Commencement

times when our house seemed to become a sort of secondary reunion

head quarters. For two or three days there would be a steady stream

of old graduates, many of whom had tears in their eyes as they

recalled, for example, how it had been Grandma, back in the 1880s,

who had managed to say the magic words that had prevented the young

men from dropping out of college. These and similar testimonials to

her mothering of the college interested me, but were not surprises.

What did astonish mG, as more and more evidence accumulated, was

that Grandma not only always recognized the old students but almost

invariably knew whom they had married and the names of their

children.

* * *

 

 

Grandma's Memory 11

 

My highest tribute to Grandma's powerful memory comes from the Fall

of 1922, in my third year of High School. When I had begun studying

Latin as a freshman, I had had great hopes of help from Grandma.

These hopes were in vain, because she believed that I had to learn

for myself, and she resolutely refused any help at all. The Latin

classes were quite small with the result that the third and fourth

years were combined into a single class. I happened to enter this

pattern in the "bad" phase and found myself leaping from last

Spring's "Gallic Wars" into this Fall's "Aenead". After a few weeks

it must have become obvious that I was floundering, for one evening

I succeeded in getting Grandma to take the book and explain a

construction that baffled me. Having done this without difficulty

she, of course, found the book in her hand and almost automatically

began to read, because we were a family that read out loud to each

other as a matter of course. Grandma read the Virgil in a beautiful

translation, without hesitating over a word, exactly as though it

had been a novel in English. I was astonished, because I had thought

that one read two words of Latin and then looked up the third in the

vocabulary. Grandma however, became interested in the story and read

aloud for nearly two hours while, after a partial recovery from my

amazement, I made notes as fast as I could. When bedtime approached

she finally closed the book and leaned back in her rockingchair.

After a few minutes thought she said, "Do you know, I believe that

it's fifty two years since I looked at a Latin book".

While Grandma's phenomenal memory and great intelligence certainly

were an asset in her social relations, as in everything else, I

think it must have been her gentle urbanity that endeared her to

most people. It seemed to me that she was seldom really surprised at

anything, least of all by my pranks and misdemeanors. She apparently

felt that these taught their own lessons, and did not often allow

herself to show that she had heard of them.

In conversation, Grandma invariably expressed the expected degree of

surprise, but in such a soft and courteous way that I felt that,

having foreseen everything, she was simply making the orthodox

replies to conversational gambits. For minor occasions of a totally

unexpected and private nature, such as the breaking of a dish, she

reserved her only exclamamation, "Great Jehosephat!"

Grandma got more pleasure out of a Victorian era joke or an amusing

happening than anyone I ever knew. It may be a hundred times that I

heard her chuckle when something reminded her of an occasion when

she had been enquiring for some part time help. She was called to

the door by a burly Irish woman who said, somewhat belligerently,

"You the woman what wants someone to do cleaning? Well, I'm the lady

what wants the job".

 


Grandma's Poetry 12

 

Grandma left a number of compositions, mostly poetic, that she had

written in various eras. A long poem in "epic" form, abounding in

classical references, is a clever and eloquent tirade called "The

Whole Duty of Woman". This is written in an accurate imitation of

the style of the women's magazines of the late Victorian period, and

deals with the ultimately overpowering weight of the myriad social

and familial obligations falling on the shoulders of a married

woman. Another composition, a long paper to be read to a women's

club, describes her summer in Europe with Grandpa after his

retirement. This is presented in exactly the tone of a travel book

of the 1910 era; a vastly different language from that of her

letters and other examples of her prose.

My favorite of her surviving compositions is a series of "charades"

in verse. These use, as do acted charades, "my one" or "my first" to

represent the initial syllable of an unknown word. I have copies of

more than a hundred of these written in assorted styles and meters,

many of them in recognized verse forms. A sample follows:

 

Time was when a big my one was well nigh filled

Each day with plenty like my whole, and we

My second but the biggest; in our scorn,

Our ignorant scorn, we deemed the little ones,

Which now are rare as pearls, as only fit

For casting before swine. How times have changed!

My last! yea double my last! O tempora!

O mores! fain would we now fill ourselves

With what in former days the swine did eat.

 

It may be helpful to remark that this charade, like most of

Grandma's others, was composed at the time of the shortages in the

World War I era. I suspect that this form of amusement was adopted

to keep her mind occupied in the years immediately following the

death of my grandfather in 1916.

Grandma apparently had fun in composing charades in various verse

forms, including one imitated from Victor Hugo which starts with a

verse of one line having one syllable, followed by the second in two

lines of two syllables each. The count builds up gradually to seven

lines of seven syllables and then descends in the reverse pattern to

end with a single syllable.

 

 

Grandma's Poetry 13

Grandma seems to have been especially interested in a number of Old

French verse forms, as she names them in several cases where she

employed them. An example is the Virelay:

 

It is a gala day. A mass

Of people, drawn from every class

Waits patiently along the street.

Upon the lawns, in the cool grass

Many a little lad and lass

Trips round on eager, restless feet.

Their questions older ears harass.

Ah! now is heard the blare of brass.

The fife's shrill note, the drum's loud beat

As these their joyous strains repeat,

My one appears with movement fleet,

But held in steady, firm control,

Adorned with flowers gay and sweet.

On my grandfather's farm complete

My two was builded by my whole,

A safe, though not a still retreat,

From which strange sounds the ear did greet

From what was then almost the sole

Source of my two; which now seems droll.

My three no meaning has t'unroll,

Unless to multiply by three.

A little child, whose wished for goal

Was Alice's queer rabbit hole

Or mirror's back, was taken to see

Stuffed beasts, from elephant to mole.

As on his sight the walrus stole,

"Where is my whole?", inquired he.

I am fond of these charades in part because they are the only two

that I am sure I recall reading in my boyhood. The second also is

remembered as it contains a reference to me in the last verse. Like

most of these charades, it is full of resonances, such as the

reference to the goosequill pen that spans the second and third

verses, The answers to the riddles are, of course, "Potato" and

"Carpenter".

* * *

 

Grandma's serenity was too alert and interested to be called calm or

placid. She was quiet and gentle, yet she never in her life missed a

 

Grandma's Poems 14

nuance. She had, in her day, done a great deal, helping with the

struggling college to an extent that can never be known; raising

five children and somehow getting them all through college without

any very recognizable financial resources; and most certainly

freeing my grandfather for his duties and interests to a truly

nineteenth century degree. In her old age, when I knew her, she must

have been more content with her life than is usual today.

Her end was very characteristic of Grandma. As nearly as I can

judge, she simply died of old age, perhaps accelerated by an attack

of sciatica. The sciatica put her to bed, from which she did not

recover the strength to rise, and she died quietly after a few

months. She spent much of the intervening interval composing

crossword puzzles for solving even the most difficult ones had long

been too easy to interest her and planning her funeral. She felt

that she could do this better than anyone else, because of her

unexcelled knowledge of local protocol and local animosities. She

left complete instructions: who were to be bearers and who honorary

bearers; what the minister might be encouraged to say and what ideas

he might be advised to avoid; the music and who should be asked to

play and sing it; and who should be invited to ride in the first

car, the second, and so on.

I suppose that this plan gave grandma her last feeling of

satisfaction with her work. She certainly wrote it with pleasure,

and I shall always remember the keen interest with which she read

and explained the plan to me. Fortunately, I have now forgotten the

reasons why certain pairs of gentlemen and, especially, of ladies

could not be asked to share a car.

At the end, I am sure she was ready and glad to join her husband in

the cemetery lot at the crest of the river bank, across the

Stillwater River from the campus. She had once told me, in a remark

I still find it very difficult to explain that Grandpa had chosen

the lot because from there "he could keep an eye on the University".

 


Father

 

I know remarkably little about my father and his family because he

died before I was a year old and thereafter it always hurt Mother to

talk about him. His people, among whom the elder sons had been John

Pierces for generations, had moved south in the early 1800s and had

lived in North Carolina, where my grandfather had a nursery

business, until shortly before the Civil War. They then moved to

 

Father / Mother 15

Indiana, where Father was born, and then to southern Illinois, where

he grew up.

Father graduated from the University of Michigan and took his law

degree at Columbia University. While in New York he met Mother, who

also was studying there. Although they became engaged in that era,

he, in true Victorian fashion, had to establish himself before the

young couple could be married. He chose to go to the Washington

Territory so that his law office could grow with the new state. The

financial panic of 1893 cost him most of his savings so that it was

not until 1897 that he felt secure enough for marriage. As a result,

Mother told me sadly, they were engaged for ten years, in the last

nine of which they did not see each other until Father came east for

the wedding. I have always felt that this ten-year wait followed by

less than eleven years of marriage helped to explain why it was so

hard for Mother to talk about Father and their early days.

Father died of pneumonia in the summer of 1908. Somehow, within a

month, Mother managed to bring my sister and me to Orono to live

with her parents.


Mother

 

Like her parents, my mother must have been a remarkable person.

Unfortunately for me, because she was forty-one years old when I was

born and because of illness and tragedy, she had lost much of her

sparkle in the days when I knew her well.

Mother was two years old when Grandpa was called to Orono. She was

the first of five children, all the others being boys. She must,

therefore, have learned her homemaking skills early in life. She

graduated from the Maine State College in 1884, before she was

eighteen years old, and then went to New York where she became a

graduate of Melville Dewey's first class when he founded his library

school, which later became part of Columbia University.

This training qualified her for one of the first professions open to

ladies. She spent some time cataloging university libraries, among

them, I remember, Michigan and Pennsylvania State. She was employed

in the same capacity at Maine for a year or so and then, in 1890,

became the first fulltime librarian there. She also inaugurated and

taught a course in Library Science.

Mother retired from these duties to be married in 1897 and went to

Spokane, Washington, with my father. My only sister was born in 1898

 

Mother 16

and I made my appearance nearly ten years later. After father's

death in the following year, Mother, with the two children, returned

to Orono. My sister died just before her twelfth birthday in 1910.

After Grandpa died in 1916, Mother and Grandma devoted the rest of

their lives primarily to raising me; not an easy task as I was

headstrong and Father did not leave a very large estate.

Mother was an excellent musician. She had had, I was told, a fine

singing voice with a range of more than three octaves. She called

herself a mezzo-soprano but could sustain any quality from alto to

coloratura. Unfortunately she had lost most of this talent by the

time I was old enough to be interested. Mother was also a remarkable

pianist. She was the only person I ever knew who could

simultaneously sightread and transpose difficult music, so that she

could play in any desired key. She owned, for some reason, one of

the rare Norris and Hyde pianos with a transposing keyboard, a

device that slid the keyboard as much as half an octave in either

direction. She never used this feature her self, finding it better

to transpose the music mentally, but the piano was a great source of

interest to me.

Mother had a fine collection of sheet music, classical and romantic.

There was certainly nothing more "popular" than, say, Massenet or

perhaps Ethelbert Nevin. Because she liked variety and had such a

fine collection, she never troubled to memorize anything. I came to

grieve over this habit because, by the time I was in High School,

she was developing cataracts and could no longer read music. Rather

than try to satisfy herself with second rate playing, she simply

gave up the piano and never touched it again, although she kept it

meticulously tuned for my ineffectual efforts to learn to play it.

Mother, as befitted a former librarian, was an omnivorous reader and

either she or my grandparents, or both, had assembled an excellent

library with sets of Scott, Thackeray, Dickens, Stevenson, and so

on. There were also large numbers of reference works and

biographies, and Grandpa's books on mathematics and physics, from

which I practically learned to read. The nineteenth and early

twentieth century novelists were all there, as far as Joseph Conrad

and William J. Locke. I am sure that there were no speed reading

courses in those days. If there had been, Mother should have taught

them. I never knew her to spend more than an hour reading a novel

and, to keep from wasting time, she was always knitting as she read.

It seemed to me that she would turn a page after each dozen

stitches. I used to make a game of reading, much more slowly, the

same books and trying (by what I hoped was clever questioning) to

find some detail she had missed. The invariable result was that she

had not only appreciated everything that I found, but also learned a

few things that I had not.

 

 

Mother 17

I should mention "The Skimmers" as it was a book club that might

well have been more widely imitated. I believe that Mother and

Professor Stevens were among its founders in the 1890s. The club

consisted of forty families and was divided, for convenience, into

eight groups of five near neighbors. During the summer, a selection

committee would buy forty new books of current interest. In the

fall, each book was kept by a family for a week and then passed on

to the next family on the list. On every fifth Monday I (as a child

of a group leader) would collect the five books in the group and

take them to the next group leader, and also distribute the five

books that were passed to us. At the end of the college year, each

family had read, or at least had had access to, all forty books. The

year ended with a party and an auction at which the books were sold,

usually for about half of the purchase price. Thus, unless one

wished to buy some of the books to keep, the cost for reading all

forty was about half the price of the average book, or a dollar or

so. The list of subscribers and groups was kept on a bookplate in

each book, so that the sequence was available to all. The bookplate

was charming and I am sorry I do not know who drew the decorated

heading. It gave the name "The Skimmers", supported by a milkmaid on

one side and a cat with a bowl of cream on the other. Occasionally

someone would fail to pass on a book on Monday, so that it was

necessary for a child to go to extract it, but in general there was

little difficulty of this kind. The club was still operating when I

left Orono in 1933, and I still miss it.

Mother's cataracts, of course, ultimately brought her reading to an

end. One eye was finally operated on, but not too successfully. In

her last few years, she could read the spots on a deck of cards but

not much else. As a result she spent most of her time playing

solitaire. I think she once claimed that she knew 140 different

games. When I was available, we played thousands of games of

cribbage. This was her favorite and worked very well as I could do

the pegging for both of us. She was also very fond of Russian Bank,

but I never mastered its intricacies well enough to give her a

stimulating game.

Mother suffered severely from diabetes which greatly reduced her

weight from what it had been in her happily married days. I do not

think that she ever admitted this illness perhaps because, although

insulin had been discovered before she died, there was no real

treatment for the disease available in Orono. I, at least, only

learned the nature of her trouble at the time of her final illness,

which fortunately did not last long.

My grief at remembering Mother comes largely from having known her

only at this dull and uninteresting end of a life that must have

begun in, for its era, a very exciting and stimulating way.

Fortunately, after I had been away for much of the time for four

 

Mother / Sister 15 18

years, I, with my first wife and Mother's first grandchild, was back

in Orono with her for the last year or two of her life.


Sister

 

My only sister, Margaret, was nearly ten years older than I. I

barely remember her, as she died of rheumatic fever when I was two

and a half years old. I do recall one or two things about Margaret.

The most distinct is an occasion when I was guest of honor (or, more

likely, a substitute for a doll) at a children's tea party with a

miniature tea set, at a little table on our front porch. I remember

that there was a total of four at the party, and I like to think

that the other guests were Elizabeth Chase and Barbara Dunn, as

these were the two of Margaret's friends whom I knew best in later

years.

 


3.

 

Boyhood

 

When I was four years old, Mother took me on a winter and spring

trip to visit various relatives, but I remember only a few

vignettes. My only recollection of this first visit to Cambridge

where Uncle Merritt was Professor of Botany, is of falling out of

the strange bed and rolling under it, thereby creating something of

a furor. In New York (where Uncle Rex was an executive of the Ginn

and Company publishing house and therefore the source of many fine

boys' books while I was growing up) I have a clear recollection of

playing in the park on River side Drive, close to the Soldiers' and

Sailors' Monument, and watching the ships in the Hudson River. I

also remember a very pretty scene, at the old Hippodrome, where a

complete sailboat rose slowly from the water in the stage pool, with

a number of bathing beauties clinging to the rigging.

We must have spent some time in Chicago, for I had my only taste of

Kindergarten there, and I remember seeing a tremendous sea turtle in

the Field Museum, as well as a giraffe most of which was on the

first floor but whose head extended up through a hole and could be

seen in an upstairs gallery. This must also have been the museum in

which I saw the walrus and asked for the carpenter. In Chicago we

were visiting two maiden sisters of my father, Mary, a

schoolteacher, and Imogene Pierce, who was the longtime secretary of

the Poetry League of America, or of some other institution with a

similar name. At Wausau, Wisconsin, we visited Aunt "Allie" Edmonds,

her husband, and my only paternal cousins. My only recollection

there is of wading and sailing a toy boat in a flooded area that

should have been part of the vegetable garden.

I remember very little of my early school years, except that I never

learned to write well. I was naturally left handed, at least in

writing, and I grew up in an unfortunate era when teachers could not

decide whether to convert me or leave me alone. The problem seemed

to be a matter of local option in each grade and, in the various

years, I was changed back and forth too much. I can at least testify

that left handed Palmer Method is a total failure.

I was supposed to be "delicate" and I surely did have more chest

colds and fevers than most of my friends. I recall several weeks in

a dark room when I had the measles. Fortunately this happened at

Christmas and sympathy with my being sick at that time brought forth

an unusual number of presents. It was arranged that every hour

Mother would bring in a clothesbasket of wrapped gifts. I could

 

Toys and Such 20

select one if I either took my medicine or drank a glass of milk.

The basket was replenished regularly and remained full, I think, for

my entire period of convalescence.

I had a protracted illness when I was in the fifth grade. I do not

believe that it was especially serious, but I am sure that Mother

and Grandma worried about rheumatic fever., In any case, I was kept

at home for two or three months and my school assignments were

brought to me. The studies went so well that I was encouraged to

skip a grade when I went back to school. This I still regard as a

serious mistake, for it brought me to college at too early an age,

when I was not ready to take full advantage of the opportunities. It

was an easy error to make as, growing up in a highly literate

family, I had learned to read before I started school and never

found my studies very difficult. My best lessons, outside of the

home, probably came from roaming the woods and fields, building toy

boats and kites, and helping friends who had the luck to live on a

farm. My finest boat was probably an alleged model of the America's

Cup defender "Resolute". My toy took to the name so well that on her

maiden voyage she sailed so straight and so sturdily up the river

that I never saw her again. At least she was a beautiful sight as

she disappeared in the distance.

The kite I remember best was related to the "Resolute". I made

mostly tailless bow kites, but this one was an old-fashioned

hexagonal model about eight feet tall and covered with brown

wrapping paper because I could find nothing else in large enough

sheets. I had to borrow a neighbor's barn floor to assemble it and

enlist a pair of friends to help fly it. After it had towed us

across two or three fields, with some damage to us at the

intervening barbedwire fences, we finally had to tie it to a fence

post as we could not assemble enough boypower to get it down. It

flew from the fence post for three days before it finally carried

away and disappeared during the night.

I soon developed a knack for originating toys that had some local

popularity. The earliest was probably a line of toy boats, and even

submarines, with rubber bands for power and with propellers cut out

of old tin cans. These, in general, were much more successful than

my attempts at model airplanes, and were widely imitated. A more

lethal device was a slingshot mounted on a narrow board with a

trigger mechanism and sights. Since this separated the problems of

stretching and aiming, it had excellent accuracy, especially when we

could find a supply of buckshot or steel balls for ammunition. One

of my friends who built an especially powerful version of this

weapon claimed that he saw a bird fly into a bush a quarter of a

mile away. He said that he let fly at the bush and killed the bird,

but he was recognized as the most stalwart liar in the gang.

 

 

Toys and Such 21

Another exaggerated toy was a broadbladed propeller launched from a

string wrapped spool. Our version was made of heavy gauge galvanized

iron that we found somewhere. These devices were a foot or so in

diameter and could fly 200 yards and still out a swath a dozen yards

long in a hayfield when they came down. Another unlikely toy was a

dart half an inch in diameter and twelve or fifteen inches long,

feathered like an arrow and with a darning needle inserted in its

nose. These could be thrown a hundred feet or more but with dubious

accuracy. Strangely, I can not recall any one being seriously

injured by any of these gadgets. Possibly providence takes special

care of children and fools when they are combined in the same

individuals.

One of my close friends, geographically as well as emotionally, was

Sam Clark. Sam was, in one era, cursed with having to come home from

whatever we were doing at 4:OO P.M. to feed a dozen or two of hens.

We never found out why the hens needed their food at four rather

than at some convenient time, but this fact forced us to devise an

electrical solution to the problem. We hung a board, pivoted at one

edge, along the roof of the small henhouse, with the other edge

supported by a catch that could be tripped by a solenoid. The

solenoid was actuated by a battery connected through the hands of an

old Ingersoll dollar watch set, of course, to trigger at four

o'clock. We could then arrange the feed for the hens along the board

so that it would drop into the middle of the floor at the required

time. We thought this was wonderful, but Sam's father vetoed the

idea because the food was supposed to be mixed with the chips on the

floor so that the hens would have to scratch for their meal. This

ruling required another burst of invention. We placed another wide

board against one wall of the hen house. This extended parallel to

the floor, which it almost touched, and was hinged at the top edge.

An arm, fixed to the board, extended horizontally out through a slot

in the wall. Fortunately that side of the hen house was supported on

posts and was several feet above the ground. We could then attach a

heavy weight (supported by another trigger mechanism we had linked

to the first board) through a rope several feet long to the outboard

end of the lever arm. Thus, when the food was dropped in the hen

house the weight also dropped but had farther to go than did the

food. The net result was that the food reached the floor and was

immediately covered by a flying cloud of chips that been piled

against the board along the wall. This device passed inspection by

Sam's father, but unfortunately the problem of reliability raised

its head within a few days. The heavy current for the solenoid

burned the hands off the watch and, since we could not afford

another watch and no one seemed to have an alarm clock that was not

needed, the experiment came to an untimely end.

My most enduring interest was radio, beginning when Harold Hamlin

let me listen to signals on a set he had made in 1916 or 1917.

 


Beginning with Radio 22

Thereafter I was always trying to make a receiver that would work.

There was, of course, no money for any such foolishness so my coils

were, at first, the traditional Quaker Oats boxes wound with wire

taken from abandoned Ford Model T spark coils. I tried many kinds of

detectors, none very successfully (partly, of course, because few

stations were audible in Maine before 1920). Fortunately our upright

telephone had the old fashioned receiver with exposed binding posts.

I could disconnect it and take it upstairs to try to detect a

signal, but had to be careful to hear the telephone if it rang so

that I could get the receiver back before Grandma tried to answer

the call. My explosive descents of the stairs with the receiver

eventually called attention to what was going on, and after a few

months (when it was clear that my interest had not subsided) money

was found for a secondhand set of head phones.

I somehow induced the old Federal Radio Commission to grant me an

amateur transmitting license before I was thirteen. This did not

really do much for me for two or three years, but by 1923 I had

amassed a little equipment that really worked. Between then and 1927

I was fairly active, making the "brasspounder's league" occasionally

by relaying a considerable number of messages and engaging in a

little of the excitement of the first amateur transatlantic

communications. I surely wasted far too much time and money on

amateur radio before I first left Orono, but I feel that it taught

me some interesting and probably useful things.

I had had to wear glasses to correct astigmatism from the time when

I was seven or eight years old. In those days, this alone

disqualified me for most sports. As a result, tennis was the only

sport I ever became at all proficient in, and I gave that up at

about twenty after a shoulder dislocation made it impossible to play

for a couple of years. Before I "retired" I became able to brag of

having played a set with Big Bill Tilden, the most famous player of

the era, who happened to visit the wealthy family of a friend.

Through Mr. Tilden's kindness, I won one game. I fenced for a year

in college finding, oddly, that the foil felt more natural to my

left hand although my tennis was righthanded. I had a pair of skis,

left over from an uncle, and spent much time on them. It was chiefly

cross country skiing, although I did steal some practice on the

college ski jump.

Through my high school years I had, like Tom Sawyer, a way of

getting out at night without disturbing my family. Mine was over a

shed roof and down an antenna pole. It was a great joy when I

discovered that I could climb up the outside of the little college

observatory, open the slide in the roof, and get in. Thereafter I

spent most of many nights there becoming fairly proficient at using

the telescope, although I really never did anything very useful with

it. Curiously, no one ever disturbed me at this practice. I have

 

Schooling 23

often wondered what, if anything, my family (or anyone else except

the occasional boy I took with me) may have known about it.

High School itself seems to have left very few noteworthy

impressions. I took the "classical" course with all the math and

science (except biology) I could get. I had four years of Latin and

three of French, neither of which has stood by me very well. At

least the inscriptional Latin I find on various walls at Harvard

seems to be a closed book to me, and although I read French well

enough for my scientific purposes I have never been able to maintain

a conversation in it. I feel sure that I knew more Physics than my

teachers, and probably made that fact evident, but they never seemed

to resent it.

One episode in High School amused me greatly at the time although I

have since become less proud of it. In our senior year one of the

major assignments in English was a composition in fictional form.

This seemed to terrify the ten or twelve others in the class. Being

goodnatured, or soft, I agreed to help someone and the news spread.

The result was that I eventually wrote all of the dozen stories

myself, varying the subject matter, style, and even orthography in

accordance with my estimates of my comrades' abilities. The effort

seemed to be successful, as everyone received about his normal grade

on the composition. Two of the best were, I think, used in the

school yearbook, and I never heard of any repercussions from the

management.

I was, as tacitly insisted upon by my family, class valedictorian. I

seem to remember that my speech must have been in the best

nineteenth century tradition, and I am sorry that I do not have a

copy of it. It would today, I am sure, be supremely funny. This last

minor triumph marked the end of the period when all my studies were

easy for me. Henceforth, it would be necessary to do more studying.

My well formed superiority complex actually lasted just a little

longer. Maine had recently adopted the "Freshman Week" idea, and I

took a number of placement exams in the hope of being excused from

freshman courses or at least of being assigned to advanced sections

of them. I remember receiving the highest score in the class in the

general intelligence test I think it was the old Army Alpha but this

did not please me as much as the results of my exams in English and

Math. In the Math I found everything relatively easy except for a

mental block that prevented my seeing how to attack the proposition

that two triangles are equal if the three sides of one are equal to

the three sides of the other. I left a blank page until I had

finished the rest of the exam, and then went, back with no relief

from the block. In some agony I wrote the first equation or two and

put down the correct final statement with several blank lines in

between. At the end of the examination period I quickly filled in

 

College and Troubles 24

several statements of identity that may or may not have had anything

to do with the problem, and wrote "Q.E.D." at the end. The English

exam was primarily composition under an assigned title. At the

moment I could produce nothing whatever except a love story that was

as torrid as could be put on paper in Maine in 1924. Both efforts

were successful, as I was admitted to Sophomore classes. I never

heard anything about the Mathematics but an English instructor later

told me that I was admitted to advanced standing not because of my

ability in composition but "because of my emotional maturity" a joke

if I ever heard one. In retrospect, of course, I realize that none

of these results could have been good for me. I would probably have

been better off if Freshman Week had not been invented until later,

and I had been allowed more time to mature and to think as I

progressed.

My freshman year in college went reasonably well. My grades were not

as high as they had been in high school but were quite satisfactory.

I do not believe that tennis could have been recognized as a sport

because, to avoid Physical Training, I tried to shoot on the

freshman rifle team and to run cross-country. In neither enterprise

did I enjoy conspicuous success. My cross-country was especially

discouraging because I would come in after my usual 30 or 31 minutes

and find that Ernie Ridlon, who was, I think, about to become ICAAAA

champion, had not only showered but might have gotten fully dressed

while I was laboring through the last half mile.

In the summer of 1925 I had an odd accident. While walking with a

friend one Sunday afternoon, he called my attention to something

unusual about the construction of a small culvert beside a telephone

pole. I swung around to the far side of the pole and collided with a

climber's spike that was set much too low on the pole. The

relatively sharp edge on the head of the spike caught me just at the

hair line. The wound bled copiously, ruining the best pair of white

flannel trousers I ever had, but otherwise seemed to do no great

damage. A few days later, however, I began to develop severe

headaches. I soon found that if I were exercising somewhat

strenuously I might have blank periods when I could not remember

what I had been doing for half an hour or more. These symptoms

brought my summer activities to an almost complete stop. The only

medical advice seemed to be "rest", so I did nothing memorable until

college opened in the fall. This started well but after a few weeks

I found that an hour's study would blur my vision until the words on

a printed page might completely disappear. This effect, with the

accompanying headaches, made college an impossibility, so I dropped

out after a few weeks of my sophomore year.

For a while, in the winter, I found a job sorting dowels in a small

woodworking mill in western Maine (at $12.00 for a forty-eight hour

week) but I was called back from this because Grandma had a serious

 

More About My "Small" Accident 25

attack of pneumonia. She surprised everyone by recovering, and I

stayed at home the rest of the spring and summer doing practically

nothing.

I tried college again the next fall, with much the same result as in

the previous year, except that the serious symptoms were slower in

developing. I think I lasted until December, this time. It was

obvious that I had to find an outdoor job, or at least one that did

not require much close eyesight. Grandma found me a place through

one of her friends among the Maine alumni, who was in charge of a

valuation survey for the New York, New Haven, and Hartford Railroad.

As a result I reported in March, 1927, to a field group that was

working in New Haven, Connecticut.


4.

The New Haven Railroad

 

It seems that the Interstate Commerce Commission had finally forced

the railroad to make a complete physical inventory of its property,

including a number of street railway companies in Connecticut and

Massachusetts. I found myself to be a chainman in a survey group

that was beginning work on the Connecticut Company. This started by

measuring the lengths of the tracks, then estimating the weights of

rails, the number of ties, the amounts of steel and concrete in

bridges, and so on. The job was to operate one end of a hundred-foot

steel tape, always holding it accurately against a mark and applying

what was supposed to be a fourteen pound pull, for mile after mile

through the city streets and out to the end of each trolley line.

For this, I was paid $27.57 per week plus an allowance of $18.00 a

week for living expenses, as the group was theoretically based in

Boston. This was real luxury because one could live easily on the

$27.57 while the expense money was paid monthly. Thus, in the first

week of each month there was nearly a hundred dollars ready to be

blown. I remember well one of the first times this happened. Page

Sanderson, my closest new friend and later roommate, and I decided

to see Coney Island. We went down after work ended at noon on

Saturday and went through the amusement park in complete detail. If

the next concession was a game we played it, or if it was food we

ate it. The enterprise took until about sunrise and cost us (ten or

fifteen cents at a time) over a hundred dollars each. Somehow we got

home again before we collapsed, and I think we were able to report

for work on Monday. I have never, to tell the truth, cared much for

an amusement park since then.

One of the perquisites of this job was an all-station pass on the

railroad. These were rare, but were granted to us because, in

theory, there was no telling where we might be assigned next. Thus

we could freely roam between Boston and New York whenever time

permitted; and, at twenty years of age, time permitted quite a lot.

The "white" all station pass was very powerful, perhaps because

conductors tended to think that the youngsters who carried them had

to be relatives of directors of the railroad. The passes even worked

fairly reliably on other roads than the New Haven. The technique was

to display the pass prominently in a billfold from which one

halfheartedly offered to extract money to pay a cash fare. About

four times out of five the conductor would pass on to the next

passenger. Much the same thing would happen if one wished to take a

girl with him. The conductor would seldom collect for the girl's

fare, especially if she could be induced to wear a Woolworth wedding

ring. This pass meant that I could go to Boston or New York very

 

The New Haven Railroad 27

frequently and could often visit Mother and Grandma in Orono at

little or no cost, unless I were in funds and chose to go by

Pullman. It was, I seem to recall, seldom that I spent a weekend in

New Haven.

In Bridgeport I barely escaped a serious accident. We were surveying

an area where the railroad viaduct crossed over a street that had

trolley tracks. We needed to find the intersection of the

centerlines and determine the angle between them. Because there were

four busy railroad tracks we tried to work rapidly on the viaduct,

which led to my taking notes in a book on my knee while holding one

end of a steel tape. To keep the tape tight with one hand, I found

myself squatting in the depression between tracks and steadying the

hand holding the tape against the nearest rail. Because a long

freight train was thundering by on the furthest track, I failed to

hear the approach of a fast passenger train on the track against

which I was leaning. The first I knew of its presence was when the

cylinder of the locomotive knocked my hat off while the wheels

skinned three knuckles of the hand against the rail. I had no time

to be frightened but the others in the group, who had heard the

locomotive whistling at me and had been shouting warnings I did not

hear, were all in bad shape. The boss of the crew, Mr. Byron Nelson,

from a vantage point fifty yards away, had seen the situation

developing and claimed that he had had time enough to start drafting

a letter of condolence to my family. He, I think, sustained such an

emotional shock that he was unable to work for a day or two.

It was also in Bridgeport that I had the most instantaneous surprise

I ever had. Some trolley tracks ran through the yard of an abandoned

power plant at the edge of the harbor, and one or two tracks

extended into the building. At this time I was taking notes with two

of the other boys surveying for me. After an hour or more of writing

in the notebook in the brilliant sunshine, we went into the building

to see what tracks were inside. I was almost blind in the dim light.

One of my friends followed the caretaker and I followed a few yards

behind him, able to see only his white shirt. I realized later that

he had walked down the center of a large room and then turned to go

through a door at a corner. I suppose I unconsciously turned toward

the door too soon. Whatever the reason, at one instant I was walking

quietly on a solid cement floor and at the next I found myself

submerged in a foul tasting viscous pool. One good stroke with the

notebook brought me to the surface and my friends pulled me out in a

highly bedraggled condition. I then found that the large room

consisted mostly of two large pits that had previously underlain

engines and generators and that were now full of a mixture of old

engine oil and sea water. My "solid cement floor" was actually only

a catwalk between the pits. This episode did me no harm except to

ruin my clothes and keep me washing stains out of my hair for a day

or two. I had to launder my money before the bank would exchange it,

 

The New Haven Railroad 28

and fortunately the railroad bought me a new suit.

Near this old power plant was the yard where I had a chance to climb

over and through the "Nautilus". This was one of Simon Lake's early

submarines that had been acquired and modified by Sir Hubert Wilkins

for his abortive effort to reach the North Pole under the ice. I was

fascinated by some of Sir Hubert's devices, especially wheels that

would permit the submarine to creep along the bottom, and air locks

through which divers could get out to explore the environment,

exactly as in "Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea".

* * *

 

I witnessed a very touching sight in 1930, when I was working in the

old South Station office building in Boston. In that year the

American Legion, then at the height of its numbers and enthusiasm,

held its national convention in Boston, highlighted by a great

parade. I walked up Summer Street in time to watch the beginning of

this. There was some delay in getting the cars for the dignitaries

properly organized, so an Army regiment was sent ahead, apparently

to give the crowd something to watch. This group was then formed

into a long line along the curb to allow the dignitaries to pass by,

and it happened that I found myself on the sidewalk just opposite

the colors. After a time the cars began to come past but again some

delay occurred up ahead. This forced the open car bearing General

Pershing and General Giraud, a French World War I hero, to stop

exactly in front of me. The generals had, of course, interrupted

their conversation to salute the colors just as the car stopped. I

was greatly impressed to see that the two old gentlemen held their

salutes, without the faintest sign of surprise or irritation, for

ten or fifteen minutes. When the car started again the generals

terminated their salutes and turned toward each other to resume

their talk. Ever since this sight I have felt it imcumbent upon me

to be meticulous in saluting the flag whenever I watch a parade.


General Pershing

In all, I spent somewhat more than four years working for the

railroad: one year in New Haven, one divided between Bridgeport and

Hartford, one in Boston, and a final one back in New Haven. As my

eyes gradually improved, I was promoted through the ranks of Rodman

and Computer to Recorder. The first two years required primarily

outdoor work but after that there was more and more done at the

desk. I became a skillful comptometer operator and for a long time

preferred the comptometer to an electronic calculator for some

operations. In 1930, as the depression deepened, I was notified of

my discharge. This did not actually take place for a rather

depressing reason. On what was supposed to be my last day I went to

 

General Pershing 29

the office to clear out my desk and found that one of the draftsmen,

depressed by investment worries, had committed suicide the night

before. Because I had had an excellent course in mechanical drawing

in high school, I did not hesitate to accept the management's

decision to convert me into a draftsman. Perhaps the financial

emergency became less acute, or perhaps my drawing was not very

good. In any case, after two or three months I found myself doing

about what I had done before.

Through a friend I had met in my freshman year at college, who had

dropped out and was working in the Boston area, I had met, in 1927,

Marion Rogers of Pawtucket, Rhode Island. Thereafter I used my

railroad pass frequently for trips to Providence. We were married in

early 1929, stimulation that meant a great deal to me. A daughter,

Martha Jane, was born in 1930 and did much to keep her parents

together.

 


End of My Work for the Railroad

During my last year with the railroad, I lived with my small family

in West Haven, Connecticut. One of my clearest evidences of single-

mindedness or possibly of some less desirable characteristic comes

from this period. When Marion and I required a babysitter, our usual

one was a schoolgirl named Marian Bergeron who lived a few blocks

away. When we got back from a movie, it was my duty to walk home

with the sitter. This, I remember, I regarded as a nuisance, and I

am sure I never noticed the girl except as a convenience to whom we

paid small fees from time to time. My lack of normal male powers of

observation was revealed, a year after we left West Haven, when our

former baby sitter went to Atlantic City and became Miss America.

In 1930 and early 1931, my remaining symptoms of eye trouble cleared

up completely and quickly. It was easy to tell, after the fact, that

a blood clot had finally dissolved. This brought an intense desire

to finish my college courses, so in 1931 I left the railroad and

returned to Orono. The college career had another setback when a

major attack of quinsy kept me out of school for three months in the

fall of 1931. I had to drop part of my courses, and from then on it

was a question whet her the two years I had budgeted for, with my

meager savings and a thousand dollars I had borrowed from Mother,

would be enough to let me earn the necessary credits. The financial

situation grew worse with Mother's death in 1932, as she was able to

leave me almost nothing beyond the money I had borrowed. I finally

came to the end of that money and the little I had been able to

borrow from other sources, with about ten semester hours still

lacking. Throughout this period my wife declined to help by finding

a job or, so far as I can recall, by doing anything to make my tasks

easier. Her main interest in this period was in playing a great deal

of contract bridge, part of which required an amount of my time that

 

End of My Work for the Railroad 30

might better have been spent in study. This was the beginning of my

realization of a "law" I have often tried to teach my graduate

students and others: that a married man can successfully pursue his

studies only if his wife desires the degree at least as much as he

does himself.

I tried very hard to get some kind of a job at the University of

Maine, for I felt a great deal of loyalty to it, but President Hauck

took no interest in my hopes. The depression was at its worst and I

was unable to find a job anywhere.


5.

 

The Telephone Company

The friend who had introduced me to Marion had returned to western

Maine and had taken over a small independent telephone company. He

needed cheap help, so I went to work with him in 1933, receiving no

pay but with food and shelter provided for my family. Along with

acting as linesmen, telephone operators, bill collectors, and

whatever other servants the little company needed, we tried to

develop a small radio business. We sold vacuum tubes on consignment

and built transmitters for radio amateurs and similar things

whenever we could find a customer, which was not often.

The telephone business had its interesting aspects. In those remote

days, telephone operators were helpful. Especially in a small town,

the operator knew almost everything anyone needed to find out. Calls

were never placed by number. A customer would say, "I want to talk

to George Tibbett", and the operator would reply, "He went into the

feed store about fifteen minutes ago. I'll try there". The feed

store might answer, "No. George just left here. He said he was going

to ask Jim Healy about fixing his plow". A call to Jim would

probably provide the required communication all done in two or three

minutes.

Listening on party lines was commonplace, and often a trial to the

operators, especially when a long distance call came in so weakly

that it really could not operate several receivers. It surprised me

to discover that, with experience, "central" could usually tell who

was listening. There are, of course, different sounds in different

houses: clocks ticking, children crying, footsteps on bare floors,

and so on. One would not suppose that, with the limited sensitivity

and poor frequency response of a telephone circuit, these background

noises would make up a unique signature for each house. They do so,

however, usually without the operator being at all conscious of the

clues. It was often, though not always, possible to say firmly,

"Aunt Susie, get off the line!", and have the order promptly

followed by a bang of the receiver having all of the quality of

profanity.

The company had copper wire connecting it to Portland and Boston but

most of the lines, some of which extended forty miles back into the

country, were of iron wire which had much greater losses. I became a

good lineman from the exercise of my duties in removing tree limbs

and repairing broken wires. Some of these lines ran to hunting

camps. In the autumn, these camps would be full of wealthy hunters

 

The Repeater 32

who tried to keep in touch with their New York brokers. As they

could seldom hear their correspondents wall enough, these calls

became long and confused sessions with one or more operators forced

to repeat messages in a jargon they did not understand. We decided

that we had to build a repeater. The problem with a telephone

repeater is to send the signal from either end of the line onward to

the other end of the line in amplified form, but not to send the

amplified signal back toward its source.

This is done by having two amplifiers (one for each direction) and

by matching the electrical impedance of each line in an artificial,

or "dummy", line. These elements are connected in an electrical

bridge so that each amplified output is balanced out to nearly zero

on the incoming line. Under perfect conditions, this can be done

with great precision. In our case the line impedance changed with

the temperature of the iron wire, while the leakage varied

tremendously depending upon how many tree branches lay across the

line and how wet they were. The only workable mechanism was to

provide some adjustments in the characteristics of the dummy lines

and to have a gain control that could be advanced manually as much

as possible without creating an oscillation, or "singing", when too

much amplified energy was fed back toward its source.

We built such a device and installed it on top of the central

switchboard with the gain control within comfortable reach. When two

subscribers had difficulty in understanding each other, we would

switch in the repeater and increase the gain until we could

recognize the hollow and slightly reverberant sound that was the

last stage before the system burst into oscillation. It all really

worked very well, providing communication under conditions that had

never permitted it before. Unfortunately, however, we were not able

to keep this device in operation very long. Most of the cases when

we needed it were, of course, on long distance calls. It rapidly

became obvious that whenever an AT&T operator in Portland, Boston,

or even New York tipped her switch to monitor a call she spoiled our

delicate balance of forces and was invariably greeted by a loud

oscillation. We tried our best to convince the long lines department

that our repeater really worked very well and that everything would

be fine if they would only keep their operators off the line. This

could not be done, as we should have known, and by threatening not

to pay us our share of the toll charges they forced us to abandon

the repeater after two or three months. For at least one full

hunting season, however, our customers had had exceptional service.

One of the more powerful Maine politicians arranged to have the

Civilian Conservation Corps (a depression era effort to take boys

off the street and employ them under quasi-military conditions in

useful public works) build him an improved road to his hunting camp.

This reconstruction required us to move a quarter of a mile of

 

C. C. C. Boys 33

telephone line from one side of a road to the other. It was arranged

that the CCC would provide the labor. On the appointed morning I met

the crew which, for some reason, consisted of about fifteen boys

from Bridgeport, Connecticut, who, it soon appeared, could not even

climb a pole with a ladder. I therefore set them to digging. I went

down the road with a shovel and turned a sod at each point where I

wanted one of the dozen poles to go. I told them to make the holes

eight feet deep, which is usually by no means easy in the rocky

Maine soil. I then went off to climb the poles and detach the wires

from the insulators, so that the poles could be taken down when the

time came. This kept me busy for an hour or more. When I came back

to the first hole I found it a thing of considerable beauty. It was

a full eight feet deep and had absolutely smooth sides and bottom,

without a loose pebble anywhere. Its only defect was that it had

about the proportions of a twelve quart pail and looked large enough

to serve as a grave for an elephant. I read the boys a lecture about

how a hole should be fourteen inches in diameter and again absented

myself for a while. When I returned I found the later holes getting

better and better. The last hole of all was the best, but at that

time it was only three or four feet deep. At that level the boys had

encountered a rook. Dropping a crowbar on it, could tell by the

sound that the only wise move would be to abandon that hole and try

another a few feet away. The boys were, however, all full of

enthusiasm for their increasing skill, so I thought their training

would be best improved by leaving them to their own devices. When I

thought it safe to come back I found a beautiful hole of the proper

depth and no more than eighteen inches in diameter. The only anomaly

was that on the surface beside the hole was a boulder of nearly the

size and roughly the shape of an overstuffed arm chair. To this day

I cannot imagine how the boys got this stone out of the hole with

only crowbars and shovels. Even more amazing was the repair work on

the hole which was perfect, the sod around it looking as though it

had never been disturbed. I was sure I would lose face if I enquired

how they had done it all, so I complimented them on the diameter of

the hole and we went on to finish the job.

 

* * *

 

One April afternoon I acquired a totally undeserved reputation as a

swimmer. I had been searching for a short circuit on one of the iron

wire lines thirty miles from home. It happened that the line crossed

the Dead River (in a region now at the bottom of Flagstaff Lake)

midway between two bridges that were ten or twelve miles apart. I

made a resistance measurement in the neighborhood of the first

bridge and thought that the road up the eastern side of the river

would bring me to the location of the trouble. When I climbed a pole

near the river crossing I found that I had been wrong; the short was

 

C. C. C. Boys 34

only a hundred yards away, but on the other side of the river. As it

was nearing sunset I was in a hurry to finish, and I hated to think

of the tenmile drive to either of the bridges and back on the other

side. The river was only a hundred feet wide and looked placid

enough. A sloping granite shelf extended well out into the river,

and I thought that I could wade across. I stripped down to my

undershirt but kept my trousers and lineman's climbers on, because I

would need them as I would my belt full of tools, and waded into the

river. The water was fearfully cold, as it certainly had been snow

until a day or so before, and was flowing at a rate that was not

indicated by the placid surface. By the time I had waded in up to my

hips, the current swept me off the rocky shelf and deposited me in a

deep pool. My best efforts to swim did me little good because of all

the weight on my legs, and the current swept me rapidly downstream.

As my strength was about gone, the river brought me near a large

rock and, by a last strenuous effort, I got close enough to catch a

rough spot and swing into the lee of the stone. I gasped for a

minute or two, and then climbed on the rock and found myself more

than half way across. After resting as long as the cold allowed, I

made my best racing dive which carried me far enough to be able to

wade ashore on the other side of the river. My pride then forced me

to climb the river bank and then the pole and fix the trouble on the

line.

While on the pole I had time to consider what to do next. The road

on that side of the river was very little used and the chance of

meeting a car before I froze seemed very remote. There was one house

in that region, only a hundred yards away, but it was dark and, I

assumed, deserted. After some thought I worked my way upstream until

I was a quarter of a mile above my original starting point and in an

area where there were no obvious rocks and whirlpools. I searched

the bank until I found a nice four-foot piece of dried pulpwood and

took it down the bank of the river. My idea was to keep the log

under my arm and paddle across, letting the current take me

downstream as far as it cared to while I conserved my strength. I

had neglected to notice that the river curved, and I soon discovered

that the bank was just as steep under water as it was above it. I

was almost immediately in deep water and the current set in toward

the bank so strongly that I was carried a couple of hundred yards

downstream before I could get more than five or six yards from

shore. As this did not seem to be getting me anywhere, I decided to

paddle back to the "wrong" shore and study the situation some more.

This, I should have realized, did not work either, because my

equipment and pulpwood made for very poor swimming. By the time this

was clear, the river had taken me down into the region where I had

had my original troubles and, before I realized what was happening,

it swept me into a whirlpool and snatched my pulpwood away from me.

This left me trying to swim again, but in a much worse state of cold

and fatigue. It wasn't long before my legs went straight down and

 

The Dead River 35

fortunately touched a large rock. Before the current swept me off

this I had a moment to relax my cramping muscles and take a deep

breath or two. This surge of strength carried me for another

fraction of a minute. When my legs went down again they luckily

touched bottom enough to let me push myself toward the "right" shore

and then find that I could wade out. Back at the car, I put on all

the clothes I had and turned the heater up to maximum. By the time I

had driven to the nearest village, my teeth did not chatter too much

and I was. beginning to believe that I might not freeze to death. My

pride driving me again, I went into the general store to carry out

the usual routine of telephoning headquarters to report the trouble

cleared, and to enjoy the heat from the potbellied stove that was

fortunately running at dull red heat. The loafers sitting around the

stove of course showed some curiosity as I came in dripping. I

explained, as casually as I could, that I had just swum across the

Dead River to fix a fault on the other side. This claim was greeted

by a chorus of guffaws, as everyone knew that nobody could swim the

river during the spring flood. I stayed in the store long enough to

get warm again, holding up my end as well as I could in a battle of

facetious comments, and then went home for a late dinner.

Fortunately for my reputation, it turned out that an old man was

living in the house I had thought deserted. He had seen me come up

over the river bank to fix the line and then go back into the river.

He reported this at the general store the next day, and my local

status gained immeasurably from his verification of my story.

There was one much more painful episode when I was repairing a line.

I had climbed a rather short pole and had just driven my spikes in

firmly and attached my safety belt when I was attacked by a cloud of

hornets. Because my feet were not more than three or four yards

above the ground, I simply cast off my belt and jumped and, I

believe, was running by the time I hit the ground. Despite my speedy

reaction, I received thirty-five or forty stings and was sick enough

to stay in bed for a few days. Later investigation revealed a half-

bushel sized paper nest hanging from a pine branch just above the

pole, and also a colony of carpenter wasps living in the pole, with

their entrance on the side I had not seen when I climbed.

We had some interesting times trying to convince the Maine State

Forestry Department that they should use UHF radio for communication

between fire towers. In those days, the telephone lines to the

towers consisted of twisted pair dragged up through the woods;

generally neither on the ground nor far above it. Whenever a tree

fell or a bear or moose passed by, the line was likely to be broken,

and repairs were, of course, very laborious and time consuming. We

thought that the amateur five meter band offered excellent prospects

for a demonstration of improved service, so we built two or three

transmitters and receivers and carried them up various mountains;

most often Mount Bigelow, which was conspicuous beside the Arnold

 

Radios for the Fire Towers 36

Trail. This mountain was named for one of Arnold's officers who

allegedly climbed it to see if he could see Quebec, but one is

inclined to think that maps must have been better than that, even in

Revolutionary days.

The fire wardens dearly loved our radios, and would chat with each

other by the hour at a high cost to us in the labor of carrying

fresh batteries up to them, but we never succeeded in getting the

State to buy any radios. This was a fine example of the difficulties

inherent in trying to implement a good idea before the world is

ready for it. In any case, we got plenty of exercise carrying

seventy or eighty pound packs of equipment and batteries up

mountains. This usually involved about three hours of strenuous

climbing, after walking perhaps as far as ten miles to get to the

base of the mountain.

Early in this enterprise I was surprised to make contact, while on

Mount Bigelow, with an amateur station operated equally temporarily

on Mount Cadillac near Bar Harbor. This station belonged to Mr.

Henry S. Shaw who, I found later, was the cofounder and Treasurer of

the General Radio Company in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and who had a

summer home in Maine. Mr. Shaw was a dilettante experimenter, very

much interested in the new ultra high frequencies, and we were both

excited about the relatively long range at which we had communicated

some thing approaching a hundred and twenty miles. I perhaps had

spoken to Mr. Shaw once or twice more by radio in the course of our

experiments, and I once met him briefly at a gathering of amateur

radio operators in Bar Harbor. These contacts, casual as they were,

would have a powerful effect upon my future.

Among the dozens of importunate letters I wrote was one to Mr. Shaw.

By return mail I received a post card from him saying, "I have

received your letter and am doing some investigating. I will write

you tomorrow". Twentyfour hours later I received the promised

letter, which was so delicately phrased that it was almost

ambiguous. It seemed to say that there might be a minor temporary

job open at Harvard. Only upon careful reading did the last

paragraph make it clear that all I needed to do was to go to

Cambridge and (for some reason I never understood) report to Mr.

David W. Mann, who was a very talented instrument maker in the shops

of the Jefferson Physical Laboratory. Needless to say I was on the

next available train to Boston. Mr. Mann, without much conversation,

took me to Harry Mimno, who was then Associate Professor of Physics

and Communication Engineering. Professor Mimno hired me for a six-

month trial period at $20.00 per week, a tolerable and deeply

welcome wage.


Henry S. Shaw 37

Mr. Shaw deserves more praise and thanks than I could ever give him,

so I may as well testify to his admirable qualities at this point,

although it was a number of years before I found out how much he had

done for me. He was one of the finest type of Boston Brahmins

(although he lived in Exeter, New Hampshire when I knew him) who

had, I think, always been moderately wealthy and who, like many of

his kind, believed in doing good by stealth. Shortly before

receiving my letter he had given Harvard two or three thousand

dollars to support some research in UHF radio. Since this project

would require hiring a technician, who had not yet been chosen,

Harvard was in no position to decline when Mr. Shaw suggested that

they try me. At the end of my six months, Professor Mimno was

apparently satisfied but was, like most research directors before

World War II, without funds. Mr. Shaw stepped into the breach and,

without my hearing of it until much later, contributed my salary for

the next two or three years. I never knew Mr. Shaw intimately,

although I saw him at the laboratory from time to time. He never

showed, by word or attitude, that he had ever done anything for me,

but was always politely interested in my progress. I gradually

learned that I was by no means alone as a recipient of his

benefactions. It was ultimately possible to learn that he

occasionally had identified promising young men in the General Radio

factory and set them up in business for themselves. He was the

guiding spirit and at least partially a financial backer for the

early radio and weather research at the top of Mount Washington,

leading to the present observatory there. His contributions to

Harvard may not have been large, in today's terms, but were frequent

and always intelligently applied to advance knowledge in the fields

in which he was interested.

 

* * *

Mr. Shaw's character is admirably expressed, to those who knew him,

by the biography he supplied when elected a Fellow of the Institute

of Radio Engineers. These biographies used to be published, for the

hundred or two that held this honor, in the directory of members of

the Institute, and most Fellows seized the opportunity to puff

themselves up a little. Mr. Shaw's biography stood alone against

this background. In full, it said:

"Henry.S. Shaw, Graduate, Harvard College, 1907"


 

6.

Early Years at Harvard

 

I found myself, in the fall of 1934, employed in an organization

known as "Cruft Laboratory" which took its name from a small

building officially known as "The Cruft High Tension Electrical

Laboratory". George Washington Pierce, later the Rumford professor

of physics, had assumed charge of this laboratory when it was built

in 1914 and continued as its director until World War II. Under his

leadership, one of the first hybrids between physics and engineering

was formed; an early exploration of the idea of a department of

applied physics. Harvard then had an Engineering School, and the

members of the faculty in Cruft had dual appointments as, say,

professor of physics and Communication Engineering, thus having

footholds in the Engineering School and in the College of Arts and

Sciences, which is always called simply "Harvard College", as

distinct from the various graduate schools. The instruction in Cruft

was entirely at the graduate level.

Professor Pierce, always known as "G.W.", had been interested in

radio from the 1890s onward and had, in 1910, published a well-known

book on the principles of wireless telegraphy. Under his

administration, it would have been more appropriate if the title of

the laboratory had used the words "high frequency" instead of "high

tension". The stalwarts of the organization, when I came, were

Professor E. Leon Chaffee, the great expert on high-power vacuum

tubes; professor Mimno, whose field was ionospheric radio wave

propagation; Dr. and later Professor Frederick V. Hunt, whose

catholic interests centered in acoustics; and Dr. Roger Hickman, who

later became Director of the physics Laboratories and Assistant Dean

of Arts and Sciences.

Cruft Laboratory was built, in part at least, to house a 100,000

volt storage battery which was used to provide an unusually stable

source of power for x-ray diffraction studies and other researches.

This battery was kept operating until World War II, when it was

dismantled largely because Doctors Hunt and Hickman had perfected

the electronic voltage regulator and the expensive battery was no

longer essential.

In 1931 Harvard, through the efforts of professor Theodore Lyman,

the Director of the Jefferson physical Laboratory, had built the

Research Laboratory of Physics. When Dr. Lyman retired, this

building was most appropriately renamed in his honor. A large part

of the Cruft organization was actually housed in the R.L.P.,

although it was operated entirely under the Cruft name.

 


Professor Mimno 39

 

Professor Mimno was a capable and quiet gentleman who had some of

the characteristics of Kipling's cat who walked by his wild lone. He

seldom discussed his plans before finding ways to bring them to

fruition. Although an excellent teacher and able administrator, his

greatest interest, I think, was in planning experiments and

designing equipment for them. Some of these projects were never

completed as, at times, Harry seemed to lose interest when the

constructional problems had been solved. It is possible that a

distaste for data taking and the actual writing of papers

contributed to his extreme selflessness in claiming scientific

credit. He was always a complete antithesis of the professor who

wins advancement and reputation by putting his name on research done

by his students. He was anxious to push his students and colleagues

ahead and kept himself as far in the background as possible. I was

often to find myself the beneficiary of this policy.

In my first year or two at Harvard, I contributed a little analysis

of Harry's earlier data and drew figures and collected references

for a review paper he was then writing. So far as I can remember, he

never thereafter actually wrote a scientific research paper,

although he was a valued coauthor of papers by me and by others. He

always spent a large fraction of his time in the work of technical

committees and in various editorial posts. His criticism and advice

about technical writing were always of great value, and I especially

treasure his rule for giving a ten minute scientific report: eight

minutes establishing the background, one minute about what you

yourself have done, and one minute showing the implications for the

future. Would that more scientists knew and followed this rule!

I remember that my first assignment was to paste large numbers of

Coast and Geodetic Survey maps onto great sheets of wallboard, so

that we had detailed maps showing the altitudes along radio

transmission paths throughout much of southern New England. From

these I, and others, scaled and drew profiles showing the

obstructions on interesting paths such as between Cambridge and

Hartford, Connecticut. These were supposed to help explain why some

very high frequency radio circuits were better than others.

Having discovered that I could draw a little, Professor Mimno had me

sketch the plans for an experimental vehicle that a couple of other

technicians, a pair of graduate students, and I built during my

first winter at Cambridge. This was a relatively rectangular copper

covered van built on the chassis of a 1927 Packard roadster that

Professor Mimno contributed to the cause. It contained three relay

racks for equipment, a large number of storage. batteries in the

regions formerly occupied by running boards, with provisions for

recharging them when electric power was available, and a number of

antennas for various of what were then called the ultrahigh

 

Professor Mimno 40

frequencies. This van had only one operating defect: it was heavy,

weighing 8200 pounds. Because the Packard chassis, like all others

of its day, had only two wheel brakes, we drove it in fear that we

might come over the top of a hill and come face to face with a red

traffic light. My experience in driving this vehicle has stood me in

good stead for the rest of my life; I still pay great attention to

anything within a couple of hundred yards that might get in my way.

The two graduate students, Paul King and Harner Selvidge, and I

drove this thing to the spring meeting of the Physical Society in

Washington in 1935, just to show it off. It attracted a good bit of

interest and got rather bad pictures of us into the newspapers for

the first time. Professor Mimno hovered in the background with a

gentle smile on his face and let us show off to our hearts' content.

Somehow during this spring I also found time to build a sort of

primeval walkie-talkie. This was much like the radios built for the

Maine fire towers, but better constructed because of the fine shop

facilities available at Harvard. It contained a fairly powerful

transmitter and carried batteries enough to run it for several days.

As a result, the whole thing, which had about the size and something

of the shape of an Adirondack pack basket, weighed about 45 pounds.

It had straps so that it could be toted on the back, but fortunately

we could usually get it where we needed it by car. Both this device

and the "copper battle wagon" got their baptism in the summer of

1935.

"Doc" Selvidge, as part of the work toward his thesis, was trying to

show that the intensity of a radio signal is enhanced near the edge

of the shadow of an obstacle. This is an elementary principle of

optics and the result was clearly implicit in the equivalence of

radio and light waves that had been demonstrated by Heinrich Hertz

nearly fifty years before. There were, however, practical

difficulties in the measurement that made the problem a worthy one.

I had been assigned to help Doc with this work. We had tried

unsuccessfully to transmit a signal from the Arlington Heights water

tower and explore the shadow cast by the northern edge of the

Harvard Stadium against the upper seats on the southern side. As

might have been expected, there were too many reflections from

neighboring objects and, of course, the physical size of the

receiving antenna tended to blur the results. What was needed was a

much larger "knife-edge" and a bigger screen for the shadow to fall

upon.

We found a place for the experiment at Frenchman's Bay in Maine.

Here Mount Cadillac rises sharply about 1500 feet above the water

while, on the eastern side of the bay, the 400-foot crest of

Schoodic peninsula forms a fairly good knife edge. For a signal

transmitted from Mount Cadillac, the edge of the shadow of Schoodic

 

Bar Harbor 41

falls in the ocean about five miles east of the peninsula. We could

explore the diffraction pattern by receiving in a small boat from

close inshore behind Schoodic to a region fifty or sixty miles from

Mount Cadillac. The signals observed without the knife-edge could be

explored by taking a course along which there was no obstacle, some

twenty degrees south of the path across Schoodic.

In August, 1935, then, Doc and I found ourselves living in a cheap

room in Bar Harbor and "yachting" in the Gulf of Maine. It sounds

unbelievable now but, in those depression days, we were able to hire

an old lobster boat, complete with a young man to drive it, for

$25.00 a week. The technique was as follows. Each morning, when the

weather was fit, one of us would drive the copper truck up Mount

Cadillac and beyond the end of the road across a couple of hundred

yards of rock to the exact peak. In recent years I have walked over

this area and cannot imagine how we could have gotten the car there

without tipping it over. In 1935, however, we were young and didn't

know a serious obstacle when we saw it. The one of us not on the

mountain would have been dropped at the town pier and would go with

"Sonny" Tufts, our boatman, to explore either the shadowed or the

unshadowed course, and occasionally both in the course of a long

day's work. Communications between the boat and the truck were

through the walkie-talkie device, but were not often needed as the

schedule of transmission frequencies and polarizations was usually

established in advance.

Of course any number of things went wrong. Runs had to be repeated

again and again as equipment failed or peculiar effects were

observed. To our surprise, the whole experiment took two months,

running into October when the weather got fairly rough. While we

generally took turns on the mountain, luck saw to it that the most

interesting things happened when I was on the boat.

Our first vessel was the "OIC", always pronounced "oik" by us. She

was a venerable tub, 23 feet long and with a reliable motor, which

is to be expected among lobster boats along such a foggy coast. The

OIC served us well for three or four weeks until one pleasant

afternoon when, without warning, her sternpost and rudder fell off.

This left a considerable hole and she filled fairly rapidly. I

transmitted, using the walkietalkie, what I suppose was the first

SOS ever heard in the amateur five-meter band. To my surprise, I got

a response as my benefactor, Mr. Shaw, was in residence at Prospect

Harbor and heard my call for help. He rushed to the dock,

commandeered the first boat he came to, and chugged out just in time

to transfer all our equipment, except a set of batteries, before the

OIC sank. One of my pleasant memories is of stepping back, just as I

abandoned ship, to snatch the boat's bell as a souvenir. This bell,

suitably mounted and inscribed, was kept for years in the Cruft Lab

secretary's office. It finally came back to me, and now serves as a

 

Bar Harbor 42

dinner bell.

To my surprise, the owner made no fuss about losing the OIC.

Possibly he was grateful to have had a little income from her in her

last days. Her replacement was a longer boat, shaped somewhat like

an oversized batteau, whose name I do not remember. Her planking was

fairly good, but she suffered from a large number of rotten ribs,

which made her extremely limber. As the weather got worse and the

season later, we were more and more anxious to finish and get back

to Cambridge. We would usually start out in the boat every morning

and decide whether to continue or retreat when we got outside of the

protected waters of Frenchman's Bay.

One day I made the wrong decision and went on when I should have

given up. The outward trip was not too bad as we had a following

sea, but when we turned around we found it extremely rough. Our bow

would be flung high and would come down with a crash, opening seams

because of the bad ribs. After an hour or so we found that the boat

was becoming very heavy, which of course made her pound harder, as

the water was coming in slightly faster than we could pump it out.

It soon became obvious that we would not get to any of the towns on

the mainland. We were not far from Petit Manan light, but knew that

we could not land there because the tide was high and covered what

little beach there was. Everything else failing, we headed for Green

Island, a rocky outcrop near Petit Manan. To our surprise and

delight we found this to be rather like a tiny granite atoll,

obviously designed for distressed seafarers, with a "lagoon" fifty

yards or less in diameter and a narrow opening through which we

could enter. We drove the boat in, ran it aground on a gravelly

beach, and scrambled ashore over the bow and collapsed on the shore,

where we lay for some hours as both Sonny and I were, by this time,

extremely seasick.

We found the remains of a fisherman's hut which served for shelter,

as the weather was fortunately dry. In the morning the "lagoon" was

completely empty at low tide, so we set to work calking the open

seams in the hull. When the tide came in, we rolled the boat over so

that we could calk the second side after the water had gone down

again. Unfortunately the weight of the boat, coupled with the

badness of her ribs, made her spit out most of our first calking. We

had to wait for six tides, improving the calking at each

opportunity, before we judged the boat to be tight enough to get to

the mainland for more permanent repairs.

We were in intermittent communication with Doc Selvidge during this

interval. Each night and morning he would drive up the mountain far

enough to attain line-of-sight to our island and enquire how we were

getting on. He could, of course, have sent us help if we had needed

it. The only difficult part of this communication was to endure

 

Marooned / Harvard Football 43

Doc's cheery remarks about how good his latest meal had been at our

favorite restaurant. These comments were hard to take, as our food

supply was limited to one or two sandwiches we had not cared to eat

on the first day. We did deliberately skip work on the boat for one

tide, when we discovered that we could, at low tide, wade chest-deep

over to Petit Manan. The lighthouse keeper there had a wife who was

an excellent cook and who provided us with a superb dinner. As an

extra bit of good luck for us, there were two very pretty daughters

who helped greatly to while away the hours until, at the next low

tide, we could wade back to our hut.

This minor adventure brought our expedition to a close. It can go

without saying that the radio waves behaved as they should and the

results helped Doc to get his degree.

 


Harvard Football

 

I had not been at Harvard long when I fell into the most absolute

sinecure I ever knew about. The Harvard Athletic Association

contracted with a commercial supplier for the main public address

system used during football games at the Harvard Stadium. The

Maintenance Department, however, had several loudspeakers installed

in the press box and owned a small amplifier and microphones that

were used to distribute items of information to reporters. A workman

brought this amplifier before each game and, thank goodness, carried

it up the many steps to the press box on top of the stadium. The

Department insisted that an electronics expert should always be on

hand in case something should happen to the amplifier during a game;

and further insisted that the expert should be backed up by a second

one, presumably in case the first one should have a heart attack

just as the amplifier failed. Ted Hunt easily secured the position

of greater responsibility and I fell heir to the second. For the

services each of us was paid eight dollars for each home game. We

occupied these sinecures for about five years in which nothing ever

went wrong.

It was a pleasure to sit in our shirt sleeves behind glass in the

heated press box (and on the fifty-yard line, at that) and watch the

snow falling on the faithful who had paid good prices for their

seats. It also did our morale no harm to find that a beckoning

finger would produce a steward with hot dogs or coffee as required,

all by courtesy of the H.A.A. It was my good fortune to sit beside a

gentleman named, I think, Whiteside, who ran the scoreboard. I was

told that he had once been the crew coach, unlikely as this seems.

He was, however, a genius in his understanding of football, and I

learned enough from him to acquire an interest in the game that has

persisted ever since. Mr. Whiteside would sit watching the field as

 

Football / "The Shadow" 44

the formations came into position for each play. At the snap of the

ball his fingers would play briefly over the many buttons on his

control box. By the time the whistle blew to end the play he had

called up the necessary data: the numbers of the men who had carried

the ball and made the tackle, the number of yards still needed, as

well as the position on the field. occasionally Mr. Whiteside would

carefully correct the yards gained by a unit or two after the play

was over, but in general he seemed to know exactly what would happen

before the play began. I was forever asking him why a play gained

thirteen yards when, as far as I could see, the same play had lost

ground a few minutes before. His explanations gave me an insight

into the complexities of the game that had hitherto completely

escaped me. I was sorry when the South African expedition and

subsequent events brought this era to a close. By that time I did

not need the money as badly as at first, but it was hard to give up

a "job" with such minimal and pleasant duties.

In the late fall of 1935, professor Mimno received a request from

the Federal Communications Commission, sent to many radio

experimenters, for help in identifying what had come to be called

"The Shadow". This was a curious form of interference that had

recently sprung up in the high frequency part of the radio spectrum.

Some guesses were wild enough to suppose the Ethiopians to be

jamming the Italian radios (in the only war that was going on at the

time) or vice versa. It happened that professor Mimno's suggestion

that Selvidge, King, and I should see what we could do about this

came just before he left for Europe. Harry had married a charming

girl in Germany in the previous summer, but Hitler had refused to

let her leave the the country without signing over her property to

the Nazi party, or something of that sort. Harry had had to come

back to Cambridge without her in September, and was devoting his

Christmas vacation to another, and successful, attempt to get her to

America.

Paul King and I attacked the new problem while Selvidge wandered off

into some other project. One of our first trials was to use an

oscilloscope in an attempt to decipher the peculiar wave form of the

Shadow signals, and we made the revealing discovery that a few of

the signals had a modulation that was synchronous with the Boston

power line frequency, while many did not. This, of course, proved

that there were a number of sources and the quite new diathermy

machines seemed to be possible culprits. By calling various

companies and acting like potential customers we identified one make

of machine that operated in the right frequency range and might have

the kind of modulation we had observed. It was especially convenient

that we found that the Harvard Athletic Department had recently

bought one. We took the copper truck over beside the Briggs Cage and

found that the suspected equipment put out a strong signal having

the observed characteristics.

 

"The Shadow" 45

 

The next steps were easy. Supposing that the radio frequency energy

from the diathermy machine leaked back into the electric power

lines, we borrowed the machine from the Athletic Department and set

it up at Paul's home in Watertown, because his electric power came

in through overhead wires that might perform as a fairly good

antenna. We borrowed a radio call, NDA-1, from the U.S. Navy and

arranged for the Navy to alert its ships and shore stations to

listen for this call at an agreed frequency and time. We modified

the diathermy machine only by installing a tape reader in the plate

supply lead to make it speak in Morse code, and draped the cable

carrying the radiofrequency current around the floor in Paul's

living room until we brought the frequency to the agreed value. The

results were spectacular. The Navy reported strong signals from all

over the North Atlantic and the eastern half of the United States.

The Shadow had been tracked to its lair.

The Federal Communications Commission promptly revealed the culprit

and we were attacked by numbers of reporters. At this point we could

not resist a practical joke. Having explained the experiment we

carefully emphasized that the work had been done under the direction

of Professor Mimno. The response was always, "Where is Professor

Mimno? We want to talk to him." To this we answered, "Oh, he is

arriving in New York tomorrow morning on the S.S. Bremen", and left

him to the mercies of the ship-news reporters.

Harry never admitted just how much he had been annoyed by this jest,

but I think he had his gentle revenge the next year when I was to

spend a week in London. He gave me a resounding letter of

introduction to Ralph Stranger of the British Broadcasting

Corporation. I presented this at my first opportunity only to find

that Mr. Stranger was not available that day. Other BBC engineers

were very kind in showing me around, however. I think I tried again

to find Mr. Stranger but not successfully although I was treated

with the most perfect politeness, by other people, and had an

excellent introduction into the ways and workings of the BBC. It was

not until several years later that I discovered that there was no

Ralph Stranger; that this was a pen name used by any of a group of

BBC engineers when they wished to write a popular article of less

than professional merit.


Weather Balloons 46

In my first year or two at Harvard I enjoyed a personal and

technical acquaintance with Arthur Bent, a neighbor and friend of

Mr. Shaw in Exeter, New Hampshire. Arthur also was a dilettante

experimenter and was helping Dr. Brooks of the Blue Hill

Meteorological Observatory to make the first trials with balloon-

borne weather reporting devices. The Observatory had developed light

and cheap measuring instruments and Arthur was making tiny radio

transmitters powered by small flashlight batteries. These devices,

being heavy by today's standards, were lifted by eight or ten

weather balloons in tandem. I helped to fill and launch these on one

or two occasions, but the time I remember most happily was when I

was not at Blue Hill but listening to the signal at the laboratory.

I had no equipment for deciphering the telemetered pressure and

temperature readings, but I soon discovered that the frequency of

the transmitter was drifting slowly but steadily as the balloons

rose into the colder and colder regions of the atmosphere. I

recorded and plotted the frequency against time and was able to tell

when the instruments reached the base of the stratosphere where the

temperature becomes constant. Since I knew this height

approximately, I had determined the rate of rise of the balloons,

and was able to call Arthur an hour or two later and congratulate

him on reaching a height of seventy-five or eighty thousand feet.

Arthur never could understand how I determined this altitude as soon

as he did.

My only contribution to this program was minor but mildly

interesting. The signals from most of the flights failed quickly in

the stratosphere or below when the batteries froze. By experimenting

in a dry-ice box, I found that it helped to wrap the batteries with

a couple of feet of resistance wire and surround them with cotton

batting. By "wasting" about half of the available power in heating

the batteries themselves, the signals could be kept alive two or

three times longer. This technique was used for a time, until better

overall thermal insulation was achieved.


7.

 

The Eclipse Expedition to the Soviet Union

 

At the end of 1935 Professor Mimno called Selvidge, King, and me

into his office to ask us, "Do you know where Ak-Bulak is?" When we

denied any knowledge, he said, "You had better find out. I think

you're going there". This was our introduction to the Harvardskaya

Ekspeditzia Solnechnovo Zatmenia (if my transliteration is accurate

enough), or the Harvard M.I.T. Solar Eclipse Expedition of 1936.

We soon found that Ak-Bulak is a small town in Kazakhstan, a section

of the Soviet Union that might be spoken of as southwestern Siberia.

It is on the rail line from Orenburg to Alma Ata, nearly south of

the Ural Mountains and barely over the line into Asia. It is in a

region picturesquely and accurately known as "the Hungry Steppe". We

found later that it is in a large alkaline plain where there is a

very sparse grass, but where any kind of crops or trees can be grown

only within a few yards of a stream and most of the streams are dry

in the summer.

A total solar eclipse is ordinarily observed where a rail line, or

some other mode of transportation for heavy equipment, crosses the

narrow path of totality. If there are several such intersections,

the place is chosen after a great deal of study of the probability

of clear skies in the various areas. It seems to be a general rule

that the selected site will be in a region where there are almost no

facilities for gracious living and all supplies must be imported.

The town in Russia had been chosen by the American astronomers and

physicists because it was to be the location for the expedition

conducted by Dr. Gerasimovic, who was the director of the famous

Poulkovo Observatory near Leningrad. Dr. Gerasimovic had worked at

Harvard for a year or two and was considered to be among the dozen

greatest astronomers in the world. He was also the head of the

organization charged with carrying out the Soviet Union's very

generous provisions for receiving and helping all foreign

expeditions.

Dr. Menzel, the leader of the Harvard M.I.T. expedition, had been

receptive to the idea of sending ionospheric sounding equipment to

observe the eclipse. The nominal reason was to see whether a

"corpuscular effect" could be detected. Because the sun emits heavy

charged particles that travel much more slowly than do light rays,

the corpuscular eclipse, if it existed, would occur at a somewhat

different place and a considerably different time than the visible

eclipse. It is, however, possible that a great attraction for the

 

48

astronomers was the presumed fact that the radio observations could

go on despite cloudy weather. They could then provide some results

for the expedition even if optical measurements should be

impossible.

It was at least three months before it became certain that funds

enough to send all three of us could be promoted. This interval was

filled with activity. I spent much of the time designing and

building a pulse transmitter that could be swept through a quite

wide frequency range to the ionospheric layers. This involved my

first real invention at Harvard: a variometer of new design that

provided a large variation in frequency while permitting the

transmitter to operate with nearly constant power output.

The eclipse was to occur on June 19th, 1936. Because no one knew the

normal characteristics of the ionosphere over Kazakhstan, it would

be necessary for us to operate our equipment for a couple of months,

obtaining control data to define the normal variations with the time

of day. While Cruft Lab was busy with all the technical details, and

with the packing, the State Department was finding out how to get

permission to use the equipment. We were assured, finally, that a

good source of electric power would be found in Ak-Bulak, and

authorization to import our gear was obtained. Radio transmitting

licenses, or the Russian equivalent, were to be given us when we

passed through Moscow.

We three boys, with half a dozen tons of equipment, sailed from New

York on the SS Washington in early April, along with Dr. Menzel and

other members of the first contingent of astronomers. The Washington

was the sweetest smelling ship I ever sailed on, as she carried a

cargo of fifty million Washington Delicious apples consigned to

Cherbourg. I spent part of the ocean voyage in the third class

lounge of the Washington writing my first scientific paper at

Harvard, about the design of the variometer. We spent a few days in

London and Doc Selvidge and I found time to hire a car and explore

the environs as far as Cambridge, Oxford, and Stratford on Avon. In

London we were received by Professor (later Sir Edward) Appleton, by

far the most famous man in ionospheric research, who was, a few

years later, to be awarded a Nobel Prize for his work.

It was also at this time that I made the acquaintance of the BBC, as

mentioned above. My happiest recollection there is of happening to

be in the main control room when teatime arrived. This room had an

immense console, with positions for fully a score of operators (when

so many might be needed) each of whom had a board full of mixing

switches and gain controls for sending any or all of several

programs to any or all of a number of radio networks. As I recall

it, about half of the positions were occupied when the clocks

indicated teatime. The double doors at the end of the room opened

 

Eclipse Preparations. 49

and stewards wheeled two large tea wagons into the room. Each

operator flipped up his control switches ("down" still means "on" in

England) and turned around on his stool to receive his tea and

scones. As far as I could tell, all radio broadcasting in Britain

stopped for twenty minutes or so. In those days, before advertising

appeared in the British air, it was assumed that everyone in the

country would be having his tea at the time and no one would be

interested in radio just then.

In our travels, Doc and I had happened to be in Stratford about

April 20th. I still remember, on every 23rd of that month, the

bulletin board we saw in front of the Shakespeare Theatre, which

said:

April 23rd

"Much Ado about Nothing"

Shakespeare's Birthday

 

We proceeded by train to Hull and took a Finnish ship to Helsinki,

with a stop of about twenty-four hours in Copenhagen. On this trip

Doc and I had the luck to become acquainted with two Finnish girls,

Lisa and Greta. They taught me, among other things, how to

disassemble an anchovy gracefully, and they were a great help in

giving us a quick introduction to the charms of Denmark. Copenhagen

was, as it still remains, the finest city in Europe in which to

amuse oneself. It then provided amazingly inexpensive entertainment,

although most other prices seemed comparable to those in the United

States. An afternoon movie, dinner at a good restaurant, a few hours

at Tivoli including a concert by Kirsten Flagstad, and supper at a

night club, with intervening taxis, cost us a total of about five

dollars a couple.

It was in Denmark that I first developed a distaste for trying

foreign languages. I had never before found myself faced with a

strange tongue. On our first walk in Copenhagen, I found that I

needed cigarets. I identified a tobacco store by the displays in the

window and went in, with the others in the group betting loudly that

I would not be able to get what I wanted. Not having any idea what

Danish sounded like, I went up to the counter and said firmly, "I

would like some cigarets, if you please". "Yes, sir!", said the

clerk, "Turkish or Virginia?" I am ashamed to say that since then

most of my conversations with foreigners have been conducted in much

the same way.

It happened that the Bell Telephone Company had only recently opened

the "first" ship-to-shore telephone service at a minimum charge of

$9.00. I was consequently greatly surprised, at breakfast on the

morning after leaving Copenhagen, to hear Lisa remark that she

 

The Trip to Russia 50

thought she would telephone her grandmother in Helsinki, and I was

especially startled when she said that the call would cost two

shillings. I presently followed her to the radio room where she

spoke to the operator, who used his morse key for a minute or two

and then motioned her to a small telephone booth in a corner. She

talked to her grandmother successfully and, when she came out, paid

the operator 20 Finnish marks, or 44 cents. I enquired into this

phenomenon carefully. It appeared that the practical Finns had

observed that very minor modifications would convert their

telegraphic equipment for voice operation. Since this service could

be provided cheaply, they charged little for it. No guarantee of

successful operation was offered, in case the ship were too far from

home or if transmission conditions were bad. This episode caused me

to question the American habit of waiting until highly professional

and reliable service could be provided and then charging a high

price for it. It still seems to me that there may often be good

reason to offer an inexpensive but useful service, even if it cannot

always be completely satisfactory. It may be of interest to compare

this story with the record, described above, of the tolerance of bad

service by the same telephone company, when we had tried to improve

it in western Maine. This experience on the Finnish ship, however,

remains the first of a number of instances in which I came to wonder

whether the American way was necessarily the best.

There had been the customary "last night out" party on the

Washington, but it was not nearly so memorable as the last night on

the A "Last Night Out" Finnish ship. The fun really started at

lunch, when Greta began questioning us about a gentleman we had met

in London. He was a Jesuit priest and wellknown astronomer, who was

leading an expedition to some other part of the Soviet Union, and

happened to be travelling on the same ship with us. We had been

carefully instructed to call him "Doctor" rather than "Father" in

the Soviet Union, and he had left his clerical garb in London and

was now wearing a business suit. Greta exhibited some shook at

learning that he was a priest, so we of course pressed her for the

reason for her interest. She explained that he had been offering her

a supply of American cigarets if she would come to his cabin to get

them; and she had some doubts about his intentions. Doc and I found

the opportunity too good to miss. We assured Greta that if, after

supper when the priest would be sitting with his expedition members

in the smoking room, she passed by on the outside and gave him what

was then known as a "come hither" look, he would be sure to join

her. She was then to agree to accept his cigarets and, after passing

by to give us a signal we invented, get into his cabin and close the

door. She would then scream and the rest of us would burst in and

"save" her.

This plot started very well. After we had all been in various parts

of the smoking room for a while, Greta slipped outside and presently

 

A "Last Night Out" 51

drifted past the windows, giving the priest a look that Doc or I

might have enjoyed receiving. The good father promptly excused

himself and disappeared. Then there was a long interval with no

signal from Greta. When we could stand the suspense no longer, Doc

and I took a turn around the decks to see what we could discover. We

saw Greta in a little cubbyhole called the music room, at a table by

the window. She was alone, but there were two drinks on the table

and she motioned us to keep away. Doc carelessly made some jubilant

remark about the two glasses just as the priest came around the

corner of the deck house, apparently headed for the door of the

music room. Doc, I think, made things worse by trying to pretend

that he had speaking of his eyeglasses. In any event, the highly

intelligent priest promptly returned to the smoking room and

barricaded himself behind the other members of his expedition.

Doc and I went back to Lisa and we waited a long time, but Greta did

not return. After a while we set out to find her, which we finally

did. She was in a dark corner at the aft end of the boat deck being

thoroughly kissed by a man we had never seen before. Her new friend

presently brought her back to the smoking room and spent the rest of

the evening pouring drinks into her. At the end of the evening, when

Greta had obviously taken as much as she could hold, Lisa rescued

her and took her to the girls' cabin. The entertainment did not end

even then, as Greta's new man and another, who also had had too much

to drink, spent much of the night trying to gain access to the

girls' room. When their intermittent visits to pound on the door had

created disturbance enough, this problem was solved. Dr. Menzel and

Wallace Brode, the two largest men in our party, changed cabins with

the girls. When the two drunks made their next visit, the

astronomers opened the door and scared the visitors into relative

sobriety.

We landed at Helsinki in the early morning. While I was waiting in

line at the customs shed, I was suddenly conscious of an alcoholic

aura creeping up about me. Turning, I discovered Greta weaving her

way across the floor, coming to claim a goodby kiss.

When I had administered this restorative, I realized that she was

followed by at least a dozen members of her family who had come to

meet her. They were individually introduced in correct not to say

prim Finnish form, and I still occasionally wonder what they must

have been thinking.


A Day in Helsinki 52

 

A day in Helsinki was a delight, the absolute cleanliness of the

city being a revelation. I had the feeling that I would not hesi

tate to sit on any curb in white flannels. Helsinki is known for its

excellent modern buildings. I was particularly impressed by the

Parliament building of pink Finnish granite, apparently growing out

of the top of a modest hill which was covered with green lawns

interrupted by outcroppings of the same beautiful stone. The city

seemed to have more and better statues than any other I have seen.

One disadvantage was the absolute strangeness of the Finnish

language. No advertising signs or inscriptions were in the least

intelligible to one with only traces of Latin, French, and German.

After a few hours of wandering around Helsinki, enjoying everything

but understanding nothing written, I came upon a large statue of

three nude blacksmiths working at an anvil, uncomfortable as that

may sound. The pedestal of the statue had a long inscription which I

had nearly deciphered to the end before I realized that it was in

Latin.

This lack of communication did not include the spoken word. Lisa and

Greta had explained to us that a Finnish child first learned (after

Finnish) Swedish, then German, and then English; and normally had

had nine years of English before graduating from high school. The

great department store Stockmann's, for example, had the largest

English bookstore in Europe and would hire no clerk who did not

speak English. Because of his shyness, it was often hard to get a

Finn to use English, but after this barrier had been broken we

usually found that he spoke the language more accurately than we

did.

The time in Helsinki passed all too quickly, aided by the first and

finest Finnish bath I ever had, and we found ourselves on the night

train to Leningrad. The examination at the border, which was then

much closer to Leningrad than it is today, was the most complete and

time consuming I have ever experienced. It seemed to require the

services of a dozen officers of gradually increasing rank, but

because the ceremonies were conducted entirely in Russian, we did

not understand either the problems or solutions.

Another hour or two on the train brought us to Leningrad, where we

were transferred to the Astoria Hotel. The Astoria was the Intourist

first class hotel and still had some of its prerevolutionary

elegance. The stone exterior was liberally pockmarked with wartime

bullet holes, and most of the draperies had apparently not been

changed (and some perhaps not dusted) since the revolution. It was,

however, except for a characteristic Russian lethargy in the

service, a fine hotel; and the dining room was actually the best I

have eaten in regularly. I must explain that one of the generous

concessions for foreign expeditions was to give us Intourist first

class tickets, which covered hotels, meals, and transportation, for

the third class price, which was then $5.00 per day. In a hotel

restaurant, our firstclass tickets gave us carte blanche, with no

limit on what and how much we ate. We enjoyed a game of trying to

 

Leningrad in 1936 53

eat, at the prices listed on the menu, $20.00 worth of food at a

meal. I still recall, with nostalgia, the "chicken cutlets", the

Souffle' Alaska, and the quantities of fresh Beluga caviar we ate.

Leningrad (formerly St. Petersburg) is a beautiful and fascinating

city. It was founded in 1703 when Peter the Great decided to move

his capital to have access to the Baltic sea for the fleet he wished

to have. As the Grand Dukes and lesser members of the court moved

there, they built palaces as near that of the Tsar as their status

permitted. Leningrad is therefore more or less a city of palaces,

three or four miles in diameter, with a surrounding ring of wooden

cabins to house the necessary shopkeepers and other supporting

tradesmen. My favorite was St. Isaac's Cathedral, dating from 1820

and now an "antireligious" museum. At the time I saw it, the

cathedral contained the first of the frozen mammoths from Siberia.

St. Isaac's is built of the beautiful Finnish granite, with

monolithic columns sixty feet high and seven feet in diameter. It

has a dome in which the Soviets have hung a Foucault pendulum that

they claim is one hundred meters long. I timed it carefully and

could only give it credit for ninety-two meters but, even so, it

must be one of the longest anywhere. The building looks new. The

stone is meticulously polished and I could not find a crack in the

mortar. The eastern wall of the interior is especially impressive.

Except for a few mosaics of saints, it is completely panelled with

irregular polished sheets of malachite.

We visited many of the tourist attractions, being especially

fascinated by the contents of the Winter Palace and the Hermitage

Museum, which were then separate. The Soviets have a way of

collecting all the great art of a type in a single place. The

Hermitage was always one of the great art museums of the world, and

the addition to it of other collections has made it stupendous. We

also enjoyed a visit to the Summer Palace at Tsarskoe Selo.

Catherine's Palace there is especially magnificent. It was built

under the specification, "Make it like Versailles, but bigger". The

rooms occupied by the last Tsar and Tsarina are especially touching.

The Tsar's is highly functional, dominated by a large desk and an

immense bed, while the Tsarina's is cluttered in Victorian fashion,

with every inch of wall space covered by an icon. One can understand

how Rasputin could attain such dominance over her mind.

I am sorry that the room that pleased me most in Catherine's Palace

can no longer be the same. It was relatively small, possibly thirty

by forty feet, with walls fifteen or more feet high, and was

completely lined with a mosaic of amber. In this room the Soviets

exhibited all of the finest amber artifacts in the country, such as

punch bowls nearly two feet in diameter, each carved from a single

block of amber by one of the finest artists. Some of the carved

pieces were a curious form of pornography: beautiful sea shells

 

Leningrad in 1936 54

with, in the bottom of each one, two or three small nude figures in

the most indecent positions imaginable. Apparently there had been an

era in which the courtiers vied to see who could have executed the

finest example of this peculiar form of art. I am sorry to have

heard that the Germans, during the siege of Leningrad, destroyed or

carried away the entire contents of this room.

At Poulkovo Observatory we had our first experience with a Russian

party, given for two or three expeditions that were passing through

Leningrad at the time. The food and drink were supplied in copious

quantities, but the thing that most impressed us was the way a group

of people would suddenly be inspired to move to one end of the room

and form a chorus, singing beautifully. Or perhaps they would clear

the tables away from the center of the room to show us their amateur

versions of Cossack dances. Here we first saw evidence of a fact

that frequently impressed us; that the Russians could completely

forget their problems and show greater signs of enjoyment than most

Americans can.

We were in Leningrad at the right time to see the May Day parade.

Everyone assured us that this was not equal to the Moscow

celebration, but it was sufficiently impressive. We were given seats

in the reviewing stand in front of the Winter Palace, which may have

held two or three hundred of the specially favored officials, while

the parade poured in through the several streets opening into

Admiralty Square and joined to pass between us and the great

Nicholas column in the center of the square. Leningrad had a

population of about three million, and people claimed that there

were at least two million in the parade. They passed by at a fairly

rapid rate, usually forty or fifty abreast, for fully ten hours.

There must have been at least a hundred thousand "red" flags,

ranging from scarlet, maroon, and crimson, through cerise and orange

to pink. So far as I know, no one watched the parade except the few

in the reviewing stand. My favorite groups were a band that marched

by playing the "Maine Stein Song", and a factory soviet that carried

a tennis court with an excellent game of mixed doubles being played

on it.

The next day we took the train to Moscow, where we were to spend

about a week. I remember very little about that city, at this time,

because we spent most of our days at the American Embassy, or

visiting various officials with an Embassy representative, trying to

straighten out our authorizations.

On May third or fourth, we were taken to see Lenin's Tomb. Because

of the holiday season, the line waiting for admission wound back and

fourth the length of Red Square half a dozen times. It obviously

would have required waiting all day, except that our Intourist guide

spoke to one of the Red Army guards at the entrance to the tomb. The

 

May Day in Leningrad 55

guards then took their rifles off their shoulders and used them

horizontally to push back the crowd at the entrance so that we could

be bowed in. Lenin's body is displayed with impressive effect. One

goes down far underground, following the crowd step by step in

gradually fading light. On entering the burial chamber in almost

total darkness, one comes up two or three steps and passes by the

side of the glass sarcophagus, which is dimly lighted from the four

upper corners. Lenin lies there in a simple army jacket with his

hands folded on the outside of a crimson velvet coverlet that is

drawn up over his body. No one can see this without emotion.

All of our and the Embassy's efforts to obtain our radio licenses

failed. Every request we made, either through the Academy of

Sciences or through some other channel, disappeared into the "region

of darkness", the "gaypayoo", later OGPU, and never heard of again.

The ultimate opinion, informally agreed to by the Embassy, was that

no one dared say "yes" to the radical proposal to allow foreigners

to make Moscow to Ak-Bulak radio transmissions in the Soviet Union.

The result of this opinion was that we said to ourselves, "Here we

are, distinguished foreign scientists (by definition), invited by

the government and granted all sorts of assistance. Certainly no one

will dare object, no matter what we do". As time was running out, we

decided that we had to go ahead with our plans and see what

happened.

I remember little about the two and a half day train ride from

Moscow except the heat and the necessity of closing windows in our

compartments or otherwise protecting our belongings whenever the

train stopped. Without such precaution hands or long sticks with

hooks at the end would reach in the windows and grope around to see

what could be caught.

We arrived at Ak-Bulak quite early in the morning. My first shocks

were to find that most of the people resembled Mongolians while most

of the beasts of burden were camels. Somehow these ideas were

entirely new to me. Ak-Bulak was supposed to be a town of 9,000

people, but our private estimates were more like 2,000. There were a

few horses and oxen among the camels, but the only automobiles were

two Russian imitations of the Ford Model A that had been brought in

to support the two expeditions. I never thought to enquire where the

gasoline for these cars came from.

Provisions for our accomodation were simple. A temporary railroad

siding had been built at an angle to the main line. Onto this had

been pushed an old pre-revolutionary private car with a dining room,

a kitchen, and three or four bedrooms. There was also a regular

WagonLit, to supply extra bedrooms, and a baggage car. Later, as

more astronomers arrived, one or two more Wagons-Lit were added, and

finally even a bath car. Perhaps railroad switches were in short

 

Moscow to Ak-Bulak 56

supply that year. Whatever the reason, our siding was not connected

to the main line except on the occasions when our cars were to be

rearranged or additions made to our "train". At these times, spikes

were removed from a section of the main line so that the rails could

be bent around to connect to our spur. Each time this happened, the

rails seemed to kink in a different place so that, by the time we

left, the main line looked rather like the trail of a drunken snake.

Our train had an adequate supply of cooks, waiters, and stewards who

were attached to us for the duration. They were headed, thank

goodness, by Jerry Gourievitch who, when at home, was the manager of

one of the Moscow hotels, and who spoke good English with a Brooklyn

accent, as he had lived in that city for some years. The second and

major shock came within an hour or two of our arrival, when we

discovered that the 220-volt 50-cycle electric power we had been

promised did not exist. Installation of this had apparently been

part of an earlier five-year plan, and Moscow did not know that it

had never been done. Doc Selvidge got a magnificent photograph of

several of the expedition people with horrified expressions as they

received this bit of news. For many years a copy of this picture

hung on one of the bulletin boards at the lab, entitled "What! No

AC?" The only electricity in town came from a small DC generator

that was operated from sunset to one A.M., to supply a few lights at

the railroad station. We spent a few days in turmoil, the question

being whether we could improvise something or whether we radio

people would have to move to Tomsk or Omsk, where we would be out of

touch with the rest of the expedition and where no provisions had

been made for us.

We finally worked our way out of this difficulty. Someone found, in

Orenburg, an old six-kilowatt rotary converter that was intended to

change 150 volts DC to 220 volts AC. There was in Ak-Bulak one

accessible piece of power equipment; an old German diesel engine

that ran a small grain mill. This engine had one cylinder with about

22 inch bore and 24inch stroke, and a flywheel fourteen feet in

diameter. It operated at about 50 R.P.M. and was supposed to deliver

50 horsepower. The grain mill was called the Prosobdir and was a

mile or more from our railroad siding.

We induced the Russians, through our steward Jerry and the local

Communist Party leader, Sheegin, to drive the converter (as a

generator) from the diesel. They belted a three-foot wheel attached

to the flywheel up to a six-inch pulley on a countershaft and from a

thirty-inch wheel on the countershaft to a five-inch wheel on the

generator. This brought the speed up to 1800 R.P.M. and gave us an

average of 60-cycle frequency.

The Russian method for splicing belts bothered us a great deal.

There were various scraps of belting around the Prosobdir, but no

very long ones. These scraps were five or six inches wide and a

 

"What! No AC?" 57

large fraction of an inch thick. The Russian technique was to

overlap the ends of the belts a dozen inches and put six or eight

stove bolts through the overlapping parts. What happened when one of

these joints went around a five- or six-inch pulley was a shame. I

shall always remember that there were five splices in one of our

belts and two in the other. These beat out a kind of syncopated

Conga rhythm as they passed around our pulleys. Instead of a steady

60-cycle frequency we had something that jumped erratically from 50

to 70 cycles.

Unfortunately, our primitive radio sounding equipment depended on

the powerline frequency for its calibration of the heights of the

ionospheric layers. The situation was intolerable. We spent hours

pleading for new belts (we had not yet learned to scream and yell

and bang on the desk) but it appeared that belts were in short

supply that year and new ones were not even available in Moscow.

This stalemate lasted, while we were getting our equipment running

after a fashion, until Dr. Gerasimovic arrived at Ak-Bulak. Taking

advantage of his position as chairman of all the Russian eclipse

work, I met him on the station platform in the early morning with a

full account of our grievances. A few hours later, when time

permitted, he came to take a thoughtful look at the wild behavior of

our frequency meter and we all adjourned to the Prosobdir, with Dr.

Gerasimovic accompanied by a crowd of twenty-five or thirty yesmen

and flunkies. After watching our seven splices for a few minutes he

spoke about fifty words in Russian. At this signal, half a dozen

people broke out of the crowd around him and took off at a run.

Within thirty minutes we had new belts. They obviously must have

come from a small grain elevator that was very much out of bounds,

and about which I shall say more later. We found some leather to cut

up and laced these belts ourselves in American fashion. The results

were excellent as the frequency remained quite stable, except that

it dropped every time a sack of grain was thrown into the mill. This

did not bother us too much, as we arranged to have the exclusive use

of the diesel at critical times, especially during the eclipse.

The village of Ak-Bulak had a few wooden buildings, including the

Prosobdir and the railroad station. Some houses were of wood in the

conventional Russian country style with lots of gingerbread

decorations. They were not painted. The great majority were built of

sundried bricks. These started with a pit, usually about three feet

deep, so that the side walls were often no more than three or four

feet high. These were whitewashed, at least when new. The lifetime

of such a building, exposed to the Siberian winter, was apparently

only five or six years. Some houses consisted of three or four such

rooms, and a new room might be added each year or two while the

oldest rooms, at the other end of the house, gradually collapsed. As

a result, the houses tended to creep around the building lots,

rather like the pattern in a game of dominoes. The family and

 

Life in Ak-Bulak 58

whatever livestock it had all lived together, and the density of

smells and flies and other insects was so forbidding that we

practically never entered one of these houses, even in the rare

cases when we were invited.

We had the doubtful privilege of watching bricks made. The technique

was to dig a pit twenty or thirty feet in diameter and three or four

feet deep, or until a stratum of clay was exposed. Some water was

added and two or three horses were driven into the pit. Then fifteen

or twenty men would surround the pit and lash the horses for an hour

or two, until the clay was reduced to a suitable consistency. The

bricks were then formed and set out to dry, exactly as in other

parts of the world.

For reasons probably lost since the days of the caravans, the main

street in Ak-Bulak was fully a hundred yards wide. It was, of

course, all sand and was dense enough to drive on easily. Somewhere

near the middle was a single cart track marking the preferred path

to follow. This was a little firmer and smoother than the rest. One

day I had the pleasure of watching the drivers of the only two cars

within a hundred miles play "chicken" on this path. They happened to

be coming from the opposite ends and neither would consider turning

out for the other. They both began blowing their horns violently

when scores of yards apart and sounded them continuously until they

were forced to stop with the radiators within a yard of each other.

Then the drivers got out and shouted at each other for ten minutes,

to try to determine which should get off the beaten path.

The grain elevator stood beside this main street between our siding

and the Prosobdir. We often passed it several times a day, usually

either on foot or on bicycles. I have never seen an institution that

this part of Kazakhstan had been denied supplies during the famine

so obviously well guarded as this elevator. The reason was

presumably of 1932 and 1933, and many people had starved. The

members of our expedition were, I believe, the first foreigners to

be allowed to visit the area after that episode. The grain elevator

stood inside a solid wooden fence ten feet high with a single gate.

Inside the fence was a large pack of dogs -- or possibly wolves --

as well as we could tell from their appearance and their howling. At

each side of the gate was a bench on which sat a half a dozen

Mongolian guards. For the whole two months we were there, these

guards never showed any sign of relaxation. As we came within fifty

yards they would get up and cock their rifles. They would then keep

us carefully covered until we reached a safe distance beyond the

gate. Because these guards had the most unreliable look of anyone I

never saw on the "wrong" end of a gun, the tension we felt when we

passed them was extremely real.

The climate in Ak-Bulak was supposed to range from fifty or sixty

 

Life in Ak-Bulak 59

degrees Fahrenheit below zero in the winter to one hundred and

thirty degrees more or less in the summer. I could easily believe

this as the daily range in temperature was phenomenal, presumably as

a result of the alkaline soil and sparse vegetation. Near the middle

of May a thin layer of ice would form on a pail of water left out

overnight, and the temperature would reach a hundred in the

afternoon. When we got up in the morning we would put on all the

clothes we had, and then gradually remove them (or most of them)

before lunch time. In the late afternoon we would begin reversing

the operation. I had with me a maximum-minimum thermometer. Someone

stole it about the first of June, but before then it had reached a

hundred and twelve degrees in the shade. To add to our discomfort,

there would be a sandstorm every afternoon about four o'0lock. This

was driven by the strong wind that seems to prevail in such a hot,

flat, treeless area. I don't think anyone was caught out in it more

than once. We learned rapidly to keep track of the time, and

especially to get inside of some structure when we saw the brown fog

rolling across the desert.

The authorities had been kind and had sent to Ak-Bulak the first

bathtub that town had ever seen. This was installed in a steam

bathhouse that, so far as we saw, was little used, and we had the

place to ourselves twice a week. There were no proper faucets, but

hot and cold pipes with valves stuck straight out over the end of

the tub. The cold water behaved reasonably well, but the hot pipe

sent forth a horizontal geyser of about eighty percent steam and

twenty percent boiling water, because it came directly from the

boiler for the steam bath. This stream would shoot across the tub

from end to end with very little falling into it. Judicious

deflection with a bit of board would cause some of the hot water to

fall into the tub, and a suitable temperature could gradually be

attained. There was no stopper for the tub but someone had whittled

the end of a block of wood so that it served fairly well. At the end

of one's first bath, he got out and pulled the plug. He then found

that there was no drainpipe, as the dirty water gushed out over the

mud floor and over his feet. Washing them required at least part of

a second bath. A lattice of slats high enough to keep the bather

above high tide level presently solved this problem. On a twice a

week schedule in such a climate we really needed these baths.

Unfortunately, the walk back to our siding in the sand and the heat

often made us feel ready for another bath by the time we got there.

The Kazakh, Tatar, and Bashkir majority of the male population

apparently solved the problems of heat and cold by being sewn into

their sheepskins and wearing felt boots which they may, for all I

know, have taken off at night. Much of their clothing seemed to be

changed only when it fell apart. I dare say that if one is careful

not to move rapidly, the sheepskins may keep out heat as well as

cold.

 

Life in Ak-Bulak 60

 

These men were certainly, for their size, the strongest I have ever

seen. When we brought our equipment from the freight station to our

operating site, a low cart drawn by two oxen was, for some reason,

left thirty or forty yards away down a small grade from the

platform. The "Mongolian" porters, who averaged about five feet

three inches and looked as though they might weigh a hundred pounds

if divested of their sheepskins, then picked up our boxes and

carried them to the wagon. I had weighed these in Cambridge and knew

that most of them were in the range from two hundred to two hundred

and fifty pounds. One of our boxes was too much for them. It

contained a large relay rack and a heavy power supply and was built

into a box that looked like a privy. It weighed over four hundred

pounds. The solution for carrying this box was to have two of the

porters pick it up and lay it on the back of a third, who then

carried it to the wagon where two others unloaded him.

The local women usually wore long, heavy, and full skirts. We saw

them doing all kinds of work, but we ultimately decided that the

best wife must be the one who got out into the streets earliest in

the morning to collect, in her apron, part of the days accumulation

of camel and other dung, for drying and burning.

We occasionally walked a couple of miles to the bank of the Iletsk

River, the only body of visible water in the neighborhood. It was,

as will be imagined, flat and slow moving, but it did flow most of

the summer, and had some rushes along the banks. Here we saw many

birds that I took to be a kind of Arctic tern. They were, whatever

the kind, graceful and highly maneuverable. They darted around

rapidly in complicated patterns and were, as far as I can recall,

the only birds I noticed in the Soviet Union.

The only other non-domesticated creature that I remember seeing in

Kazakhstan was a European hedgehog that lived with us for a time. I

feel some doubt about the matter of domestication, but I incline to

believe that it simply recognized a good source of food and did not

object too strenuously to a modest amount of handling. I had never

seen such an animal and admired the almost perfect ball he could

form when he wished to indicate that he had had enough attention for

the time being. The ball was almost completely covered with spines

an inch or so long, but the spines were of uniform length and not so

sharp as those of a porcupine, so that the hedgehog could be held in

the hand without discomfort if no great pressure were applied. I

found the sensation quite different when someone induced Herkemish,

as we called the creature, to settle in my sleeping-bag before I

retired. I think Herky must have been carried at times between the

train and the astronomical site some ten miles away, as he was

certainly a pet of both astronomers and radio men; with some

assistance from the cooks and stewards. I recall seeing him drink

 

Communication 61

milk from a saucer, but somehow I have no recollection of what he

must have eaten. Where he was found I think I never knew.

Comrade Sheegin procured a lot of aluminum wire for us and we had a

"power" line run from the Prosobdir to our baggage car. We installed

our pulse transmitters, which constituted most of our power

requirement, in a small building beside the grain mill. The Russians

went so far as to whitewash the room and turn it over to us clean

and empty, save for a large print of Stalin in a bright red frame.

The power line had to carry only enough for our receivers, one small

communications transmitter, and a few lights. The line resistance

was high and the regulation bad, so we had to be careful to keep a

fairly constant load at the end of the line. The Russians also

installed for us, along the same route, two lengths of surveyed

Signal Corps twisted pair that we had scrounged from some Army

installation in the United States. We used these for our own

telephone and for control lines for the transmitters. After sampling

the Wagon-Lit beds while we were unpacking, we of the radio crew

settled for using our sleeping bags on the floor of the baggage car,

so this became our home.

We soon discovered that increasing the electrical load at the

baggage car would slow down the generator at the Prosobdir, lowering

its frequency and causing an apparent reduction in the height of the

ionized layers. We spent several hours one day making a photographic

record while throwing a load on and off on a time schedule, so that

the apparent height of the E layer was varied in the form of morse

characters spelling out "Hello Harry". We mailed this to Professor

Mimno but he never received it. I suppose the Soviets took it to be

a cipher message, which it really was, and censored it into the

nearest wastebasket.

Except for delays of a few days in our cabled messages to and from

Cambridge, censorship bothered us in only one way. Just to see what

would happen, I had subscribed to the New York Times for the period

of our stay in Ak-Bulak. Between half and two-thirds of the copies

arrived in reasonable time. The rest were never heard of, and we

deduced that the Soviets simply threw them out if they happened to

contain information that they did not wish to have circulated in

Russia.

Arthur Collins, of the young Collins Radio Company, had donated to

the expedition a fine amateur transmitter with about 250 watts of

power. We officially used this to communicate with the astronomical

branch of the expedition at its field site ten miles away. They used

a smaller transmitter, begged from the Bell Telephone Laboratory.

Since we had no licenses we simply invented our own call letters,

which began with U, the standard initial letter for Russian

stations. We used URAD for the call of the radio party and UAST for

 

Communication 62

the astronomers.

We soon discovered that we could communicate, even by voice, with

amateurs all over Europe and northern Africa, and could occasionally

get through to stations in the United States. One contact was

especially useful to us. Olof Rydbeck, a technical-college student

in Stockholm, soon became a good enough friend to take messages for

Cambridge and cable them to Professor Mimno, returning answers by

the same route. This cut the time to get a question answered down

from several days to a few hours, by eliminating the censors.

Incidentally, Doc Selvidge and I called on Olof on our return trip.

We expected to pay him for his cablegrams but he insisted that his

university had taken care of this. The interesting by-product was

that Olof came to Harvard for a doctorate a year or two later, and

wrote the best thesis ever submitted there in the ionospheric field.

 

* * *

 

Amateur radio operators are always interested in knowing who their

correspondents are, and usually exchange QSL cards, which are

decorated post-cards confirming the time and date of each first

communication with a new station. We began our amateur contacts

rather carefully, never saying exactly who and where we were,

because we were very conscious of the unlicensed nature of our

activities. We would say something vague such as, "We are members of

a scientific expedition, somewhere northeast of the Caspian Sea". We

had not had our transmitter on the air for more than a few days

before the mail began to bring us QSL cards, addressed to our

fictitious call letters "northeast of the Caspian Sea", or using

whatever loose description we might have adopted. Thus we learned

about "Big Brother" long before we ever read "1984".

* * *

Every town in the Soviet Union, so far as we saw, had a Park

Kultura, a term always translated as "Park of Culture and Rest". In

a small town, such as Ak-Bulak, the culture might be represented by

a bandstand and a few tables for chess. In the cities, the parks

usually had real cultural exhibits of one kind or another. One

feature that was sure to be present was a circular walk surrounding

some object, perhaps a flagpole or a fountain. The general evening

recreation seemed to be to walk in pairs or in groups round and

round these paths, always widdershins, or counterclockwise. The same

phenomenon was to be seen in theaters or concert halls, where there

was usuaUy a lobby nearly as large as the auditorium. During

intermissions the entire audience would adjourn to the lobby and

walk counterclockwise around a large pot of ferns, or a statue, or

 

Diversions in Ak-Bulak 63

some other object in the center.

In Ak-Bulak the Park Kultura covered an acre or two and was planted

thinly with bushes and small trees. In the center was the bandstand,

surrounded by a circular boardwalk ten or twelve feet wide and

perhaps twenty-five yards in diameter. Once or twice in a six-day

week the local band would play for most of the long summer evening,

and the young people would walk round and round. The band was fairly

bad and was not noticeably improved when Doc Selvidge took over one

of the trumpets.

Paul King had brought with him two or three cases of canned apple

sauce which he could not often be induced to share with the rest of

us. Late one evening, after walking in the park, Paul and I managed

to abstract a couple of local girls from among their friends. Not

being able to think of any other objective, we decided to treat them

to some of Paul's apple sauce. Our actions had not gone unobserved,

and we soon discovered that we were being trailed by Doc and one or

two other Americans and by a somewhat larger group of Soviet youths.

We dodged our pursuit well enough to reach the train and get a few

tins of apple sauce and a can opener, but it seemed counter-

productive (if I may use a more modern term) to try to stay there.

We dragged the girls down a side street and presently found a house

with a sort of courtyard surrounded by an adobe wall. This seemed

quiet and secure enough, so we slipped inside. Finding a mound in

the corner, we sat down and opened the cans just as it began to

rain. Because we had no alternate objective, and as the girls

obviously liked the apple sauce, we stayed until realization of our

silly situation began to dawn on us. Investigation quickly proved

our suspicion correct that we were sitting on a Russian dung-hill in

the rain, eating apple sauce.

 

* * *

 

In my limited experience, there is no deadline so severely exacting

as a solar eclipse. After months or years of arduous preparation,

and after travelling thousands of hot and dusty miles to work under

primitive conditions, no excuse for delay can be offered. One must

have everything operating well at exactly the right time. At home,

one never works so hard and so long. One of the irritating features

is that it is never possible to convince the folks at home of this.

It is always assumed that you were just away there, in an

interesting part of the world, having a high old time at someone

else's expense.

This pressure, assisted by the Soviet calendar which was then

arranged in groups of six days so that one soon lost track of the

 

Diversions in Ak-Bulak / Catherine Stillman! 64

day of the week, must account for the fact that I can assign no

dates to any happenings in that period, except for the day of the

eclipse itself. Thus I am unable to establish the date of the most

important event of the expedition, when one of the thrice-weekly

trains brought Catherine Stillman to Ak-Bulak. Catherine had had to

finish her spring term, teaching astronomy at Vassar, before coming

to Russia a few days before the eclipse. In spite of the pressure of

work on both of us, it did not take her long to make me begin to

reconsider my ideas about the desirability of the married state. It

must have been even before the eclipse that she granted me the first

of myriads of kisses (that become more and more important to me as

the years go by) in the only grove of willow trees anywhere in the

neighborhood of Ak-Bulak.

Most of our food in Kazakhstan was far below the standard of the

Astoria Hotel, occasionally descending as low as camel meat, which

is not to be recommended. One Russian custom bothered us greatly;

they liked to hang their chicken for weeks before serving it. After

many efforts we finally convinced the management that we were

serious, and a great day came when Peter, our usual waiter, brought

in a platter of chicken and, bending his head far to the side and

making a chopping motion at his neck with the opposite hand,

announced loudly, "Sevodnya" (today). Peter, incidentally, was

approaching his twenty-first birth day and was anxious to get back

to Moscow to marry his fifth wife. This was in the days when, in the

words of Will Rogers, one could get a divorce at the post office and

then send his spouse a card saying, "You aren't with us any more".

At times we were served a fine dessert, a rum cake, but

unfortunately the thick butter frosting suffered seriously on the

long hot trip from Moscow. We quickly learned to scrape off the

icing, leave it on the plate, and enjoy the cake. One late-arriving

physicist and his wife had this comestible served before it had

occurred to any of us to warn them. The cake was beautiful and the

husband took a large mouthful. He chewed more and more slowly with a

strained look developing on his face. After a long time and a final

gulp, he turned to his wife and said, "I say, Marian, do you suppose

they make this dressing with Roquefort cheese?"

* * *

These diversions notwithstanding, the eclipse was upon us. All of

the equipment was working well, although I was not. Everyone on the

expedition, I think, had a bout with dysentery at some time or

other. Mine chose to hit me the night before the eclipse. This had

one pleasant result. We boys exchanged jobs at the last minute to

give me the least demanding one, which was standing watch over the

transmitters at the Prosobdir in case there should be trouble with

 

Eclipse Day / The "Comradely Tea Party" 65

either of them. I could easily do this from outside the open window,

so that I had an excellent view of the eclipse instead of being

trapped inside the baggage car operating part of the receiving

equipment. It may be that my fever accentuated what I saw, but the

eclipse was surely one of the most beautiful and spectacular in this

century. I was amazed to see the corona, which conveniently arranged

itself in the form of a five-pointed star in honor of the Soviet

symbol, fully fifteen seconds before totality began. The pearly

light of the corona, the orange light around the horizon, the

visibility of stars and planets, and the shadow bands sweeping

across the desert were all the best I have ever seen, and more awe-

inspiring than any description I have read. When the eclipse period

was over, I allowed myself to collapse for a day or two.

Unfortunately, the radio observations suffered the equivalent of

poor visibility for astronomers, as a major magnetic storm began a

few hours before the eclipse. This meant that we could not be sure

whether the effects we measured were pure eclipse phenomena or

whether they were contaminated by erratic magnetic activity. As a

result, it was inadvisable to publish any results of the ionospheric

work until after 194O, when it was possible to mount a similar radio

expedition. It then turned out that most of the 1936 effects were in

fact caused by the eclipse. Before this confirmation, fortunately,

the work in Ak-Bulak had helped King and Selvidge to get their

doctor's degrees.

 

* * *

 

The next memorable event was a reception given by the Orenburg

Oblast (the equivalent of a state government, perhaps) for the four

or five expeditions in the Orenburg district. This was introduced to

us, in a masterpiece of inadequate translation, by invitations to a

"comradely tea party". I have a feeling that this was to be three

days after the eclipse although, as I have said, all dates are

nebulous during this period.

In accordance with our instructions, we took a train for the four or

five hour ride to Orenburg, in time to get there in the middle of

the afternoon. This trip and the return ride later were the only

times I was trapped in a Soviet third-class sleeping car, which can

be described as a box car with two layers of shelves eighteen inches

wide along the walls. There were no mattresses or blankets. On

arrival in Orenburg we were taken to what I believe was the city

hall, where we were supplied with soft drinks and cookies and had

appropriate speeches made to us. We were given to understand that we

were greatly honored by being allowed to shake the hand of the

Governor of the Oblast, who was credited with being the man who had

 

Eclipse Day / The "Comradely Tea Party" 66

shot the last Tsar at Ekaterinburg. After this honor, we were turned

loose for two or three hours to go sightseeing or, if we liked, to

try the parachute jumps in the Park of Culture and Rest.

We assembled at about eight o'clock in another hall, two or three

blocks from the first one, where we found a U-shaped table set for

dinner for two or three hundred guests. The table was a sight I

cannot forget. It was nearly five feet wide. Each place setting had,

in the Russian fashion, one knife and one fork and a stack of plates

several inches high. We found that after each course the top plate

was removed. This is an advantage, because one can, as distention

sets in, count the remaining plates and summon up the stamina to see

one through the rest of the meal. Arranged around the stack of

plates was a series of nine glasses, ranging from liqueur size

upward. At intervals along the table were vases of flowers and some

dishes of smoked sturgeon and caviar. Except for these few

decorations, every available decimeter on the table cloth had an

open bottle standing on it. I discovered that, without stretching to

an impolite extent, I could reach nineteen varieties of wines and

liquors, not counting duplications.

The dinner went on and on, with official toasts (in Russian,

English, French, and Czechoslovakian) proclaimed from the head table

every few minutes. I made a tactical error in deciding that it would

be courteous to drink all of the official toasts in vodka, and soon

became too stubborn to change my mind. I had, of course, secured a

seat beside Catherine. I thus found myself needing to sample the

other eighteen potables in private toasts to her beautiful brown

eyes, or to whatever other parts of her anatomy appealed to my

imagination from time to time.

We were all, naturally, overtired, especially the astronomers who

had been developing photographic plates and trying to pack for their

departure all at the same time. One of them, an Englishman from the

Greenwich Observatory (whom I had the pleasure of meeting in

Washington, years later, when he had become the great British expert

on de-gaussing ships to protect them from magnetic mines) exhibited

a remarkable ability to sleep through most of the proceedings

without ever losing his erect posture or nodding his head. Most of

us, although drooping to some extent, managed to continue our

drinking.

It was perhaps fortunate that our expedition had to abandon the

party in the middle, at about three A.M., as we needed to catch our

return train to Ak-Bulak. When we prepared to leave for the railroad

station, Catherine confessed that she had left her coat at the City

Hall, so we set out on foot to retrieve it, although I have no idea

why we thought we could even find the hall, to say nothing of

finding it open. I seem to recall that the big street we had to

 

Comradely Tea Party, continued 67

follow resembled Fifth Avenue in the Forties. I am more sure that

the space between the curbs was just about wide enough to contain

our meanderings as we held each other up and kept pointed in more or

less the right direction. In some unexplained way, we retrieved the

coat and got back to find a car that would take us to the railroad

station.

When we got into our train, it seemed good to me to lie down on the

nearest shelf. It had happened that on the way to Orenburg I had

occupied an upper shelf, with Catherine below me. Possibly as a

result of too much alcohol, Catherine's normal consideration for

others seemed to have been weakened. She took the position that I

was in her place and that I should get onto the upper shelf. Such an

effort was too much for me to consider at that time. Catherine sat

on the narrow edge of the shelf and annoyed me greatly. I could

never remember what she must have said to stir me to such a supreme

effort, but finally I got up, with whatever hauteur I could manage

under the circumstances, and I climbed into the upper berth.

Catherine had had to stand to let me perform this feat so that, when

I lay down on my proper shelf, I found her with her head only a foot

or so from mine. This stimulated an excellent idea, so I stretched

out a long arm and gathered her in for a good I night kiss. When I

had occasion to look up from this, I found that we were surrounded

by an admiring semi-circle of expedition members whom I do not

remember having noticed before. At this point I performed what I

have always maintained was the only possible action I could think of

for a gentleman under the circumstances: I passed out.

 

* * *

 

It is a virtue of vodka that it leaves no hangover. I awoke in Ak-

Bulak, after only a few hours of sleep, feeling fit and ready to go

to work. The only untoward effect of the party was that an English

couple came around later in the day to congratulate Catherine and me

on our engagement. What can have given them such an idea I cannot

imagine, for that milestone was not reached until a couple of years

later.

Immediately after the "tea party" the astronomers, including

Catherine, left Ak-Bulak, while we radio people stayed on for a few

days to finish taking our control data. This period is chiefly

memorable for our acquisition of rubles. It seemed that the staff of

our train and a few of the townspeople were avid to buy almost

anything. Doc had a lot of ten cent pens that he had brought along

as gifts. These he sold for the equivalent of about three dollars

each. I happened to have a pair of new Abercrombie and Fitch brown

oxfords that I had bought as a spare, in Filene's Basement for

 

Return from Ak-Bulak 68

$2.95. I had to stop the bidding for these at about fifty dollars

"worth" of rubles because my conscience hurt me. We sold everything

we didn't actually need, not considering that all our expenses in

the Soviet Union had been paid in advance and that the ruble was

worth nothing elsewhere. Paul did the best, as he had brought an

excellent collection of personal tools. My finest effort was to sell

Comrade Sheegin, for 850 rubles, our donated twisted pair wire, as

it seemed far easier to sell it than to take it down. In all, we

three had a fund of seven thousand rubles when we left Ak-Bulak.

It was now time to declare a holiday, so we took the train to

Kuibishev and embarked for a five-day trip up the Volga River. The

ship was a venerable side-wheeler, powered by another 1898 vintage

German diesel engine. This was far different from our old friend at

the Prosobdir. It had sixteen cylinders of four or five inch bore

and a stroke that seemed to be about four feet; it looked rather

like a grove of saplings. We judged that the toilets might have been

reasonably clean when the ship had begun its trip, but after a

couple of days they became totally unusable. Fortunately, there was

always the railing and, with care, one could often manage to wait

until nightfall. When we described this difficulty at the Embassy in

Moscow, we were told about an item in a recent issue of Krocodil.

the Soviet humor magazine. The article described the plight of a

Russian reporter travelling in Germany, where the public toilets had

to be flushed before the door of the cubicle could be unlocked. The

author described in harrowing terms the hours he spent shouting for

help before someone who spoke Russian came by outside and explained

to him how to get out.

The most interesting sights on the Volga were immense rafts of logs,

often half a mile or more in length. These had as many as three or

four log cabins built on them, where whole families lived for the

several months it took to drift down the whole course of the river.

Another interesting sight was the "Alabaster Mountain" somewhere

along the western bank. This is hardly a mountain, being perhaps

eight or nine hundred feet high, but it has smooth and elegant

contours, and stands out in a flat river valley. It was about half

grass-covered, but the other half was exposed alabaster that gleamed

in the sunlight. I was disappointed not to hear "the Song of the

Volga Boatmen" at any time during the trip. I remedied this defect,

as far as possible, by singing it myself from the stern of the upper

deck, to only moderate applause.

Our best sightseeing on the voyage was at Kazan, the old Tatar

capital. This is a city of beautiful old brick, largely built in the

fifteenth century. We had a queasy time when, after climbing nearly

two hundred feet up the inside of a brick minaret, we looked down

from the little balcony and found that the top of the tower was only

four or five feet in diameter and was warped several feet out of the

 

Along the Volga / Picnic 69

vertical. At Gorki, the former Nizhni Novgorod, we visited the old

cathedrals and a famous monastery and then took the night train to

Moscow.

It happened that we arrived in the capital on the morning of the

fourth of July. Being in sad need of American society, we made a

fast run to the Embassy, judging that there would be at least a

cocktail party on the agenda. We found, to our pleasure and

surprise, that some genius had decided that it would be appropriate

to have an old-fashioned Fourth of July picnic somewhere on the bank

of the Moscow River twenty or more miles out of the city. The

American colony at the time consisted of only forty or fifty people,

which was not regarded as enough for a proper picnic, so the British

Colony kindly joined in to make up a quorum for the celebration. The

picnic was to be a potluck affair, with everybody bringing

something, and the Embassy, I think, providing beer and lemonade.

When we asked what we could bring we were surprised to have everyone

say, "Oh, caviar". We had had so much of this delightful substance

that it had not occurred to us that the Embassy lived largely on

American canned food and regarded caviar as a rare treat.

We had, I may have mentioned, Intourist tickets for four meals a day

for our entire stay in the Soviet Union, while for nearly two months

in Kazakhstan we had had only three meals a day. We three boys

therefore went back to the Intourist desk at the Metropole Hotel. We

tore out whole handfuls of our unused "tea" tickets, saying to the

girl at the desk, "Please give us the value of these in caviar

sandwiches". She rose to the occasion and agreed to have them ready

at the appointed time. When we came for them, we found ourselves

well loaded. The sandwiches were made with large slices of excellent

white bread, and each one was filled with a half-inch layer of the

best black caviar. The sandwiches were stacked in rectangular

baskets, each of which held about a bushel, and there were six

baskets. When we staggered to the picnic grounds with this load, we

found ourselves the most popular people at the party. I doubt that

those who brought them ate any of these sandwiches. I remember

stuffing myself with baked beans, potato salad, and occasional hot

dogs; and seldom had anything tasted so good. When I could eat no

more, I found a pretty and complaisant girl who let me lie with my

head in her lap, dropping peanuts into my mouth whenever I cared to

open it. I seem to remember that she was enough of a contortionist

to bend down and vary the diet of peanuts with an occasional kiss; I

suppose because young American men, like so many other staples, were

in short supply that year.

The Russians at a neighboring beach interested us. 1936 was the

first year in which bathing suits were made and sold in any quantity

in the Soviet Union. About a third of those at the beach showed a

marked Moscow tendency to pose and strut, so that they could easily

 

Moscow 70

be admired. The nude majority went about their business, swimming,

playing, or eating, with complete nonchalance; but we fancied that

we detected a compulsion to fail to notice their comrades in their

bathing suits.

A Russian photographer was in attendance at the picnic. We had made

his acquaintance on our way to Ak-Bulak, when he had taken pictures

of us all at the Embassy. That was his favorite hunting ground, as

his chief occupation was photographing incoming visitors in the sure

knowledge that something would happen to some of them, in which case

he could sell his pictures to the news agencies. At the picnic he

was armed with an unusual Leica camera that had magazine and take-up

reels for two hundred and fifty feet of film. He operated this

device with remarkable rapidity, expecting that a few pictures in a

thousand would be useful. I watched him carefully and found that he

could easily take two or three pictures during the swing of a

softball bat.

Paul and Doc, who were camera buffs, and I, who was not, spent an

evening in this photographer's home and laboratory, with remarkable

linguistic effects. I, for example, knew some French and had a few

words of German, while his abilities were reversed. I would try to

find the key words in Russian with no success, then grope for German

ones, and perhaps find them in French. If all else failed I would

use English. Any sentence became a blend of two or three languages,

with little or no attention paid to grammatical rules. Surprisingly,

the overall communication was quite satisfactory, although slow. At

one point during the evening, after much thought, I produced a

triumphant statement that included at least traces of all four

languages. The photographer, on hearing this, set down his glass and

rose to his feet. With a click of his heels, he bowed deeply to me

and said, "Sie machen ein sehr gut salade!"

One evening Paul and I had an idea that it would be fun to visit the

Gypsy Theater. Time did not permit getting tickets and sending an

Intourist guide with us, in the ordinary way. An Intourist girl

telephoned the theater and told us which bus to take to get there.

She also gave us a slip of paper with, we understood, the address

written on it in Russian. We walked across the large square in front

of the Metropole Hotel and found a bus with the correct number

waiting at the expected corner. Before the bus started, the

conductress came to collect our fare. We presented our slip of

paper, but it did not seem to tell her all she wished to know. First

one, then two, then half a dozen passengers examined the paper with

puzzled looks. The discussion soon became general and continued for

several minutes. Finally it seemed that a consensus had been

achieved. The bus started up and drove around the square to the

front of the Metropole, where we were politely put off; we never

found out why. The bus then continued around the square to its

 

Seeds of Democracy / Equipment Inspection 71

original starting point, and immediately went off on its proper

route. Having found the bus unsatisfactory, Paul and I started out

on foot. We succeeded in finding the theater but, of course, were

late. The manager, an obvious Gypsy with a villainous Fu-Manchu

moustache, took us into the totally-dark auditorium and pushed us

into seats in the last row, where we sat and wondered what the

Pushkin play was about, through the remainder of the first act. At

intermission, when the lights came up, the manager came back and

beckoned to us. We followed him down the aisle while he looked

around in the crowded auditorium. Apparently deciding that the

center of the third row was best he went into that row and dragged

out two men by the collars of their coats. Motioning to them to go

up the aisle to the back of the theater, he bowed us into the

vacated seats from which we watched the rest of the play.

The bus episode had showed us an interesting tendency for a group of

Russians to assume that they had the right to decide a question by

majority vote. I later saw a beautiful example of this in Leningrad.

The trolley cars there were unbelievably crowded, and the rule I was

that one entered at the back and worked his way through to get off

at the front. The only exception to this regulation was in favor of

a pregnant woman, who could get on at the front provided that she

had the appropriate card certifying to her condition. I had the

great good fortune to be at the curb at a trolley stop when an

obviously pregnant woman tried to get on at the front of a car. She

did not, for some reason, have the required card, and a violent

altercation began between the woman and the conductor. As this

continued, the car gradually emptied until all of the passengers

surrounded the disputants. After fully fifteen minutes of general,

and loud, discussion, the problem was put to a vote. The majority

ruled that the woman should be allowed to get on at the front, so

the conductor yielded and she got onto the empty car. All the other

passengers obediently got on at the back, until the car was as

crowded as before and started up on its route, if not on its

schedule.

We had a feeling of having had enough of the Soviet Union, so we did

not stay long to see the sights of Moscow, but pushed on to

Leningrad. It was well that we did so, as it took us nearly three

weeks to get our equipment released and put onto a ship to England.

The chief difficulty was apparently that they were busy liquidating

Trotskyites that year and had, perhaps fortuitously, disposed of the

people who had I authorized bringing our equipment into the country.

About all we could do was to try to identify the officials who were

probably blocking our departure, and to scream and yell at them. We

had, by this time, I learned the Russian debating technique and did

not hesitate to make ourselves as loud and obnoxious as possible to

people who, we believed, had the power to set us on our way. Because

I had had this experience, Chairman Kruschev's performance at the

 

Seeds of Democracy / Equipment Inspection 72

United Nations in 1960 was no surprise to me.

It was finally arranged that the equipment would be released, but

only after it had been inspected. This annoyed us, as inspection I

had not been required when we came to the Soviet Union and we could

not see how they could determine that we were taking out only the

same things. The inspection was to take place at the dock, to which

our gear was transferred from the railroad station. I have already

mentioned the weight of some of our boxes. They were all

exceptionally sturdy, having been made expressly for the job by the

lab's excellent carpenter, Billy Kennealy. All the covers were put

on with large numbers of 3-1/2 inch wood screws, set up firmly by a

brace and screwdriver bit.

We spent part of a day watching a group of teen-aged youths

wrestling with these screws with only small hand screwdrivers. We

finally took pity on them and told them which box to open to find

braces and bits, chiefly because the operation was so time

consuming. In the end, every box had been opened. For each case, the

inspectors took out all the screws except one at a corner. Then they

pivoted the cover around and looked solemnly at the exposed surface

of the excelsior in which the contents were packed. After this

"inspection" the cover was returned and screwed down again. We could

only account for this performance by assuming that the inspectors

had received two conflicting sets of instructions. One must have

demanded "Open every box", while the other said, "Do not look at

anything". If this hypothesis is correct, the inspectors complied

with both orders. The operation took three days, because we did

little to help. On the last day of the inspection we had an

opportunity to see a Soviet air-raid drill at close hand. Before

this happened we had spent as little time as possible in the

warehouse because it smelled so bad. We would excuse ourselves

often, to get outside where the air was better. Apparently the

authorities had had trouble getting the dockyard workers to find and

wear their gas masks for a drill. They had solved this problem

beautifully. As the sirens sounded, a couple of companies of Red

Army soldiers swept through the dockyard area, setting off tear gas

bombs every few yards. The response was all that could be asked, but

it seemed that there were no gas masks for any foreigners who

happened to be in the area. For the rest of the drill, we were to be

found not only inside the warehouse but in the furthest and most

airless cubicles we could find.

When not occupied with these efforts to get our equipment released,

we were struggling with the problems posed by our stock of rubles.

We quickly found that we could not drink enough to make serious

inroads on the supply of money, and we could seldom find any

souvenirs worth buying. There were some nice things in the stores,

but at prices that shocked us. The Soviet system seemed to provide

 

Equipment Inspection / Air Raid Drill 73

the absolute necessities of life very cheaply, as was appropriate in

a society where the average wage was about one hundred rubles a

month, which was I officially equivalent to twenty dollars. Cabbage

and sausage cost only kopecks, and rent for the typical family

(usually sharing an apartment with others) might be $3.00 a month.

Beyond these necessities, the government stores sold "luxury" items

at completely fictitious prices. Cakes of soap, on the market for

the first time that year, cost two or three dollars each. I was

fascinated by the number of excellent silver cigarette cases

displayed in stores in all the cities we visited. These were

beautifully enameled with the hammer and sickle, the red star,

sheaves of wheat, and so on. The equivalent in the United States

would easily haye been worth twenty five dollars at that time. The

Russian price was $375.00. There were even plenty of diamond

bracelets and necklaces on display. We could not imagine who was

supposed to buy these at the prices quoted. We came to realize that

this was an ingenious system. The Soviet citizen could brag about

how low his taxes were, but if he had any money left after his basic

needs had been met, it found its way back into the hands of the

government. To get rid of our rubles, we sometimes resorted to the

unethical and illegal practice of catching incoming American

tourists before they had discovered that they had essentially no

need for Soviet money. We would get them into a corner of the hotel

lobby, behind the potted palms, and sell them almost any quantity of

rubles for a twenty dollar bill. My best idea for disposing of

rubles was to prepay our freight charges rather than to ship it

collect as had been previously arranged. I reasoned that I would be

reimbursed from expedition funds in dollars when I got home.

Unfortunately, the same idea had occurred to the leader of the

expedition and he also had prepaid the freight charges. I thus lost

my money. Even worse, I did not have enough rubles for the

transaction and was forced to borrow a few hundred from Paul. After

I got back, I had to scrimp for quite a while to repay Paul one

hundred dollars or so, American money.

It was probably in trying to get rid of rubles that I met an

American girl who claimed some understanding of art. There may have

been something defective about this pretension, as she had not

visited the Hermitage Museum although she was soon leaving for

Moscow. In any case, I insisted that she must see the museum, which

I had visited several times, so we went there together. It quickly

became apparent that I knew nothing about art, as I admired all the

wrong things. The attitude of my new acquaintance was so crisp and

superior that I quickly fell into a game of liking, or pretending to

like, the things that I thought would irritate her most. I did very

well by becoming ecstatic about Canaletti or some of the others who

painted with geometrically perfect perspective and microscopic

detail. My best (and last) achievement was when I chose to criticize

Rembrandt's "Prodigal Son". This is a lovely painting of the old

 

Understanding Art 74

man, having the doorway of the house just, suggested behind him and

with the son kneeling at his feet, back to the observer.

The whole painting is dark, except for the father's face which is,

without doubt, a magnificent study. I chose to criticize the picture

on the ground that the light on the face seemed to come in part from

above and in part from lights, or reflecting surfaces, near the

ground on both sides. There could, in my argument, be no natural

setting for the picture in which the lights could have fallen in

this way. Therefore it was a bad picture! This attitude about a very

famous painting was too much for the girl to stand. She left in a

huff and marched completely out of my life.

It happened that there had been one gentleman in that last gallery

with us. He had apparently listened to our argument with some

amusement and, when the girl departed, he took up the conversation

where she had left it. He seemed interested in my views about

illumination and we were soon engrossed enough in the subject to

spend two hours or so wandering around discussing the lighting of

various works of art. We got on so well together that we introduced

ourselves before leaving the museum. I felt proud that I had been

able to uphold my end of the conversation when I discovered that he

was Rene Clair, the famous French movie director.

Soviet propaganda was evident in many forms: "Workers of the World,

Unite!" in Russian, German, French, or English, across the facades

of innumerable buildings; pictures everywhere of a smiling "Uncle

Joe" Stalin, pipe in mouth and with children on his knee (this at

the height of the Trotskyite purges); loudspeakers in many public

places, booming out Party speeches and slogans. We never could

detect that anyone paid much attention to the latter, or perhaps to

any of these. Probably a continual bombardment of propaganda is like

much of our "background" music; it may impinge on the ears, but a

merciful barricade develops between the ears and the cerebral

cortex.

It seemed to me that censorship was much more important than

propaganda. Early in our lives we develop a strong feeling that our

home, or language, or country is best. Because anything strange

seems inferior, it takes self discipline as well as experience and

study before we can accept the fact that a foreign thing or idea can

be superior to a familiar one. I once spent a long. and interesting

evening trying to convince a group of young Russians (some of whom

spoke good English) that British railroad trains were cleaner,

faster, and generally better than Russian ones. The experiment was a

total failure, as none of them had ever seen or heard of a British

train and automatically "knew" that the Russian trains were the best

in the world.

 


 

Censorship or Propaganda 75

At some time in the past I believe the Russians held the world

record for the height of a balloon ascension. This record had been

broken most recently by Commander Settle in 1933 and again by

Captain Stevens in 1935. I spent a little time in several places in

the Soviet Union trying to find someone who knew that the Russian

record had been superseded, entirely without success. Everyone I

talked to exuded a serene confidence in the superiority of Soviet

aeronautics because of this and other records they were "known" to

hold. One cannot, of course, successfully argue about superiority in

art or literature. It was not impossible, however, to find instances

of practical things where the Russian way seemed better than the

ways we knew about. One was the simple matter of the postage meter.

The Russian machine would print the postage on anything put into it,

letter, newspaper, or parcel, avoiding the minor complication of

printing on a paper tape and then having to stick the tape to a

parcel. There also seemed to be much to be said for the traffic

control "lights" that we saw in Moscow and one or two other cities.

These were cubes nearly three feet on a side that were hung up over

the intersections of the street centerlines. They had lights inside

that shone through translucent red, yellow, and green segments of

circles that nearly filled each vertical surface. Big black

pointers, visible at a hundred yards or more, rotated in front of

these sectors. As one drove down the street, it was easy to tell

whether the "light" would still be green when one reached the

corner, or whether it would be necessary to slow down or stop. With

this little extra foreknowledge, the traffic flowed more smoothly

than I was used to seeing it do at comparable traffic density.

While idling away some evening hours in our baggage car in Ak-Bulak,

Joe Boyce, a physics professor from M.I.T., and. I had formulated a

double hypothesis. This suggested that, if one should plot the

sexual desirability of the average American woman against age, he

would find a curve with a double maximum. It would rise rapidly to a

peak at about age sixteen or eighteen; then it would tend to fall a

little, and rise again to a somewhat higher and broader maximum at

perhaps age twenty-six or twenty-eight. Beyond this latter age, the

curve would more and more rapidly, ultimately perhaps falling into

the negative domain. A disinterested critic might observe that the

age region to which we assigned the second and higher peak was just

a little less than our average age at the time we formulated the

hypothesis. The second part of the hypothesis proposed that if one

plotted the corresponding function for Russian women he would

develop a curve with only a single maximum. This would be (in our

eyes) not quite so high as the first maximum of the American curve,

and would occur a year or two earlier. Beyond this sixteen-year

maximum, the Russian curve would fall continuously, like the

American curve beyond the age of twenty-eight. We recognized, of

course, that there is a great deal of individual variation in

desirability, and that accurate assessment becomes very difficult if

 

Millimarlenes 76

the observer is in a state of deprivation, such as on a nineteenth-

century whaling voyage, or even on an expedition to Kazakhstan.

These considerations amused Joe and me, and others to whom we

revealed the results of our analysis, for two or three hours. The

subject was not explicitly considered again, however, until Doc,

Paul, and I were faced with killing time in Leningrad. It then

occurred to us that science demanded that we make at least visual

estimates designed to establish the form of the Russian curve; the

chief consideration being what the American curve could be

investigated at any time, while we might never be in Russia again.

I must explain that, of course, the absolute unit of feminine sexual

desirability in 1936 was the Marlene; this unit being too large for

practical purposes, one rated desirability in millimarlenes. As in

most scientific measurements, it was necessary to have a portable

reference standard because the absolute standard is not generally

accessible. In our case, this portable standard consisted in defined

ratings for several American girls we all knew; we agreed that Helen

Atwell, the only secretary at Cruft Laboratory in those days,

deserved the phenomenally-high value of 180 millimarlenes. After a

few preliminary trials, we established a standard operating

procedure which must be described for the benefit of future

experimenters. A day's run of data-taking began in the afternoon,

when we went to one of the appropriate emporia and bought two liters

of 140-proof vodka. Returning to the Astoria, we would drink one

third of the vodka, have some dinner and then drink a second third

of the vodka. This would bring us to about sunset, and we would

proceed to the public parks or some other region where we believed

that a suitable concentration of what we designated as horoshia

deavitchka (free translation: OK babes) might be found. Locating a

specimen, say one on a park bench with a sailor, we three would line

up at a respectful distance of eight or ten feet and assess her

charms. One of us might suggest, "Forty" (millimarlenes, of course).

The second might be more favorably impressed and. say, "No; at least

sixty or seventy". The third would usually establish the group

rating by saying, "All right, let's settle for fifty". I would

inscribe this number in my pocket notebook. We would then go through

a similar process in guessing her age. By this time, naturally, the

sailor might have decided to take part in the proceedings. After

order had been reestablished, in one way or another, we would move

on to the next bench, or wherever another specimen was to be found.

In the two or three hours of suitable illumination in the far

northern twilight, we might thus gather data on a couple of dozen

specimens. Returning to the hotel, we would drink the remaining

vodka and do a preliminary analysis of the day's numbers and prepare

a summary of all data acquired up to that time.

Surprising as it may sound, this simple diversion, under the

 

Millimarlenes / Depressing Things 77

influence of enough vodka, was very helpful in passing the time

until we were able to leave Russia. In all, we gathered data on two

or three hundred specimens.

After we had returned to the United States, someone decided that a

feature of a Department dinner, for faculty and graduate students,

should be my telling some of the stories of the eclipse expedition

that presumably would not be published in the scientific literature.

I told a number of yarns, and included among them a pseudo-

scientific study of the desirability of Russian women. By the time

of the dinner, in October, I had had the opportunity to reduce the

data to conventional statistical form, and I showed slides and

reported the appropriate values of the means, standard deviations,

skewness, and measures of the confidence to be felt in the results.

I spent perhaps fifteen minutes developing the hypothesis and

reporting on the "measurements". The discussion seemed to be well

received.

The next morning I was quietly working at my desk when Professor Van

Vleck stopped at my door. Van was a famous and powerful theoretical

physicist who, no doubt involuntarily, set a record for the delay

after which he received a Nobel Prize. It was finally awarded him in

1977 for work he had published about 1930. Particularly in those

days, Van seemed to live almost entirely in his own mind. It was

characteristic that only about once in ten times did he notice if

you passed him in a corridor and greeted him. On this occasion, he

spoke first, saying, "Good morning". I replied, "Good morning, sir",

and waited to see what he wanted. After long consideration, he said,

"I enjoyed your talk last night". After I had responded, "Thank you,

sir", he thought for what seemed at least a minute. Finally he said,

"Especially the part about the desirability of the Russian women". I

suppose I grinned or made some other appropriate response, and then

waited while he planned his next remark. He eventually volunteered a

statement, "If you are interested in the corresponding curve for the

Dutch, I can describe it for you, without your having to do any

research". Another pause followed,and finally he contributed the Van

Vieck hypothesis, "It passes through the origin and has a negative

slope".

* * *

One or two depressing facts about the Russian trip ought to be

mentioned. There were, by the time I left the country, five people

who had become good enough friends so that, had they lived

elsewhere, I should still be likely to correspond with them from

time to time. As it happened in this case, within a year four of

them had "disappeared". One or another of the expedition members

eventually received what was felt to be accurate word that two of

them had been shot. The other two simply vanished. It is hard, if

 

Millimarlenes / Depressing Things 78

not impossible, not to believe that their major, and perhaps only,

fault was that they carried out their assigned duties and thereby

had too much to do with foreigners.

In Ak-Bulak we had, about twice a week, been depressed by the sight

of prison trains that were, for some reason, often left standing

near our siding for a few hours before proceeding toward the east.

These were long trains of small box-cars, with sliding doors that

were chained open about four inches. These gaps must have provided

some ventilation as well as permitting the passage of downward-

sloping pipes that, we supposed, constituted toilet facilities. We

could see the faces of people looking out through these gaps, but

the number of armed guards pacing beside the trains discouraged us

from close investigation, or even from showing much obvious

interest. We always spoke of these trains as taking prisoners to the

salt mines, of which there were several in our neighborhood, but we

never knew what kind of labor camps or prisons might be their

destinations.

* * *

From many subsequent discussions I have learned that my emotional

reactions upon leaving the Soviet Union were not unique, but at the

time they surprised me. My first trip abroad had been a delight, in

part for reasons that have been mentioned. I had noticed no great

strain in Russia, although many things had irritated me and some had

been depressing. I was, naturally, glad to get the export

difficulties settled and to be on my way to Finland with Doc, Paul

having gone off through Poland.

At the time we saw it, the Finnish border was a small stream crossed

by a railroad bridge. The eastern half of the bridge was painted

red, and the western part was white. On the Soviet side, all trees

had been removed from an area of several square miles. The resulting

flat plain was nothing but an immense railway yard, obviously

intended for military purposes. Many of the areas between the dozens

of tracks were stacked with huge rolls of barbed wire. Spanning the

railroad line was a large wooden arch, decorated with the red star

and the hammer and sickle. A number of Red Army soldiers, aside from

those on guard, were standing around with field glasses, looking

across into Finland.

On the Finnish side, the first building was a neat white stone

railway station. Several large pine trees surrounded and shaded it,

and well trimmed flower beds provided a welcome note of color. An

official was raking the immaculate gravel paths. There were at least

a dozen young Finns, of both sexes, in the station yard. They looked

like high-school students and were all neatly and gaily dressed.

Several of them had field glasses and were looking across into

 

Finland Again 79

Russia. One could not help thinking of the only circumstances that

would lead to a crossing of this border, for the watchers on either

side.

The sensation I had not expected was one of seeming to expand about

two inches in each dimension when the train rolled slowly across the

bridge. I had had no idea of how much the awareness of continuous

surveillance had weighed upon me. There was also the remarkable

sensation arising from smelling pleasant fragrances for the first

time in months.

Doc and I had determined, on our former short stop in Finland, that

here was the place to take our vacation, because some quirk of the

monetary exchange made prices incredibly low. This was the deciding

factor because Doc, as a graduate student, had no extensive fiscal

resources while I was still earning $20.00 per week. I had drawn my

salary in advance for the duration of the expedition, but my funds

showed no probability of providing a surplus. As a matter of fact,

one of my first efforts was to telegraph our steamship agent in

England to see if I could advance the date of my departure for the

United States, but without success.

We left the train at Viborg, where we spent the night, and then we

went to Lappenranta, where we boarded a small boat for several days

in the Finnish lake country. This is a region where there are no

roads but thousands of small lakes, interconnected by canals where

necessary. All traffic in this district is, or was, by little

steamboats forty or fifty feet long. Each farm had a narrow pier, or

perhaps a narrow board walk, extending out into water deep enough

for the boats, which operated almost like trolley cars. A farmer's

wife might board one to take vegetables to a market a few miles

away. If no one in the family needed to go to the village, a

dairyman could leave a few cans of milk on his pier and the boatmen

would pick these up and take them to market for him. Boats like ours

had a dozen or more tiny staterooms. Because vibration would make

sleep impossible, these boats would tie up to a pier, or even a tree

stump, at ten or eleven at night. As no meals were served on board,

the boat would start up in the morning to bring it to the next

village in time for breakfast.

On our boat, as on others that had staterooms, there was a group of

students on vacation. They were almost all German, Polish, Estonian,

Latvian, or Lithuanian; all were good linguists, so that two or

three simultaneous translations would make any remark intelligible

to all. We did most things as a group and had a fine time. Our most

memorable stop was at Savonlinna, a sort of crossroads in the lake

country from which one could, if he were in a canoe, travel a

hundred miles or so in almost any direction, through one small lake

after another. Here is the old Swedish castle of Olavinlinna, which

 

The Finnish Lakes 80

comes the nearest of any I have seen to being the standard fortress

I used to imagine as a boy. The castle covers a rocky island at the

outlet of a lake. It can be approached only by boat, and the swift

current makes the approach a job for an expert. This must be one of

the finest moats in the world. The views from the top of the largest

round tower are unforgettable. There are twelve funnel shaped holes

through the thick stone walls; each one frames a different and

delightful landscape.

There was one beautiful night when I decided to stay on the boat

instead of going to the local beer garden with the students. It was

a quiet evening with a magnificent sunset; fortunately so still that

I could sit with my feet on the rail and envelop my body with pipe

smoke to discourage the arctic mosquitoes. The group from our boat

eventually settled on the shore several hundred yards away and sang

student songs for two or three hours. During this time, the flaming

reds, oranges, and yellows of the sunset gradually swung through the

north and became a sunrise, without ever losing any of their

brilliance. We stayed with our boat as far as Kuopio and then took a

train to Vaala, at the mouth of another lake, where we stayed in a

small country hotel resembling a hunting lodge. This was the only

place in Finland where, for two or three hours in the afternoon, we

found ourselves without anyone in attendance who spoke English. In

the early morning we embarked for a boat trip down the Oulujoki

River. This is a tourist trip made in the kind of boats that were

formerly used to carry barrels of tar down to the Gulf of Bothnia.

The boats seat two abreast, are forty feet long and very flexible. I

had found one pulled up on the beach in the morning before we left.

Its bow was a little higher than my belt. I put my hand under the

prow and lifted it above my head, but only the front half of the

boat moved. We were to find that this flexibility was a great help

as it let the boat "flow" around rocks in the white water. The crew

of such a boat consists of a rower, in our case a fourteen year old

girl, whose chief duty is to get the boat from the shore of the lake

into the fast water of the river; and a helmsman with a long

steering oar, who is usually very busy. I estimated the speed of the

river, in the parts we traversed, as nearly twelve miles per hour.

Sometimes the banks are gently sloping and decorated with pastures

and cattle; in other places the river runs through forests or cuts

through narrow rocky gorges three or four hundred feet deep. It is a

thrilling, albeit wet, ride. After a stop for lunch at a restaurant

clinging to the side of a gorge (and approached by more steps than I

like to think about at my present age) the river comes to a place

where it flows too smoothly to be regarded as fun for the tourists.

They are then put ashore to be picked up by the afternoon train that

runs parallel to the river. After an hour or more on the train

another stretch of rapids is reached, and the tourists embark on a

second tar-boat for another twenty or thirty miles before reaching

the city of Oulu, at the end of a long, tiring, and exciting day.

 

In Northern Finland 81

 

From Oulu, we took a bus toward North Cape, but the weather turned

cold and damp. We got as far as Rovaniemi, where we walked north for

two or three miles and crossed the Arctic Circle, but decided that

this was enough and retreated by way of the train to Helsinki. The

capital was as delightful as we had found it before. We stayed at

the Torni Hotel, where we succeeded in paying $1.10 per day. This

was the only place in Finland where we spent as much as a dollar for

lodging, the usual price in the villages having been the equivalent

of twenty or thirty cents. At these prices we did everything we

pleased, going to cabarets frequently and never stinting ourselves.

I found, when I left Finland, that the entire stay there, including

about three thousand miles of travel, had cost about $3.50 per day.

On leaving the Soviet Union Doc had become very Russian, in his

opinion. He had grown a bushy black beard and always wore a handsome

Russian blouse he had bought somewhere. In our travels in Finland he

had been forced to realize that, for some reason, he was always

taken to be Czechoslovakian. This hurt his pride, so in Helsinki he

finally gave up and shaved off his beard. He deposited the bush,

practically intact, in the waste basket in our room before we went

off on some errand. On our return he happened to look into the waste

basket. On top of the beard was a single square of toilet paper,

bearing the carefully printed word "Wonderful". This completed his

humiliation, but we could never find a chambermaid who would admit

to the editorial comment.

When we left Finland, we took the night boat from Turku to

Stockholm. This is a beautiful trip through the seagull-haunted

archipelago of the Aland Islands in the evening and through the

equally lovely islands outside of Stockholm harbor in the morning.

Our boat was again accompanied by a large and friendly flock of

seagulls. The passengers of course saw to it that the birds were

suitably rewarded.

In Stockholm we looked up Olof Rydbeck, who gave us the grand one-

day tour of the city, including a stop in the courtyard of the royal

palace so that he could exhibit for us the wire that was "His

Majesty's Antenna". We spent the evening in the Swedish Tivoli where

Olof touted me onto the most stomach-unsettling "amusement" I even

encountered. After this, Doc went off into Germany while I took the

night train to Malmo and Copenhagen.

The attraction in Denmark at this time was Catherine. After leaving

Ak-Bulak, she had gone to attend some kind of a summer school at

Helsingor. This fact was, to tell the truth, nearly all I knew about

where she was.

I registered at the Tourist Hotel, which had been recommended as

 

Elsinore and Copenhagen 82

inexpensive. I found it very posh, with porters in white ties, even

in the morning. By the time I had filled out the long Danish

questionnaire and been bowed into the elevator and then into my room

by no less than two flunkies in tailcoats, I found that my bags had

not only arrived there, but had been neatly unpacked. After

breakfast I applied myself to the telephone with little confidence

in my ability to make a long-distance person-to-person call in

Danish. To my considerable astonishment, I presently found Catherine

at the other end of the wire. I promptly invited myself to Helsingor

for that afternoon.

I recollect very little of what we did that day, but I know that we

visited the Kronborg for I have very happy memories of sitting on

the edge of the parapet where Hamlet's father's ghost walked and

dangling our legs over the edge of the strait that separates Denmark

from Sweden. Catherine agreed to come to Copenhagen the next day and

to spend the subsequent night at a hotel there, so that we would not

have to terminate the festivities too soon. I have no more detailed

recollection of how we spent the day in Copenhagen; all this

forgetfulness speaks well for Catherine's impact upon my powers of

observation. I do recall a curious incident when Catherine returned

to the Terminus Hotel to change for dinner. While waiting in the

lobby, I decided that I should take advantage of the opportunity.

Finding a door marked "Herren", I passed through it and found myself

at the top of a flight of stairs that went down to a small landing

with only one door that said "Privat", and another flight of stairs

with a sign pointing downward and saying "Toilet". At the

subbasement level, the stairs ended at a door that clearly said,

"Personnen verbjuden ingang". After studying this for a while, I

opened the door and found a perfectly satisfactory lavatory. I still

wonder about this, from time to time.

A similar episode later in the evening also surprised although it

did not puzzle me. At this time we were in the Valentsia (phonetic

spelling) Nightclub. Catherine excused herself to go to the powder

room, which she later reported to be normal and neat. I, following

unambiguous signs for the men's room, found myself out in the alley

behind the establishment. (While writing these lines, I am

interested to notice that these episodes that I remember happened

when Catherine had left me for a few minutes. Perhaps she can

explain this).

But the pleasantest of functions must end. In the morning I saw

Catherine onto her train for Helsingor, nearly missing my own train

in the process, because I failed to leave her before the car doors

had been locked. Fortunately, there was a suburban station where I

found a fast taxi. I spent the rest of the day crossing Denmark to

Esbjerg, a port that exists primarily for shipping breakfast

materials to England. When I arrived, I found a small village and a

 

London Again 83

fine concrete pier a hundred feet wide and nearly two hundred yards

long. On this was piled a mountain of eggs, butter, and bacon that

must have been fifty feet wide, twenty feet high, and as long as the

pier. After a while a thirty thousand ton ship pulled in alongside,

and the contents of the pier were transferred to the ship in a half.

hour or so. A modest number of passengers followed, and we were on

our way to Harwich. I found out on board that the pier was filled

and emptied twice a day, and that Esbjerg was only one of a half

dozen towns where the same thing was happening. It is no wonder that

British breakfasts are so good!

At Harwich I had great trouble with the customs inspector. During

the "comradely tea party" at Orenburg, each of the expedition

members had been presented an Orenburg shawl. These were famous

local products reputedly made from the fleece of young camels. If

they were not so soft and warm, I would think of them as lace. They

fitted the descriptions I had read in fairy tales as a youngster

because, although perhaps five feet by seven in size, they could

easily be drawn through a lady's ring. They were supposed to be rare

and valuable. I had taken this statement with a grain of salt before

reaching Harwich. There the customs inspector sprang upon my shawl

with a glad cry. He promptly demanded a deposit on the order of a

hundred pounds before he would let me take the shawl across England

on my transit visa. This was awkward, because I then had no money

even remotely resembling a hundred pounds. After a long discussion,

with many pleas of abject poverty and solemn promises to take the

shawl out of England again, the inspector finally decided to forget

the whole matter and let me go. When I got home, I felt it right to

present the Orenburg shawl to Professor Mimno's wife. Fortunately,

Catherine had one of her own (which she had transported across

borders by the simple expedient of wearing it) so that I still have

at least a small interest in one of these souvenirs.

I had two weeks to spend in England before my boat sailed, and very

little money left. I found two or three facilities that greatly

eased my problem. I located a little rooming-house near the British

Museum where I got my bed and an excellent (Danish?) breakfast for

two guineas a week. There was also a fine old hotel, the Thackeray,

nearly across the street from the Museum. One could walk into the

lounge in the afternoon, press a button and say "tea" to the

waitress, and receive a substantial meal for a shilling. With my

hearty breakfast taken late and a good tea, I required no other

meals during this period. I spent a great deal of time in the

British Museum, which then closely resembled grandmother's attic. In

more recent years they have relegated 95% of the collections to

storage and have displayed the best to excellent advantage. It is

now a far more attractive museum, but with not nearly so much to

look at. Occasionally, during this waiting period, I would treat

myself to underground fare to some other part of London to wander

 

London Again 84

for a while, but for most of this fortnight the Russell Square area

was my habitat.

On one memorable afternoon, Professor Appleton invited me to tea at

the Halley-Stewart Laboratories. I found, to my surprise, a group of

a dozen of the most eminent ionospheric researchers in England,

including Professor (later Sir Robert) Watson-Watt. Professor

Appleton promptly stood me up at a blackboard and they all began

asking questions about my views on various ionospheric problems, as

well as about the work in Russia. Possibly because I was the victim,

I found the interrogation rougher than any oral doctoral examination

I ever attended. The worst came when Professor Appleton, with a

malicious gleam in his eye, asked what I thought of the paper by

Watson-Watt and one of his students that announced the discovery of

a reasonably highly-reflecting "C layer" at a height of ten or

fifteen kilometers. I had to plead ignorance, for which I was

forgiven when it was recalled that the paper had been published just

as I went into Russia. Professor Appleton then gave me a one-minute

summary of Professor Watson-Watt's claims, and demanded an opinion.

It was fairly obvious that the reported reflections must have come

from hills or buildings or aircraft, or all three, but I dared not

suggest this simple explanation with Watson-Watt scowling at me. I

got out of my difficulty reasonably well explaining that many people

had measured coefficients of reflection of the higher layers that

would be impossible if the new lower layer really existed. The

afternoon ended without my having added much to the enmity that

existed between Appleton and Watson Watt. During and after World War

II, Sir Robert managed to acquire a reputation as "the father of

radar", which he claimed to have invented in 1934. I have often

wondered when the idea really came to him.

My ship was the "American Banker", one of the American Export Line's

one-class vessels. I had a pleasant crossing, except that I

hesitated to ask the staff for anything because I knew that my tips

would have to be far below standard. By being niggardly enough in

this respect, I succeeded in getting back to Cambridge with seventy-

five cents in my pocket.


8.

 

Phonography

Throughout the four years that began immediately after my return

from Russia, I performed in at least a two-ring circus. The very-

high-frequency work having tapered off, I was more deeply engaged in

ionospheric problems, some of them being attempts to prove that

meteors contribute significant ionization in the upper atmosphere. I

was also drawn into a busy collaboration with Professor Hunt in

investigation of problems in sound reproduction from phonograph

records.

Professor Mimno insisted that I should complete the requirements for

my bachelors degree, and Harvard was more than generous in giving me

time and tuition grants for this purpose. I took Ted Hunt's

excellent course in acoustics and two or three cultural courses in

Summer School. Credit for these was transferred to Maine, which gave

me the B.A. in the fall of 1937. Passing this milestone brought up

the question of advanced degrees. It was financially impossible to

take full time for these, and it seemed grossly unfair to think of

stealing from my work as much time as would be needed. Under these

pressures, I decided that I must see what I could do at Harvard

without further degrees. I reasoned that if I could publish enough

scientific papers the University would find it difficult to explain

that I was just a minor technician and might appoint me to some kind

of staff status. I may say at once that this campaign worked well;

in 1939, after I had (with Professor Mimno, or Professor Hunt, or by

myself) published ten or twelve papers, the Corporation granted me a

minor annual appointment.

Before describing the phonographic work that took a third or more of

my time from 1936 to 1940, I must assign more credit to Professor

Mimno. I am sure that he was primarily responsible for finding, in

dusty corners of small budgets, enough funds to support my salary. I

surely felt that he had the right to direct my efforts, but he never

hinted at any dissatisfaction, even when my conscience nagged at me

for working as hard as I soon did in a field in which he bad no

special interest. It is, I suppose, true that I was generally

working at least ten or twelve hours each day in this era, as I had

little money or interest for other things, but my admiration and

gratitude for Harry's tolerance remain among my best remembered

emotions.

* * *

 

 

86

In August, 1936, then, I found Ted Hunt, with whom I was only

casually acquainted, overloaded in his efforts to finish building

some remarkably-advanced equipment for making phonograph records of

the proceedings of the Harvard Tercentenary Celebration. Ted had

induced the Tercentenary authorities to give him the financial help

needed for his desired instruments by suggesting the importance of

preserving for the fourth centenary celebration a complete audible

record of the activities at the third. While the idea of making such

records was exciting, I suspect that Ted's greatest interest was in

procuring equipment that he could use later for research purposes.

He had bought professional-quality turntables and other record-

cutting gear and had had high quality telephone lines run through

the steam tunnels to connect the important buildings with the

proposed recording room in the Research Laboratory of Physics. Being

dissatisfied with any recording amplifiers he could buy, he was

building his own to very advanced standards; it was in completing

the construction of these that he was falling seriously behind

schedule. It was to be expected that there would also be an

uncertain, but large, amount of testing and experimental record

cutting to be done.

The Harvard Tercentenary was by far the greatest academic

celebration in my experience, or perhaps in my lifetime. After two

or three weeks of Conferences on Arts and Sciences, the formal

proceedings lasted three days. It was like a glorified Commencement.

The whole Harvard Yard was decorated, among other things, by

hundreds of white poles carrying at their tops gilded Cambridge

lions. Sixty-two honorary degrees were awarded. Delegates from about

five hundred universities and colleges and fifty learned societies

marched in the academic procession in order of the ages of the

institutions, beginning with Al-Azhar which was founded in the year

970 A.D. The President of the United States was allowed a part in

the festival; John Masefield, the Poet Laureate of England, read a

poem; and musical portions were performed by the Boston Symphony

Orchestra. Seats were provided for 15,000 guests in the quadrangle

between the Memorial Church and the Widener Library. This

Tercentenary Theater was served by a remarkable sound system

contrived and supplied by the Bell Telephone Laboratories and the

Western Electric Company, allegedly at a cost of over $100,000. The

Theater has been used for Commencements since 1936, and the sound

reinforcement system has come down through the years surprisingly

won, with only occasional modifications and replacements of

equipment. The sound system for the Tercentenary was so free of

distortion and so artfully supplied from loudspeakers in the trees

and on surrounding buildings that most members of the audience did

not realize that electronic assistance was providing what they

heard. It was commonplace to hear people ask each other, "Why don't

they have a public address system?", not realizing that without one

they could have heard almost nothing from the rostrum at their

 

Phonography 87

distant seats.

With such a tempting program to be recorded, it is not surprising

that I volunteered and worked very hard with Ted to help complete

his equipment and learn how a recording was made. We slaved day and

night and, in classical fashion, completed the last changes and

adjustments within the hour before the ceremonies began. From my

point of view this rush had one bad effect. Ted claimed that I was

the only one who could be trusted with the actual cutting of the

records. I therefore spent the entire Tercentenary perched on a high

stool in front of the recording turntables and saw nothing of the

pageantry, although I must admit that I heard everything remarkably

well.

In the weeks following the Tercentenary, we cut more test records

and learned to make optical studies of the record grooves,

microscopically and in other ways. We discovered that we had,

perhaps largely by accident, made records of what was then

phenomenally high quality. This knowledge placed us in an

intolerable position because there was no phonograph pickup in

existence that could reproduce what we had recorded. Even worse,

there was no pickup that could be used without damaging the records.

We had had an instinctive realization of this tact, and had not

allowed any of the Tercentenary records to be played back, with the

exception of a few short sections at points where President Conant

insisted on finding out exactly what expressions had been used, or

where he wished to know whether certain off-microphone remarks had

been picked up and recorded, as they usually had been.

Knowing the excellent quality of today's phonographs and records, it

is hard to realize how bad nearly all of them were in 1936. In the

preceding decade, the old mechanical reproducers had been replaced

by electric pickups, amplifiers, and loudspeakers. The pickups and

the amplifiers, at least, followed the old designs because they were

intended to play the same records, which were, not to conceal the

truth, awful. To get enough acoustical power from the record groove

through a mechanical pickup, the stylus had to be pressed hard

against the record. In ordinary practice,the unbalanced weight of a

pickup was as nuch as four ounces. This weight rested on a needle

whose point had dimensions or only a few thousandths of an inch. The

resulting pressure was in the range of 20,000 to 50,000 pounds per

square inch, which exceeded the elastic limit of the record

material. The sharp point Of the usual steel needle would gouge out

the groove, erasing the higher recorded frequency components and

tearing the surfaces of the record groove so that random (scratch)

noise increased each time the record was played. Teddy's favorite

simile was to suggest that the effect was like dragging a cannon

ball along the furrow in a plowed field. To decrease the tearing

effect, abrasives were added to the record material so that a new

 

The Quality of Phonographs in 1936 88

needle would be ground to fit the groove after a few revolutions of

the turntable. This distributed the weight over a larger area of

contact so that the tearing was reduced, but it had two serious

disadvantages. The larger area of contact meant that the highest

frequencies could not be reproduced; while the roughness of the

abrasive produced unnatural, and unwanted, noise. It was therefore

common practice to limit the high-frequency response of the

reproducing system to about 3500 cycles per second, or little more

than the frequency range of an ordinary telephone circuit. The only

exception to this unfortunate situation was in the ease of

transcription records made for distribution of radio broadcasts.

These had recently been greatly improved by the Bell Telephone

Laboratories and the Western Electric organization. The

transcription records were in vertical cut on sixteen-inch lacquer-

coated discs that would play for almost thirty minutes. In

retrospect, it is clear that their virtues were the results of a new

order of care used in their manufacture.

Our records were cut in vinylite, without abrasive, so that they

exhibited even less noise than the transcription records. Because

this plastic was softer than the commercial shellac records, ours

were even more subject to tearing of the grooves and wearing off of

the high-frequency components of the sound. The obvious direction to

take in making a suitable pickup was to reduce the pressure on the

record to the point where all stresses were below the elastic limit

of the record material. This would mean that the entire mechanism

would have to be very light. It was clear that the power available

from a pickup would be proportional to the mass of material vibrated

by the modulation of the record grooves; making the pickup light

would reduce the power output. This fact did not disturb us, as good

amplifiers, were easy to make. We felt that even if the output

should be as low as that from a microphone we would still have a

useful device.

We began our experimenting with a simple hairpin of thin phosphor-

bronze ribbon. At the front, or closed end, of the hairpin the

ribbon's breadth was perpendicular to the record. This loop was

coupled to a sapphire stylus by a very light aluminum cone. Lateral

vibration of the stylus thus produced a rotary motion of the hairpin

in a magnetic field produced by a permanent magnet, so that the

front part of the hairpin was a single-turn coil and formed a small

alternating-current generator. The rotation of the hairpin was made

easier by twisting the ribbon in the rear part outside of the

magnetic field into the horizontal plane. A defect of this device

was that the front center of the hairpin had to be supported by a

block of viscous damping material to maintain the right pressure on

the record, and the acoustical characteristics depended in part on

the size and shape of the block of damping material. The pickup did,

however, show great promise. One inconvenience was that the

 

Pickup Design 89

impedance of the generator was very small, about 0.005 ohm, so that

heavy wires had to be used if the output were to be conducted very

far. We solved this problem by having a small transformer that

brought the impedance up to 500 ohms, and used the transformer

itself as a counterweight at the far end of the tone arm on which

the pickup was mounted.

We worked our way through many variations of this device. Each time

we made a major change in the design we increased the model number,

while minor variations were accounted for by letters, in

alphabetical sequence, appended to the number. By the time we

graduated from model HP-5G to HP-6A, we felt that we had a pickup

worth demonstrating and whose characteristics were worth publishing.

The hairpin had now become a little tube of phosphor-bronze about

three one-hundredths of an inch in diameter with walls two one

thousandths of an inch thick. The needed flexibility toward the

rear, where the hairpin was fixed, was provided by simply crushing

the tube into flat strips. This construction gave us good rigidity

in the coil part where it was needed, and flexibility where that was

essential. The electrical performance was sensational, for those

days, extending from 30 to 10,000 cycles per second. The power

output was admittedly very low, about one one-thousandth part of

normal, but this did not constitute a serious problem.

One of the most fascinating features was the light weight on the

record; about two grams. This produced pressures so gentle that it

was impossible to damage a record. We would astonish guests and

audiences by dropping the pickup two or three inches onto a fresh

uncut record. This would produce no visible or audible dent. An even

more startling test was to place a finger on each side of the tone

arm and scrub it back and forth across the grooves while a record

was being played. With any other pickup this would instantly ruin

the record. With ours, the noise from the loudspeaker during the

scrubbing was, of course, intolerable, but afterward the record

continued to play with no sign of damage. These characteristics and

the tonal quality of the reproduction were quite unheard of, and we

demonstrated them to any audience we could muster. Most experts

found it hard to believe that our audiences consistently voted Not'

when we inserted electrical filters and cut off the response to

frequencies above 11,000 cycles per second. Such a result was

contrary to the assumption that people did not want high frequency

response. We had proved that, if distortion and noise were

sufficiently reduced, the public really did like good sound

reproduction.

We had reached this state in November, 1937, and reported our

results first at the Acoustical Society meeting in Ann Arbor,

Michigan. This was an especially welcome opportunity for me, as

Catherine had left Vassar to pursue her graduate studies at the

 

Mr. Benner's Precise Machine Work 90

University of Michigan. I thus had a fine chance to visit her while

helping to amaze the acoustical experts of the country. Our paper on

HP6A was published in early 1938 and drew about two hundred fan

letters, a remarkable response for a scientific paper. Some of these

correspondents kept us writing letters for years; in fact, I think

the file was not closed until 1946.

We continued to improve our pickups until 1940; I think the last was

HP-23. We finally learned how to make them without any damping

material, which in reality had been needed only to control unwanted

modes of vibration. Although Teddy and I no doubt had the ideas

about what we wanted, most of the credit for these remarkably light

pickups must go to Harold Benner. Mr. Benner was the elderly chief

machinist at Cruft Laboratory. So far as I know, he could make

anything. I remember one occasion when one of the rich young men

around the lab had bought his wife a tiny Swiss watch. The works

were so small that if one had had two of them they could have been

placed side by aide on a dime without overhanging the edge. One of

the watch jewels had become broken, and a number of major jewelers

had refused to undertake repairs. When appropriately challenged, Mr.

Benner took the job home, where he had a more delicate jewelers

lathe than he had at the lab, and ground and drilled a new jewel

with satisfactory results.

The challenge was an important part of getting the best from Hr.

Benner. We learned to approach a delicate job by saying, "We don't

believe it can be done, but what we really need is . . ." An

excellent example is the kind of cone we used in our later pickups.

These were about two tenths of an inch long and one tenth in

diameter. At the top was a narrow cylindrical section to which a

thin silver band was later cemented, and there was a little button

at the end into which a sapphire or diamond stylus point was

inserted. Mr. Benner would start with a rod of duralumin. After

boring a cylindrical and then conical hole in the end, he would

cement this end to a correspondingly tapered arbor so the he could

reverse the rod in his lathe. He would then turn down the outside of

the cone until the remaining structure had a thickness of half a

thousandth of an inch, except at the little bump at the end. The

completed cones weighed an average of about four milligrams; it

would have taken 7,000 of them to weigh an ounce. I must admit that

occasionally one of these cones would be torn during the final

cutting but, even so, this remains one of the most remarkable

examples of fine machining that I ever watched. Certainly, without

Mr. Benner we could have done nothing important.

People never realize the combination of flexibility and internal

stiffness required in a phonograph reproducer. The acceleration in a

record groove can easily reach a thousand times the acceleration due

to gravity. If an automobile could tolerate such acceleration, it

 

Studies of Distortion 91

would reach a speed of fifty miles an hour after the first inch of

travel. For a pickup to withstand such forces, the effective mass

referred to the stylus tip must be a thousand times smaller than the

unbalanced weight on the record. For use with lateral cut records,

much of the mass of our pickups was concentrated relatively near to

the axis of rotation. We could then have a total mass perhaps as

large as ten milligrams and yet achieve a playing weight of only two

grams, or about one fifteenth of an ounce.

Our best proof of the value of light weight on the record was a

commercial Beethoven recording that we played over 2500 times in

tests and demonstrations of various pickups. After all of this use,

it still had the "gleam" of a new one. We used to annoy Briggs and

Briggs, the fine music store in Harvard Square, when we went to

choose a new test record. After listening to many, in an effort to

select passages that were hard to reproduce accurately, we would say

to the clerk, "This one is good; now go get us a new record that has

not been played". One of our finest and most difficult tests was the

"singing strings" passage in the third movement of Brahms' first

symphony. Any pickup that could reproduce these measures without

audible distortion was clearly of the first rank.

Consideration of the pickup behavior led us into a long study of the

geometrical relations between the stylus tip and the record groove.

The details of this research are too complex to be worth discussing

here. The important point is that we have to out a groove with a

very sharp-edged tool although we must play it back with a smooth

(spherical or ellipsoidal) stylus tip. For this reason, the motion

of a playback stylus is not the same as the motion of the cutting

tool with which the record was made. We realized that the center of

a spherical stylus traced a curve that remained at a constant

distance from each of the surfaces of a record groove, If, for

purposes of analysis, we took each wall of the groove as following a

sine wave, the stylus would move along a path that was completely

determined by the amplitude and wavelength of the sine wave and the

radius of the stylus. A defined curve of this sort seemed to deserve

a name. We originally called it the "Pierceoid", partly because I

first suggested the existence of such a family of relationships, but

chiefly because I made the extremely tedious calculations required

to determine the amount of distortion produced in this way. This

name seemed unduly awkward, however, and we shortened it to the

"Poid" before we used the term in print. I am still occasionally

pleased to find that this name is defined in a technical dictionary.

Ted and I came to the interesting conclusion that, in the matter of

distortion, lateral-cut records had a distinct advantage over those

that were made with vertical motion of the cutting stylus. Knowing,

by now, the physical requirements (the right amount of stiffness,

the small mass, and the capability to withstand high acceleration)

 

Useless Patents 92

for a good pickup, we were able to define the criteria for a

satisfactory reproducer and to establish the kind of groove that

might be used to make long-playing records. Because we could not

conceive of a cutting head that could simultaneously record both

vertically and laterally, we failed explicitly to predict stereo

disc recording. The paper we wrote about these matters was the most

important one in our collaboration. It was simultaneously published

in the Journals of the Acoustical Society and the Society of Motion

Picture Engineers; a somewhat rare happening that was possible

because both editors wanted the paper and did not feel that their

membership lists overlapped too much.

We gave the subject matter of this paper verbally at several

meetings of scientific societies. This became something of a road

show; wherever we went the Bell Telephone Laboratories sent two or

three of their engineers to try to refute our claims about the

superiority of lateral recording. This was a great deal of fun

because by the time of each meeting the opposition had thought up

new arguments in favor of their excellent vertical records. As their

new ideas were always presented in discussion periods after we had

made our exposition, we had to think fast to find satisfactory

counter arguments extemporaneously. Perhaps the most interesting

proof of the soundness of our work did not come until eighteen years

later, in 1966, when the Audio Engineering Society decided to make

me an honorary member. This surprised me, as I had had no connection

with audio engineering for fully fifteen years. I could not resist

going to the convention in New York to be awarded this honor. It

turned out that when the industry was getting ready to produce

stereo records, people had found the mathematical basis they needed

in the 1938 Pierce and Hunt paper. I was very lucky in this in

stance. Ted and I had a policy of alternately assuming the position

of senior author and this most important of our papers fell into my

share.

In the course of this work, Ted and I had secured two patents that

seemed to be very sound. They were fundamental, as we claimed the

physical features that would cover any phonograph pickup that could

trace a groove in accordance with our teachings; and these teachings

defined the criteria for satisfactory freedom from distortion and

record damage. We thought that these patents were valuable

properties, but most of the industry correctly judged that we were

academic types who would never know how to fight a patent suit. An

exception to this general policy was nearly provided by Columbia

Records, which got far enough to offer us each $3000 a year, for the

life of our patents, for the rights. I tried hard to get Ted to

accept this offer but, at the time, he had an inflated idea of the

value of a patent. It had happened that, some years before, Ted had

invented the electronic frequency meter. His friends at the General

Radio Company were interested in manufacturing it, and offered him

 

G.W.'s Advice / Psychology of Hearing 93

his choice of two deals: $1,000 outright, or a five percent royalty

on whatever they sold. It did not seem that the sales would be

large, and Ted had chosen the royalty chiefly out of friendship, not

wanting the company to pay too much in case the frequency meter

should not be a commercial success. Over several years, his receipts

were showing some signs of reaching the thousand dollar level. By

the time our phonograph patents were issued, World War II was

beginning, and the U.S. Navy decided to put one of Ted's frequency

meters in nearly every ship and shore installation. When the

Columbia patent deal was being negotiated, Ted was collecting

thousands from the frequency meter. This led him to feel that

Columbia would pay more, but his stubborn attitude outlasted

Columbia's patience. The deal collapsed, partly because Ted and I

were both deeply involved in war work and had little time or

interest for anything else. As a result, we never collected a penny

on our patents. It has always interested me that Columbia's Peter

Goldmark, after the war, emerged as the inventor of long playing

records. Dr. Goldmark did a magnificent job of development, reducing

our ideas to practice. I was to learn that this is usually a harder

and more critical part of bringing a new device before the public

than is the invention of the idea but, for a time, I sorely missed

having a share of the credit. I did not then know President A.

Lawrence Lowell's frequently repeated aphorism, "You may get results

or you may get credit for results; you can rarely have both."

* * *

In the early days of these patents, Teddy and I had felt that we did

not know how to make them show the most (if any) profit. As

Professor G. W. Pierce was known to hold many patents and to have an

aggressive patent attorney, we approached him for advice, saying, in

effect, "How do you decide what royalty to charge for the use of a

patent". After a moment of thought, G.W. explained that the trick

was to establish a rate such that the product of the rate and the

number of items sold would become a maximum. "Yes, yes!" said Teddy

and I eagerly, And how do you do that? Why, said G.W., flothing

could be more simple. One simply expresses the function,

differentiates it, and sets the result equal to zero. With this

profound advice ringing in our ears, Teddy and I retired to our own

quarters as least as wise as when we had come in.

* * *

It is hard to say whether it is good or bad that the human ear (or

more probably brain) easily adapts to what it is hearing. If one's

record player or radio is a little out of its best adjustment, this

fact must be noted and the error be corrected within seconds after

the machine has been turned on. If the fault be not readjusted

immediately, the ear will become used to it and the sound will come

 

G.W.'s Advice / Psychology of Hearing 94

to seem natural. The bigger the defect the longer it will take to

get used to it, but ultimately the ear will like the sounds it is

familiar with. There is a classical story about one of the most

famous audio engineers who, many years ago, bought a fine radio with

far better frequency response than the one he had had. The radio was

unquestionably superior, but his wife detested it because it

shrieked at her. Being a practical psychologist as well as a married

man, the engineer said he would fix it. He concealed in the cabinet.

fifty of the old two microfarad paper capacitors that every lab used

to have many of and connected them in parallel across the voice coil

of the loudspeaker. This reduced the quality of the sound to about

the level of the old radio and satisfied the wife. Then, every

Sunday morning before his wife appeared, he would reach behind the

speaker enclosure with his cutting pliers and disconnect one or more

of the capacitors. In a few months he brought the tone quality back

to what it should have been, and his wife still thought it was

wonderful.

When working in sound reproduction, one needs to be continuously on

guard lest, instead of continuing to make improvements, he come to

like what he has. It is too easy to improve things so that they be

come more like what he enjoyed last week or last month. This is, of

course, negative progress. Fortunately, Ted and I were able to adopt

a happy plan that probably had a great deal to do with the ultimate

quality of our work. It happened that the Hunts had season tickets

to the concerts of the Boston Symphony Orchestra and that Kay, Ted's

talented and long-suffering wife, had entered a period when she was

caring for a small son and did not seem to care greatly whether she

went to the concerts or not. She effectively deeded her seat to me

so that, after working all week to the point where we began to be

satisfied with the music we were getting from our fine machinery,

Ted and I could go to the Saturday night concert and get our musical

taste recalibrated. By thus keeping the absolute standard of musical

excellence in the forepart of our attention, we were able to prevent

ourselves from becoming self-hypnotized and too satisfied with the

results of our labors.

The phonograph pickup is not the only important part of the re

producing system. Amplifiers and loudspeakers were subjected to

careful study, but we made no inventions in these areas. Ted

designed and the lab's best carpenter, Billy Kennealy, built for us

an excellent low-frequency speaker. This came in two halves, each

about three feet by six and five feet high, or as large as could

conveniently be wheeled through the various doors in the

laboratories. Each half consisted of a folded exponential horn which

was driven by a fifteen inch speaker. The high frequencies were

reproduced through a Fletcher horn, a multicellular speaker made by

the Western Electric Company for theater systems. The low-frequency

speakers were of complex construction inside, and it took us some

 

Loudspeaker phasing 95

weeks to add the necessary reinforcements in various places to

subdue unwanted resonances. During this interval, Frederick Saunders

wandered into the room. Professor Saunders was the chairman of the

Physics Department and an excellent violinist. He was blessed with

the rare talent of having absolute pitch and, being a good

physicist, he had taught himself to express this in either musical

or physical terms. After listening to the musical sounds our speaker

produced for a minute or two, he remarked, Your trouble is at 82

cycles per second. When we located the unwanted vibration in the

box, we measured the frequency carefully. It was at exactly 82-1/2

cycles.

It used to be dogma that "the ear takes no account of phase". This

statement is nearly true, but there are a few ears that are

especially sensitive. Two pairs of these belonged to Joe Maxfield

and Art College, the two stalwarts of E.R.P.I., the Western Electric

subsidiary that installed and maintained sound systems for movie

theaters. We had met Joe and Art in connection with the Tercentenary

and they kept an interested eye on what we were doing for several

years. When we set up our fine loudspeaker combination, they

complained that the phasing was not right. The high and low

frequency speakers crossed over (or radiated equal amounts of power)

at about 300 cycles per second. Because the component speakers were

effectively at different distances from the ears of the listener,

the 300 cycle sounds apparently arrived in different phases and

interfered in an unpleasant way, although Ted and I could hear

nothing wrong. Joe and Art assured us that it was only necessary to

change the high frequency speaker's position, on top of the low

frequency woofers, by a few inches to correct the trouble. We

decided to test this suggestion. Sending one of our visitors out of

the room, we let the other move the Fletcher horn, while listening

to good music, until he was satisfied. We then made a private mark

to record the position and threw the adjustment out. The other

expert then went through the same performance and amazed Ted and me

by settling on a position within about an eighth of an inch of that

selected by his colleague. Although we could hear nothing changing

as they made their adjustments, Ted and I had to admit that they

were hearing something real. After some months, I managed to train

my ears to detect a little of what Joe and Art had complained of; a

sort of "burr" when the music involved a tone at the crossover

frequency or near it, but I never attained much of their critical

ability.

Beginning as soon as we had suitable reproducing equipment, I became

involved in various minor recording activities, some of which had

entertaining aspects. In one of the early cases, the recording

served only as an introduction to the finest jam session I ever

attended. During the 1937 Summer School, I became acquainted with

several jazz aficionados, one of whom was a professor of history at

 

Jam Session / Jim 96

Columbia University. These friends were interested in several black

jazz musicians in Boston, whose talents they wished to advertise in

hope of getting them better engagements.

To advance this aim, I arranged an opportunity for the group to play

in the Music Building at Harvard, from which we had recording lines,

and made two or three records that my friends could use for

demonstration. This led to a happy Sunday when, soon after lunch,

five of us went to the hall of the negro musicians' union on

Columbus avenue. Each of us brought two one-gallon jugs of the

cheapest gin, and from then on we let nature take its course. Word

spread rapidly, and musicians and listeners arrived in great

numbers. I was astonished by the virtuosity of the players. When a

new man arrived he might take over the piano while the former

pianist would change to a trumpet or perhaps clarinet. The makeup of

the band changed in some such way every few minutes. The group could

play anything we asked for, but our ideas were soon exhausted and we

found it better to just sit back and listen. As the afternoon wore

on, followed by evening and night, it developed that the professor

had the fiscal resources to keep sending emissaries for huge trays

of sandwiches all the while, in some way. I did not understand (in

Boston, on Sunday), we were able to keep the gin flowing, at a

price. I have seldom heard jazz so well and spontaneously played,

even in the old days in Greenwich Village, and certainly was never

deluged by so much of it. I regretted that I had to leave at the

height of the party at about three A.M, and I was even more sorry

that the pressure of other things prevented me from keeping an

acquaintance with these remarkable musicians.

My fondness for Jim was of an entirely different kind. Jim was a

katydid coflected (by Dick Dow, who had been a friend of Catherine

since her college days) for Professor G.W. Pierce, in the early days

of his experimentation with the ultrasonic sounds of insects. G.W.

later wrote a charming book, called The Songs of Insects, that I

have always suspected of being the last book to be written in the

scientific style of the nineteenth century. The techniques for his

studies were a curious mixture of the new and the obsolescent. His

ways of picking up the sounds inaudible to the human ear were highly

modern, or even unique, but his methods for recording and analyzing

them would have been recognized by John Tyndall.

Most Insects had such low stridulation frequencies that they could

be recorded by G.W.'s crude equipment, but Jim modulated his high

frequencies so rapidly that the gear did not respond satisfactorily.

I earned myself a footnote in G.W.'s book by recording Jim's sounds

at 78 RPM and playing them back at 33 1/3 RPM, which brought them

into the range necessary for analysis.

Jim had a loud double chirp that was steadily repeated at night,

 

Jim / Walter Hampden 97

often for hours at a time. He was a favorite in the lab, where he

lived for several months while Paul Donaldson, the lab photographer,

took beautiful still pictures of him and tried hard to get high

speed movies that would reveal his stridulation technique. On one

occasion, G.W. arranged a radio broadcast about his insect noises

and I was drafted to run his sound effects. He wanted to use Jim as

an example, which worried me as the insect would often fall silent

without warning. By way of insurance, I kept a good record of Jim's

calls on a turntable, while I put Jim himself into a dark broom

closet with his own microphone. During the first part of G.W.'s talk

I spent most of my time monitoring him and running his other

exhibits, but kept nervously checking Jim's line to see if he was

still beeping. Fortunately, the katydid was highly reliable that day

and came through in excellent voice when called upon.

To change from silly to sublime subject matter, I must confess how

it happened that the world has no phonograph records of the

magnificent voice of Walter Hampden. A professor of public speaking

at Harvard, Freddy Packard, used phonograph records of his own in

his teaching, and he was fascinated by the quality of our records.

From time to time he would bring actors, who were playing in Boston,

over to Harvard and induce them to make a few private records that

he could use in his courses. Ted had, by this time, run microphone

and loudspeaker lines between our recording room and the Faculty

Room of the Physics Department. This was a pleasant, booklined room,

furnished as a living room, and we had determined that it had the

right acoustical properties to make it an excellent studio.

Walter Hampden was a famous Shakespearian actor. He could whisper or

shout or bellow with the most perfect clarity, and his range from

soft to loud was, we found, nearly equal to that of an orchestra. He

was quite correct in believing that no phonograph could do justice

to his voice, and he had never permitted a record to be made. In

some way Professor Packard overcame this reluctance and brought Mr.

Hampden to the Faculty Room. After a few minutes of talk, I went

upstairs to the recording room and warmed up the equipment while

suggestions for Mr. Hampden's readings were being discussed. Just as

I was ready for the performance to begin, the conversation in the

Faculty Room disclosed the fact that we had, the week before, made

records of Ethel Barrymore. Mr. Hampden insisted that he must hear

these before he would give his own readings. Accordingly, I quickly

undid my connections and put the Barrymore records on the

turntables. After playing these through the loudspeaker in the

Faculty Room, I reestablished the recording setup, and Mr. Hampden

began to recite. It was unfortunate that I happened to be monitoring

what went onto the records with a pair of crystal headphones. These

cheap devices had excellent high-frequency response but were very

deficient in the low frequencies. As a result I, being busy trying

to keep Mr. Hampden's glorious words from overloading or

 

Walter Hampden 98

undercutting the records, did not notice anything wrong with the

tonal quality of the sound until the time came for playing back the

records we had made. They sounded as one might imagine they would if

mouthed by a hippopotamus. By the time I discovered that, in my

haste to re-establish recording conditions, I had plugged the in

Faculty Room monitor speaker where the microphone ought to have

been, Mr. Hampden had departed in his very highest dudgeon. I was

never able to learn that he ventured into a recording studio again.


9.

 

Back to the Ionosphere

 

The "radio" side of my life between 1936 and 1940 was fully as

fascinating as the phonographic work, but it was of far less general

interest and only indirectly of much importance. With one exception,

to be described below, the meagre results of the very-high-frequency

work led to the gradual elimination of that project. For some

reason, certain occasional bursts of skywave reception from an early

shortwave broadcast transmitter in Millie, Massachusetts, attracted

my attention. These, I felt, might be caused by reflection of the

signals from clouds of ionization produced by occasional large

meteors passing through the atmosphere more or less overhead. It had

been shown, in 1932, that a general increase in the ionization of

the E-layer could be observed at the time of a recognised meteor

Shower, but the fact was not widely known or believed. By studying

what was known about the relative frequency of large meteors and the

amount of energy dissipated by them, I was able to show that they

should be able to produce enough ionization about as often as was

needed to explain the effects observed.

This started a continuing interest in meteoric ionization, although

the study of it was somewhat frustrating. One never, of course,

knows when a large meteor may appear, while reflections from

ionization produced by smaller ones were not easily detectable with

the radar-like techniques and especially with the limited

transmitter power available before 1940. I used to dream of a

scenario in which I would observe the passage of a meteor which

actually fell to earth to be recovered. I could then, I thought,

give a lecture saying, "Here is the record produced by a meteor,

observed at a certain time; and, (reaching into a pocket), Here,

gentlemen, is the meteor". It is needless to say that such an

opportunity never came to me or, so far as I know, to anyone else.

It was gradually possible, in part before World War II and in part

in the first year or two afterward, to amass a series of records

showing reflections from meteoric ionization at times coinciding

with visual observations. This involved many tedious and chilling

hours watching for and counting visual meteors. The climax of these

efforts came one night about 1 A.M. when Catherine and I were

watching at the field station that the lab then maintained in

Weston, where we had a hut containing receiving equipment and where

the darkness of the sky made watching very productive. We had only

been there a few minutes, or long enough to get dark-adapted, when

the second-largest bolide I ever saw appeared almost overhead. It

 

Meteoric Ionization 100

was rather like a flaming full moon, except that it threw off sparks

of green and blue and left a trail in the sky that was visible for

about twenty minutes. As soon as I recovered from my surprise, I

rushed into the shack to see the radio reflection, only to discover

that the transmitter in Cambridge had failed. I dashed to the car

and drove to the laboratory, with little regard for speed limits,

and succeeded in getting the transmitter back on the air in time to

record the latter part of the reflection from the cloud of

ionization, which persisted for a total of forty-five minutes.

In 1946, the Draconid meteor shower of October 9th was predicted to

be exceptionally brilliant, as the earth would approach the orbit of

the parent comet soon after the comet had passed that point in its

orbit. This prediction was fulfilled by the biggest meteor shower in

my lifetime. Unfortunately it was cloudy in Massachusetts, but my

records showed at least four thousand "bright meteors in about three

hours", a number that agreed well with visual observations in other

places.

After the war, the availability of high-powered radar equipment made

meteor researches more rewarding, for other investigators, and the

results were often studied by far better physicists than I, so that

my early successes in the field were soon forgotten. It was,

however, an effort that greatly interested me and which has, in

other hands, led to many useful results. I do believe, however, that

I was the first to demonstrate that a radio (or radar) reflection

could be produced by a single meteor.

In June, 1938 there was a remarkable amount of sporadic E-region

ionization at the time when the season of the year and the cycle of

solar activity were both at their best. This sporadic ionization is

related to auroral activity, because both are produced by the

bombardment of the atmosphere by charged particles shot off from

active areas on the sun. Most patches of sporadic ionization are

small and seem to move in a way reminiscent of the motion of auroral

streamers. On several occasions in 1938 (and occasionally since

then) the ionization extended across areas a thousand miles or more

across and was also unusually intense. One result of this activity

was that hundreds of amateur radio contacts in the 56-megacycle band

were achieved across distances up to two or three thousand miles

instead of being restricted to a few tens of miles, as is usually

the case.

Through the courtesy of Ross Hull, the Technical Director of the

American Radio Relay League (an organization of radio amateurs), the

many reports of these phenomenal radio conversations were sent to me

for analysis. I was able to deduce the intensity of the ionization

as a function of geographical position and, besides plotting

contours to show the extent of the sporadic clouds, to show that

 

Meteoric Ionization 101

reflection had been possible up to a frequency of 150 megahertz, to

use the modern nomenclature. This means, in current term; that at

least the first few television channels should, if an equal

magnitude of sporadic ionization occurs again, be clearly seen at

distances of about a thousand miles. At the same time the FM band

might well have signals in hopeless confusion, for a short period.

In the 1938 case, there was at least one occasion when two large

clouds of ionization occupied the eastern and western halves of the

United States at the same tine, so that coast-to-coast 56-megahertz

transmission was possible for a few hours. I had the pleasure of

writing an account of this study in two contrasting styles, one for

publication in QST, the radio amateur periodical, and a second in

scientific language for the "Physical Review".


The 1938 Hurricane

The hurricane that struck eastern New England in September, 1938,

was exciting, as no one in this area had seen anything like it for

more than a century. There was little or no warning, at least in the

Boston area. For some reason I had left work in the afternoon and

gone to a movie in Harvard Square. The storm, which had not been

noticeably severe, surprised me by its intensity when I came out

near dinnertime. I did not know what the storm was, but damage was

clearly being done. After I had eaten and thought it over and, I am

sure, after the rain had subsided and the wind had gone down

somewhat, I took a flashlight and patiently climbed each of the

three antenna towers on the Physics labs to see that none of the

many wires had torn loose. None had, strangely and luckily, as

trailing wires on such a night could have been hazardous.

In the morning I was horrified to find the lawns near Memorial Hall,

close to which I passed on my way from the lab to my room, were

thickly strewn with slates from the roof of the hall. These were

large and heavy, perhaps eighteen by thirty inches in dimensions,

and most of them were standing nearly upright, buried to half their

length in the ground. I never heard that anyone had been injured in

the fall of these slates, probably because few idiots would have

been abroad during the worst of the storm. On that morning after the

hurricane it became obvious that many towns in eastern and central

Massachusetts had been more or less cut off by high water, and some

of them had not been heard from as almost all wires were down. Doe

Selvidge and I then took the radio truck, that was liberally

supplied with batteries, and set out to see what "lost" towns we

could discover and assist by sending out messages if help were

needed. This was a largely useless effort as people were more self-

sufficient in those days and usually seemed to deal with their own

emergencies. We did, however, spend two nights and a day in this

humanitarian enterprise. Our greatest success was in finding a boy's

school in or near Ware, that was full of people anxious to get

 

The 1938 Hurricane 102

messages of reassurance to their families. We got all of these all

off by amateur radio (even though we were licensed as an

experimental station) and hoped that most of them got through. This

trip was sporting as many of the roads were under water and

intensive map study was needed to find ways to go in the directions

we thought necessary.

Brattle Street, the old Tory Row in Cambridge, was a sight of

desolation after the hurricane. It had been lined on both sides by

stately elms, most of which were uprooted by the storm. I fail to

remember how many days it took to clear the street enough for cars

to use it. This was my first experience with nature's wonderful

power of regeneration, helped in this case by man. After twenty

years I am sure that no stranger would have realized that any

disaster had occurred along Brattle Street. It is unfortunate that I

must also conclude that these beautiful trees would have been lost

to the Dutch elm disease in the next decades in any case. Few

villages and even cities were ever more beautiful than these old New

England towns with streets shaded by complete arches of these.

magnificent trees.


Mrs. Stillman / Marriage to Catherine

In the summer of 1937 I made the first of many visits to Catherine's

summer home in Brookfield, New York. This was the house in which

Catherine was born. She and her mother, Margaretta Adelia Taylor

Stillman, had lived elsewhere since 1918 but still maintained the

house, as we continue to do, for a summer residence. I immediately

became very fond of Mrs. Stillman, which no doubt helped to ease my

qualms about marrying again. After this and another visit or two in

1938, it was becoming obvious that a marriage would take place,

probably in the summer of 1939. when Mrs. Stillman upset our vague

plans. She had, while spending a semester with Catherine in Ann

Arbor, begun to correspond with an old acquaintance, Dr. Courtenay

Fean, whom she had had as a Sunday-school teacher some time prior to

1890, and who had spent most of the intervening years as a

missionary in China. The correspondence soon led to a visit or two.

I had been instructed to appear for inspection at the family

Christmas party in Hall, Nw York. Someone jokingly suggested that

Mrs. Stillman should invite Dr. Penn to the party. She took the

suggestion seriously, with the result that a day or two before

Christmas she went to the railroad station to meet his train at six

o'clock in the morning and appeared for breakfast wearing a new

diamond ring. This had the happy result that no one except Catherine

paid much attention to me during the party.

After returning to Cambridge, I soon learned that Mrs. Stillman and

Dr. Penn had decided to be married on February fourteenth. Catherine

and I felt that we would prefer that her mother announce our

 

Mrs. Stillman / Marriage to Catherine 103

marriage before she changed her name, so we put on a burst of speed

and arranged to be married in Cambridge while Catherine and her

mother were on their way to New Jersey for the second wedding. As a

result Catherine and I were married on Saturday, February fourth,

1939, by Dean Sperry of the Harvard Divinity School in a very

private service at the Appleton Chapel in the Memorial Church.

Immediately after the ceremony, I found that Mrs. Stillman had

complicated our day. New Jersey required blood tests for the new

couple, although they were both past seventy, and attempts to have

one made in Michigan and reported to New Jersey had repeatedly gone

awry, because improper forms had been used or had not been signed by

a non-existent family physician, or for some other odd reason. Just

before Catherine's wedding, Mrs. Stillman had received a telephone

call from her fiance' saying that another effort had gone wrong and

recommending that she now have a blood sample taken and mailed to

New Jersey. As a result, Professors Hunt and Mimno took the wedding

party back to the Commander Hotel, where Catherine and her mother

had been staying, and we left my new wife in the lobby reading the

Boston Herald while I took Mrs. Stillman to my physician to have

another blood sample taken. After this necessary interruption, we

finally sat down to the wedding breakfast.

Fortunately Catherine and I stayed in Cambridge that weekend, while

her mother visited friends on the North Shore, because on Monday my

doctor telephoned in a state of irritation. Apparently the post

office had recognized the blood sample and instead of reading the

address had sent it to the Massachusets General Hospital. They had

also allowed it to get too hot so that the sample was useless. As

the licensing time required before Mother's wedding was rapidly

expiring, we telephoned to advise her to drop everything and get

into the state of New Jersey and have another blood test made. This

effort was successful and Mother, although anemic, got her license

with a few hours to spare and was married as she had wished, on

Saint Valentine's Day.

This turmoil amused Catherine because she herself had not needed to

do anything except to appear in time for the ceremony. Massachusetts

then required no blood test and, because of some quirk in the law,

I, being a resident of the State, had had to make all the

arrangements while Catherine, as a non-resident, had not even needed

to sign her name. Notwithstanding this lack of official interest in

her, I think that Catherine believes Dean Sperry's attestation on

her marriage certificate to be adequate proof of a valid ceremony.

So far as I can tell, I should say that this marriage was one of

Dean Sperry's most successful accomplishments.

After the New Jersey wedding, Catherine and I took the train to

Albany where we separated, she to go back to her graduate studies in

Michigan and I to whatever I was doing in Cambridge. Catherine

 

Marriage, continued / Mrs. Bridgeman 104

managed to stretch her Easter vacation to nearly a month, however,

so we spent part of it watching Gilbert and Sullivan, as the D'Oyly

Carte Company was then playing in Boston, and part of it in

attendance at the Physical Society meetings and others in

Washington.

During the summer of 1939, Miss Eliza Tuthill, an old friend of

Catherine and her mother, gave us a most delightful wedding present.

For two weeks she vacated her charming apartment in Flatbush, about

half a mile from the grounds of the New York World's Fair, and let

us use it as a base. We were thus able to exhaust our energy on the

fairgrounds and easily get back home to recuperate. Our favorite

spot was the Finnish Pavillion, small, simple, and beautifully

decorated, where they served the best coffee I had had since leaving

Finland in 1936. We spent many an hour there, resting our legs and

drinking coffee.

* * *

In September Catherine and I set up housekeeping in Cambridge,

somewhat to the relief of the Department, which had heard that I had

been married but had seen no evidence of that fact. Catherine was

introduced to the Department ladies at the first wives' tea in the

fall. A high spot for her, and for me by hearsay, was when she was

presented to Mrs. Percy Bridgeman, the wife of the famous physicist

and philosopher who was to receive the Nobel Prize a few years

later. Mrs. Bridgeman was a sturdy New England matron with a heart

of gold and a somewhat forbidding exterior, who disliked the name

Percy and always called her husband Peter. Catherine had been

introduced and was ready to move on down the receiving line when

Mrs. Bridgeman did a double take. "Pierce", she said, "Mrs. Jack

Pierce?" Catherine admitted her identity, whereupon Mrs. Bridgeman

continued, "Oh Well, Peter told me to look you over and see how I

thought you'd do". I have always assured Catherine that she must

have passed inspection, because I remained at Harvard for another

thirty-five years.


Complex Reflections

At about the time we were married, my attention had been attracted

by some curious multiple reflections that occurred from time to time

on our records. These appeared as "stacks" of up to eight or ten

repeated bounces of a signal between the earth and the F-layer, that

would persist for ten or twenty minutes at a time, especially in the

hours following sunset. Most peculiarly, these stacks were often

skewed, so that after registering strong first and second

reflections there would be no further signals until, say, the

seventh multiple. After a minute or two, the sixth might appear,

followed presently by the fifth, and so on. After a while all of

 

Complex Reflections 105

these higher multiples would disappear, perhaps to come back again

once or twice at intervals of an hour or so.

After a lot of tedious calculations of possible ray paths, in which

Catherine very kindly helped for many weeks, I was able to

demonstrate that these anomalous reflections were the result of very

long-wavelength ripples in the reflecting layer, particularly at

times when the layer was not horizontal such as near sunrise and

sunset. These waves or, better, swells, could produce remarkable

results when they had an amplitude (in height) of only a half-

kilometer or a kilometer and a wavelength of several hundred

kilometers.

These studies led me to a long infatuation with what I may call

mechanical explanations of curiosities on our records, as opposed to

the effects produced by refraction and retardation of signals in the

ionized regions, or what is now called plasma physics. One at my

happiest moments was when I could show that a signal that had been

absent from Cambridge for as long as a tenth of a second (seen on

one of Olof Rydbeck's records) had travelled to approximately the

Gulf of Aden, where it had met the sunrise line in a region where

the layer had a steep slope and large curvature, and had been

reflected back by this obstacle and returned to Cambridge.


10.

 

The South African Trip

 

In 1937 I began a campaign intended to result in another radio

eclipse expedition; this time to the (then) Union of South Africa in

1940. This campaign consisted largely in firmly telling everyone in

the lab that I was going to go, with the result that 1940 eventually

arrived without its having occurred to anyone to forbid the trip. I

had by no means the status to be expected for an expedition leader,

but persistence and a great deal or preparatory study worked quite

well.

For this trip I had the pleasure of raising my own funds (with, of

course, Harvard's name behind me). which was a far different matter

before World War II. I begged $500 or $1,000 successfully from each

of several sources, such as the Milton Fund at Harvard, the American

Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Philosophical Society,

and even from the Radio Corporation of America. I learned how to

coordinate my requests with those of others at Harvard, so that my

plea for a small sum would not be sent to a potential donor who

might be considering a larger gift to someone else. I was especially

delighted when, worried about possibly-increasing costs because of

the war, at the last minute I approached the Director of Cruft

Laboratory, Professor G.W. Pierce, and asked him if he would like to

contribute $500 as an emergency fund. Although G.W. had, so far as I

know, a clean record of not contributing to the research programs of

youngsters, I found myself leaving his office within a minute with

his check in my hand.

Much of my time for the last year or so before 1940 went into

building equipment for the expedition. I made two main devices; a

transmitter and receiver that could be operated manually to trace

the minute-to-minute variations in the critical frequencies of the

ionospheric layers, and an automatic transmitter and receiver that

recorded layer height as a function of time at no less than eight

fixed frequencies simultaneously. In the days before digital

techniques, this had to be an analog device. It was something of a

mechanical monstrosity but it worked very well. I had, of course,

spent weeks learning how to compute the circumstances of the eclipse

at various places so that I could, with the aid of the South and

East African Yearbook, choose an appropriate site. This large

handbook, I remember, delighted us with its references to the

available facilities in various places. Most of the hotels in the

small towns had what the handbook chastely called the "nightly pail

removal system of sanitation". Fortunately we were able to occupy a

 

107

somewhat better establishment.

In correspondence and in assisting with arrangements with the South

African government, Professor Basil F. J. Schonland, the Director of

the Bernard Price Institute of Geophysics at the University of the

Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, was of the greatest benefit to us.

Dr. Schonland was a great expert on lightning (taking advantage of a

natural resource in which South Africa excels, as we were to find

out to our sorrow), who later became the head of the British atomic

energy establishment and lived to become Sir Basil. Incidentally,

Dr. Schonland's little book for popular consumption, "The Flight of

Thunderbolts", is probably still the best simple introduction to the

real facts about lightning.

The South African government was (or were, in South African form)

most considerate and helpful, giving us free transportation for our

equipment and various minor benefactions. After World War II began,

there was, of course, a lot of uncertainty but, under Dr.

Schonland's urging, the government took only a relatively short time

to decide to let us proceed with our project.

The original plan had been to take three graduate students, Joe

de Bettencourt, Joe Keary, and Bill Read. They all helped in getting

equipment ready and in learning to use it. The outbreak of war,

however, had a most discouraging effect on our plans, as ships on

which we had reservations kept disappearing. I think that only one

was actually sunk, but others were unexpectedly sold to the British

so that, in the end, we lost our reservations five times. At the

last desperate moment, I happened to be in the office of the

American South African Line when two astronomers supported by the

National Geographic Society came in to say that they were giving up

their plans, and I promptly seized the vacated places on the S.S.

Lancaster.

Because these were the only two reservations we were able to get, it

was necessary to revise our plans. Mostly from selfishness but

partly because it was too hard to choose the graduate student who

most deserved to go, I decided to leave all of them at home and take

Catherine, whose mother had kindly contributed a thousand dollars to

help with the costs of her trip. This led to an amusing error when

Catherine sent a check for $44O to Harvard to cover her half of our

steamship fare. Someone in the administration misunderstood the

situation so that she presently received from the President's office

a beautiful and formal document thanking her profusely for her

donation. It seemed far better to leave this alone, so we did not

try to explain the mistake.

In this emergency, Dr. Schonland came through in his usual fine

style. He found for us four first-year graduates from two South

 

Preparations for South Africa 108

African Universities, one English and one Afrikaans, who would work

for the expedition for various periods for the sake of the

experience, provided that their expenses were paid. In the end, we

gave them a bit of pocket money as well and they were all as eager

and helpful as could be desired. Catherine also was as useful as

anyone, so Harvard made an excellent fiscal bargain.

One other difficulty threatened to disrupt our plans at the last

moment. Effective on the first of July, a few days before we were to

sail, the United States placed an embargo of the exportation of

materials that might be useful in the war effort. This list included

quartz crystals, I remember, and various other things that we had to

take with us. I rushed to Washington to see the State Department

people who had been most helpful in endorsing our requests for

permission to use our transmitters and in making other necessary

diplomatic arrangements. No one had any objection to our taking what

we needed, but unfortunately the law was so new that the requisite

forms for asking for exemptions had not even been prepared. After

some turmoil the head of the Division of International

Communications cut the Gordian knot. He simply telephoned the

Collector of Customs at New York and instructed him verbally to

release our equipment. He further endeared the State Department to

me by paying for the telephone call.

This period of tension was relieved by one small episode. Catherine

had stopped to see her mother in New Jersey while I was in

Washington. Roger Hickman, who had been representing the Harvard

administration in coordinating my efforts, happened to be in New

York to make a speech. To keep him advised, Catherine tried to

telephone him at the Harvard Club, only to find him out at the time.

Trying to achieve simplicity and clarity, she left a message to the

effect that Mr. Pierce has gone to Washington; Mrs. Pierce can be

reached at a certain Montclair telephone number. It was only later

that she found that the Harvard Club's way of dealing with such

messages was to type them out and post them on the Club bulletin

board. I think we had been back from South Africa a long time before

the Harvard Club allowed Roger to forget this message.

The day finally came when our equipment had been loaded and we were

to report to the Lancaster at the Bush docks in Brooklyn. A small

and happy group came to see us off: two or three New York friends,

two boys from the lab with one girl friend, and Dick Dow, the

entomologist and old friend of Catherine with his fiancee Mary

Johnson, who had been a close friend of Catherine at Mount Holyoke.

We were a little surprised that we had to go to the pier entrance to

identify our guests before they could come to the ship. After a high

tea for the group, we found that the sailing would be postponed for

at least a day. The best plan would be to return to Manhattan and

check by telephone occasionally until we learned the true sailing

 

The S.S.Lancaster 109

time. This allowed us two very pleasant days of vacationing in New

York. Some guests had to leave us but Dick and Mary and Joe deB and

his girl stayed on until we actually sailed. We had a chance to

visit the world's Fair again, at which I particularly remember the

Hot Mikado. We were intrigued to find how little it was possible to

change Sullivan's music even when it was supposed to be played as

jazz. In New York the highlight was certainly Dick's gift of an

evening at Life with Father, which was then enjoying its first run.

It was probably as well that we had some entertainment before

beginning our voyage, as the Lancaster was so slow that the trip to

Capetown took thirty-one days. We traversed the great circle route

of nearly eight thousand miles at an average speed of nine and a

half knots. It was the only ocean voyage either of us ever took that

threatened to last too long; we had to admit that during the last

week (when the South Atlantic swell had reached us and on every

watch the log entry read vessel rolling heavily) we began to feel

that it would be good to be ashore.

The Lancaster was a typical small freighter that had never carried

passengers. For this trip the owners had taken out the furnishings

of the pilot's room and installed a double-deck bunk and two small

bureaus. Catherine had the pleasure of finding herself the only

woman on board, surrounded by me and a crew of thirty-nine. We, of

course, ate at the Captain's table because there was no other.

Except that the first and third mates were on poor terms, we found

all the officers pleasant and friendly and had a very relaxing trip.

The Lancaster sailed brightly lighted, with big American flags

painted on both sides and illuminated by floodlights at night. Our

faith in this protection from German submarines became a little less

than perfect when we learned that much of the ship's cargo was

contraband from the German point of view. The only items I now

recall were automobile or truck chassis to be made into armored cars

and a large consignment of tetraethyl lead for the Royal Air Force

in Kenya. We found that the reason for the delay in our departure

was that the ship was carrying calcium carbide in burlap bags which

could be loaded only in perfectly dry weather.

Captain Baker was a short and somewhat plump man about sixty years

of age, who had grown up in sail along the coast of Maine. Although

he looked more like a Teddy Bear than a ship's captain, we soon

noticed that he commanded a very tight ship where everything ran

like clockwork with no apparent effort. We came to appreciate his

quality two or three days after leaving New York, when he told us at

breakfast that there would be a fire and boat drill that morning. He

assured us that we need take no part in this but suggested that we

might well go on deck and watch the exercise. "If anything happens",

he continued, "You children head for the first boat you can see; if

 

Captain Baker 110

you get there before me, you'll know you've been in a footrace".

We were especially impressed when we got into the tropics. Captain

Baker would then pull out onto the wing of the bridge an old wicker

rocking chair that had been left on board by the wife of some former

captain. He would tie knots in the four corners of a handkerchief to

protect his bald head, and sit in the sun and rock for hours at a

time. When we enquired how he could do this and maintain the respect

of the crew, the chief engineer explained by reciting innumerable

accounts demonstrating the captain's readiness to grab a belaying

pin (or whatever the steamship equivalent may be) and personally

subdue any violence that occurred.

Somewhere southwest of the Cape Verde Islands I was aroused one

morning by a peculiar noise, Sticking my head out of the porthole, I

was just in time to see the tremendous flukes of a whale as it

sounded about a dozen yards from the ship. On only one other

occasion did we find a whale close enough to let us see more than a

spout.

Although Captain Baker had been sailing to Capetown and up the east

coast of Africa for twenty years, he had never seen St. Helena,

which lay about fifty miles off the great circle route. To humor us

"children", he altered the course by a couple of degrees to bring us

within sight of the island. We had greatly enjoyed watching the

albatrosses and the flying fish, but it was a pleasant change to see

a little green in the seascape again. Our arrival in those waters

was unexpected, so we were intercepted by an old flying boat with a

pusher propeller, that looked as though it had been made by Glenn

Curtis at the time of World War I. This craft circled us for a while

asking questions by blinker. It amused me to find that I was able to

read there messages better than any of the ship's officers, but I

kept this knowledge to myself and let them explain what was

happening.

We chanced to reach Capetown just at sunset, which gave us a

spectacular view of the harbor, amazingly full of ships, with the

city and Table Mountain forming a backdrop of unusual majesty.

Because the antisubmarine net had already been closed, we had to lie

completely blacked out in the outer harbor until morning. We felt

that this blackout was remarkably silly, as we were perfectly

silhouetted against the brightly illuminated city and enjoying the

light of a full moon.

 


Capetown 111

 

We docked in the morning and were most conveniently met by Mr. and

Mrs. Thompson, who had somehow wangled permission to come aboard.

Mrs. Thompson was an American, a sister of a friend of a friend of

Catherine (if I have it correctly) who had married a South African

and lived in retirement in Muizenburg, not far from Capetown.

It seemed that Dr. Wood, the Director of the Union Observatory and

thus the ex-officio chief of the South African eclipse activities,

had communicated with both the immigration and customs officers, so

we were passed into the country with the greatest ease. I declared

and paid duty on a few personal comsumable items, notably ten

cartons of American cigarets that I had bought on the Lancaster for

$7.00. It was good that Mr. Thompson was there to lend me the money,

as the duty on the cigarets was no less than four pounds; closely

enough, we may say that a pound was equal to $4.00, a shilling to 20

cents, and sixpence to 10 cents, at the time of this trip. After we

had finished at the dock, the Thompsons drove us to the Mount Nelson

Hotel, after introducing us to the custom of morning tea. The Mount

Nelson was the most stuffy hotel im my experience, partly because it

was largely occupied by expatriates (many of them titled) who had

not cared to remain in England after the war started. The hotel was

mostly memorable, for us, because it had a large aviary of finches

in the lobby, thus introducing us to these charming birds, of which

we later kept many.

In Capetown we dealt with the problems of shipping our equipment to

Queenstown and paid calls upon professors at the University of

Capetown with whom we had corresponded. We also called upon the

American Minister and at the Southern Branch of Greenwich

Observatory, which was directed by Professor Jackson whose title

was, I believe, His Majesty's Astronomer at the Cape. After having

us for dinner, Dr. Jackson showed us through the Observatory after

dark. This tour was chiefly memorable because of the Director's

Scots economy, no doubt reinforced by a tight budget. In each room

he would turn on one 25-watt bulb, and then go back to turn off the

light in the preceding room before telling us what we were seeing.

We were amused to find that the handsome main building had been

designed in the northern hemisphere and then built in Capetown

exactly as shown on the plans, so that it faced away from the sun

instead of toward it, as intended.

The Thompsons drove us on two or three sightseeing tours, including

one to beautiful Stellenbosch, to meet Professor Naude', the head of

the Physics Department at the (Afrikaans) University of Stellen

bosch. Dr. Naude' introduced us to the two students who were

presently to come to help us, Pieter Zeeman and J. C. Roelofse.

We did some shopping, partly for film for various cameras lent us by

 

Capetown 112

Clyde Fisher of the American Museum of Natural History in New York.

We had met Dr. Fisher at the time of the eclipse in Kazakhstan, and

he had planned to come with us to South Africa to take care of our

photographic chores. When he had to withdraw at the last moment, he

covered his confusion by offering us a large assortment of cameras,

of which we accepted two or three. We had great difficulty in

declining the loan of Carl Akeley's original movie camera, developed

for his famous animal photographs in Africa. We did not care to be

responsible for such a rare and historic item and finally succeeded

in leaving New York without it. The films we bought were, after the

duty on my cigarets, our first introduction to South African prices.

We discovered that services, all provided by natives, were extremely

cheap while manufactured items, mostly imported, cost at least three

times as much as in the United States.

After two nights and a day in a very slow and cindery train that

jolted so much that we could not do the writing we had expected to

do, we arrived at Queenstown on the morning of August 20 and, as

planned, transferred to the Hexagon Hotel. The hotel took its name

from its location on the central hexagonal park in a town originally

laid out, for defensive reasons, with six wide streets radiating

from a central fort, now no longer in existence. The streets of the

town therefore have much of the form of a spiders web, with the

curious result that a driver often finds himself making one hundred

and twenty degree turns and very seldom, if ever, making one of only

sixty degrees.

Queenstown lies a hundred-odd miles in from the coast toward the

eastern side of the Cape Province. We had chosen it primarily

because, compared with the other towns in the eclipse track, it

combined the attractions of a good hotel and the most powerful

municipal electric plant. The latter point turned out to be most

convenient for us, as the QED (Queenstown Blectricity Department)

officials were very interested and helpful, and sold us all the

electricity we wanted at 3/4 of a penny per kilowatt hour.

The proprietors of the hotel, Mr. and Mrs. Verwoerd (pronounced

fairvort) received us most kindly and gave us the best room,

fortunately with a fireplace, for the startlingly-low price of three

pounds a week each, with all our meals. When our boys arrived they

were accomodated in more ordinary rooms for 2/10/0 per week. At

first we were somewhat inhibited by the rigid schedule for meals

morning tea or coffee at seven, breakfast at eight, lunch at one,

dinner at seven; with tea served in the lounge at eleven A.M. and

four and nine P.M. Even the evening tea was, we found, a universal

habit. One of its advantages was to help a single-feature movie last

all evening. After the latest British, American, and South African

newsreels and perhaps a Donald Duck, the lights would come on for

three quarters of an hour so that the audience could troop across

 

Capetown to Queenstown, Cape Province 113

the street to the local tea room. When everyone had had tea and a

chance to visit with neighbors and friends, the audience would

return to the theater for the main picture. We learned to like this

custom and found it an improvement over feeling that we ought to sit

through a second feature of dubious quality.

After the Hexagon Hotel had become used to us and our peculiar ways,

and especially when it was discovered that we tipped by American

standards, which meant that we divided ten percent of our small bill

among half a dozen or more of the servants (for which we found

ourselves unpopular with some of the other guests at the hotel, who

accused us of spoiling the natives) it became possible to introduce

a little flexibility to accomodate our mealtimes to the necessities

of our work. We found that the hotel was happy to put up sandwiches

in lieu of fixed meals so that these, with our own purchases of

biscuits and fruit, helped us through periods when it was impossible

to get to the hotel at mealtime. One of our first calls was upon the

Town Clerk, who introduced us to the Town Engineer and Mr. Ashley,

the head of the QED. We wanted to find two operating sites, a couple

of miles apart, and these gentlemen were most kind in driving us

around to inspect possible places. We quickly adopted one for the

multi-frequency transmitter at an abandoned brewery that had four-

story brick walls enclosing almost nothing. The town engineer

repaired a couple of rooms for us and the QED set steel poles where

required for antennas in the yard, so we soon had a place to store

our equipment and set up the transmitter. Someone suggested that Dr.

Ritchie, the local general practitioner, had a cottage three miles

south of town that he might lend to us. This turned out to be a neat

one-story brick cottage on the doctor's estate. Like the doctor's

house, this cottage was separated from the road by a field and a

small stream and approached through a drift, or ford. The doctor was

reluctant to let us use the cottage because he had in the past

allowed some of the natives, who worked on his farm, to live in it

for a time. The natives, unfortunately, had not cared to use the

fireplaces and had built fires in the centers of the rooms. As a

result, the place was not only infested but stunk strongly of

creosote and had two-root holes burned through the floor in each

room. When he realized that we planned to live at the hotel and use

the cottage only for working purposes, Dr. Ritchie agreed to let us

use it provided only that we would have it professionally fumigated

before we occupied it. The Health Department did this for us and

sealed the building, full of cyanide gas, for a day or two for a

modest fee. We actually found the holes in the floors to be a great

convenience. We set wooden boxes, used for tea tables or other

purposes, over the holes except for sweeping accumulated dust and

dirt through the apertures. We covered the window of the small

kitchen, which had cold running water, and converted it to a

creditable dark room for developing our photographic records.

 


Settling in Queenstown 114

The day after we arrived in Queenstown, we retained Mr. Verwoerd to

drive us to Grahamstown to meet Dr. Varder, the Professor of

Physics, and others at (the English) Rhodes University College, from

which Dr. Schonland had arranged for two students to help us. We had

a pleasant one hundred mile trip featured by a beautiful climb over

a minor mountain range called the Katberg. A notable feature was a

sanitarium, or some such institution, at which it was convenient to

stop for tea, made memorable by about the most delicious scones I

ever encountered anywhere.

Grahamstown was an attractive college town with a pretty public

garden and a handsome Anglican church. Professor Varder was very

kind and hospitable, and introduced us to our two boys, Mike

Szendrei and Jack Gledhill. Mike had an interesting heritage, we

found. He had a Hungarian father and an Italian mother. He was born

in the free city of Trieste, went to school in western Europe, and

lived in the Belgian Congo when not at college in South Africa. He

became our first recruit as, on very short notice, he went off to

pack his things and returned to Queenstown with us.

Another very valuable assistant appeared in the person of Bob

Verwoerd, the son of the hotel proprietors and a radio amateur who

had been ruled off the air because of the war. Bob helped us off and

on until his exams at Queens College (a preparatory school) ended

three weeks before the eclipse. After he was free, he worked with us

as hard as anyone and for a longer period than any of the other

boys. The school also provided Mr. Dugmore, the Science Master, who

helped us at odd moments and became our time-keeper during the

eclipse.

After this, all was activity. We (mostly Catherine) cleaned the

cottage to a reasonable degree. We installed the manually-operated

equipment and the multi-frequency receiver, and built very

complicated antennas (to cover all needed frequencies) suspended

from a dozen or more poles the QED installed for us. It was soon

made clear to us that in South Africa white people do not work. If

anything, they supervise. The various persons, especially ladies,

who tried to call on us could not understand why we were always busy

and, generally, dirty. The great name of Harvard, however, protected

us. Parenthetically, I have always found that the respect in which

the name of Harvard is held is at least proportional to the distance

from Cambridge. I think that in Queenstown we became generally

regarded as good people, although peculiar, even though we could

seldom accept invitations, even in the evenings.

One exception to this rule, if it was a rule, was in favor of Mayor

and Mrs. Glover. The Mayor had tried in vain to call on us two or

three times in the first busy days, to the amazement of the people

at the hotel, and finally had left word that he would be in his

 

Activities in Queenstown / The Cape Rood 115

office at a certain time. We visited him then and were, of course,

promptly taken to tea. He invited us to his home for dinner the next

day. I have always remembered Mrs. Glover with affection because

she, in honor of the foreign guests, had studied her American

cookbook and produced an excellent beef stew for us. This was such a

relief from the bad English hotel cooking and such a thoughtful

thing for her to do that we have never forgotten it.


The Technique of Our Measurements

One of our early projects in Queenstown was to retain a surveyor to

determine our precise geographical position. This work was done by

the son of the local expert, a young man who had recently graduated

from Capetown University. His job was easy, as Queenstown was

surrounded by several mountains that still had markers standing

after a recent general triangulation in that area. The work was done

with the most beautiful transit I have ever seen, a Swiss instrument

of compact beauty that had been a graduation present from the

father. It was not much larger than an old Brownie No. 2 camera and

had knobs and lenses sticking out in all directions. It contained

various intricate devices, such as an optical plumb-bob, and was

direct reading to a second of arc.

The young man presently brought us a report. It said that the

cottage was 934,401.21 cape roods south of the equator and 2,142.36

cape roods west of the 27th meridian east. When I asked to have this

expressed in latitude and longitude, it turned out that the numbers

had to be sent back to the boy's professor at Capetown for

translation. Fortunately, even with this delay, the results arrived

in good time and were certainly accurate, as the time of the eclipse

was within a half a second of our calculations, which was as closely

as we could measure it.

This episode interested me in the cape rood, and I presently found a

book that explained its somewhat ridiculous history. Early in the

nineteenth century, after the British had captured the area, a

military engineer was set to work surveying the Cape region. He sent

to Europe for a standard twelve foot bar and used it to calibrate

his surveying equipment. After about three years it became evident

that something was wrong. Investigation disclosed that the standard

bar had a length of twelve Heidelburg feet, or about twelve feet

five inches in English measure. In order to avoid the work required

to correct the small amount of surveying that had already been done,

the government of the colony simply defined this bar as the standard

cape rood. The survey of South Africa was continued, at least until

1940, in terms at this unit.

Our second official helper was Jack Gledhill who came in early

September and stayed until a couple of days after the eclipse, which

 

The Technique of Our Measurements 116

was on October first. Pieter Zeeman came to us about two weeks

before the eclipse, soon followed by Roelofse (I think his nickname

was also Jack but he was never called anything but Roelofse). These

two Stellenbosch boys stayed until the middle of October. I have

always been happy that two of our boy; Gledhill and Zeeman,

succeeded, inside of twenty years, to the headships of the Physics

departments at their respective Universities; the positions held by

Professors Varder and Naude' at the time of our trip. Both have

visited us in the United States and we are delighted to keep in

touch with them. Jack Gledhill has even continued to do his research

in ionospheric problems. We are sorry that after the first few years

we lost contact with the other two students and with Bob Verwoerd

who, we know, at least went on to the University of the

Witwatersrand. We remember all of these boys with great affection

and gratitude.

Our technical problem was to determine the changes in atmospheric

ionization caused by the eclipse and see what conclusions could be

drawn from them. This problem was complicated by the fact that the

ionization varies, sometimes rapidly, and can never be predicted

with great accuracy and especially because no ionospheric records

had been made in South Africa. It was known that there the earth's

magnetic field was relatively weak; a phenomenon that would have its

effect upon radio reflections from the ionosphere. It was therefore

essential to gather background data to define the South African

normal conditions. Our general plan was to make observations for a

month or more before and after the eclipse.

Ionospheric observations are made by finding out the apparent

heights reached by signals reflected from an ionized layer at

various frequencies. As the frequency increases, the signal

penetrates more and more deeply into the layer until it passes

completely tbrough it and, if not reflected by a higher layer,

disappears into space. By transmitting short pulses of signal and

receiving them near the transmitter, the Interval between

transmission and reception is a direct measurement of the apparent

height reached by the signal. Since we obviously cannot transmit at

all frequencies all the time, it is usually necessary to choose

whether to measure height at a fixed frequency as time goes by, or

to measure (over as short a time as is convenient) the height as a

function of frequency.

In Queenstown, as suggested above, we had instruments that worked

each way. The general variations were measured by the multi-

frequency equipment that recorded at eight frequencies continuously.

The rapidly-varying data, particularly of the critical frequency, or

the highest frequency that could be reflected from each layer, were

followed as rapidly as possible by manual equipment. This consisted

of a transmitter and a receiver, each with several frequency bands,

 

Practice / High Static 117

that sat side by side on a table, so arranged that one could be

tuned with each hand. The receiver output was photographically

recorded in the form of layer height plotted against time. This

combination was used occasionally for complete sweeps through all

useful frequencies, but was usually used to make short sweeps that

included one or another of the critical frequencies that were

especially important. The reflections were also observed on an

oscilloscope so that the precision with which the receiver tuning

matched that of the transmitter could be judged. Moderate practice

made it possible to keep this correspondence accurate and still

locate the critical frequencies rapidly.

Because these manual records were made as a function of time, it was

necessary to make notes more or less continuously, keeping track of

the frequencies at which each sweep began and ended, at least, and

of the time of day. This problem was gradually reduced by the

development of a system that added tine and frequency marks to the

records. Each mark was produced by a telegraph key, one operated by

one foot and one by the other. This kept the operator quite busy and

still did not completely eliminate the need for written notes. When

speed was especially important, these chores were divided so that,

at the very least, the operator had an assistant making the notes

for him. During the eclipse, we had a timekeeper who made the time

marks and also announced the time of day and the time remaining

before each contact, while two other assistants made the frequency

marks and kept the written notes.

The weeks before the eclipse were devoted to this manual operation,

planned to produce the optimum background data; to tending the

automatic multifrequency equipment (which displayed an unfortunate

tendency to blow fuses, usually for no reason we could find); and to

routine chores like developing records, teaching our assistants to

operate; and, of course, to making and serving tea at the customary

times for our crew and for the many visitors who came to see what

was going on.

Two things contributed to my anxiety as the day of the eclipse

approached. One was the fact that we rapidly ran through our stock

of spare thyratrons (gas filled triodes), one of which was used to

generate our multifrequenoy pulses. These vacuum tubes did not seem

to be available in South Africa, and I think that one kind of

accident or another disposed of five of them before or during our

first fortnight of operation. Fortunately, the last one we had

settled down to its duties and worked faithfully for the remaining

two months. A more threatening problem was heavy static, or

interference caused by lightning flashes. These, at times, had an

intensity that I had never seen in the United States or, for that

matter, in Russia. The reason was the prevalence and violence of

thunderstorms that would form and sometimes persist for days, as the

 

Practice / High Static 118

rainy season was trying to get itself organized. This heavy noise

frequently completely masked our reflected signals, especially in

the late afternoon (at which time we expected the eclipse) and in

the evening. On two occasions, one of them only two days before the

eclipse, this static was so intense that even the extremely strong

local pulse, coupled directly from the manual transmitter into the

receiver, could not be distinguished on the monitor or oscilloscope.

It must have been at this time that I was heard to say that I must

be the first scientist to travel ten thousand miles to see an

eclipse and then pray for rain, which I thought would be required to

quiet the static. Fortunately, in the event, we had both good seeing

and low static.

Another minor, as it turned out, problem was severe interference

produced by power leaks on the local electric system. The QED tried

very hard to eliminate these leaks and bad connections, and even

sent two men to stand by at the cottage before and during the

eclipse, ready to dash off to search for a leak if one appeared. Mr.

Ashley reported that they thought the one that bothered us most was

in the house of our landlord, Dr. Ritchie. This menace was

eliminated by shutting off the doctor's electricity for six hours at

the most critical time.

I have said that we seldom felt that we could accept evening

invitations. This policy caused us some temporary embarrassment when

the static became so bad that we had to abandon our work. At such a

time there was almost nothing to do except to go to the movies, or

Bioscope, a name frequently abbreviated to "Bio". When drinking tea

during the "pouse" we were all too likely to meet acquaintances

whose invitations we had declined. I think, however, that our

explanations were accepted, especially by those who had visited the

cottage and seen how busy we were.

The Bioscope in Queenstown was a recognized way of entertaining

guests, apparently more popular than either bridge or the sundowner,

or sherry party. The movie theaters were generally unheated so,

until spring was well advanced, one dressed much as for a football

game in the United States. Once or twice Catherine was startled

when, telephoning to ask some couple to go to the Bio with us, her

potential guest would cheerily respond, "Oh, yes, we'd love to go.

Shall I bring rugs or will you?"

I am surprised, when looking at Catherine's log of our trip, to find

how often we went to the Bio and how many of the good old 193Os

movies we saw, ranging from "Gone with the Wind" to "The Mysterious

Mr. Moto". In fact, it was much like watching what we regard as the

best of television today! We became addicted to George Formby

movies. George was a music-hall-type comedian who spoke in a thick

Midlands accent (Lancashire, I think). His only disadvantage, for

 

Power Leaks / Life in Queenstown 119

us, was that it took two or three movies before we could understand

most of what he said.

We were delighted with the birds we saw near the cottage.

Hammerkops, nearly as large but not as black as crows, were

frequently foraging for tadpoles in the stream when we crossed the

drift, and hoopoos with their handsome crowns were often seen in the

grass. The reeds and bushes along the stream were the habitat of

flocks of bishopbirds and weavers. We were fortunate enough not to

encounter any of the huge African porcupines that lived near the

cottage, but we sometimes picked up lost quills, as much as a foot

long and more than a quarter-inch in diameter.

A field behind the cottage contained a number of Dr. Ritchie's

cattle who had a watering trough with a wide concrete rim just on

the other side of a wire fence ten yards from our back door. On the

far side of the field was the hut of a family of natives. It was, we

were told, a little unusual for the head of the family to be the old

grandmother, who spoke no English. The family included five or six

children who were usually reinforced by several cousins or other

guests. The rim of the watering trough was a favorite playground for

this troop of pickaninnys, who ranged from a year and a half old to

perhaps ten or twelve. This was the best behaved group of children

we ever watched. There were no quarrels; the elders took good care

of the younger and helped amuse them; and we never heard a savage

word. We presently adopted the practice of putting leftovers from

tea, perhaps biscuits or fruit, or oddments such as empty wire reels

we thought the children would like, on the curb of the cattle

trough. To our amazement no child ever took any of these things for

himself; all were carefully taken home for the grandmother to

distribute as she saw fit. Whenever we left anything unusually

attractive, the children's mother or aunt would invariably appear to

ask if we really meant the donation for the children.

We always found this same consideration and absolute honesty among

the natives. One is inclined to suspect that because they had so

little it was the worst possible form to steal. We quickly adopted

the practice of leaving our doors unlocked and we never missed

sixpence from the change left on the bureau. We became very fond of

Maggie, our maid. Like any native woman, she put anything she had to

carry on top of her head. Occasionally we were in our room when

Maggie came to clean it. It was a great treat to watch her put the

pillows on her head, as the most convenient place, while she made

our beds.

Our tablewaiter, Martin van Heerden, was a treasure. He was half

Kaffir and half Chinese. In general we could never be sure which

side of his heritage would be uppermost, but there were exceptions.

It we complimented him upon a dessert, for example, (all foods

 

The Natives 120

except the meats and major vegetables were prepared by the waiters)

Martin would be all negro and covered by a happy grin. At the end of

the month, however, when we gave him his tip, he would be the

perfect suave and courteous Chinaman. Martin was, without doubt, the

best waiter we ever sat under. He had a perfect instinct for his

guests' desires. At the moment I realized that I would like a bit

more salt on a vegetable, I would find Martin handing it to me. If

we complimented him on, for example, a wonderful fresh pineapple

salad he made, he would accept the praise with pleasure, If, on

another occasion, we again spoke well of the same thing, Martin

would realize that we truly liked it. From then on that salad would

appear on the table at exactly the right intervals. He never overdid

it, but somehow just on the day when we would come into the

diningroom saying, I wish Martin would have that fine salad again,

we would find it there on the table.

One of the things that was never done in South Africa was to carry a

parcel. When we were shopping on foot, the storekeeper would wrap up

our purchase and thank us effusively for our custom. He would then

call from the back room a native man and hand him the package, even

If it were no larger than a toothbrush. The native would follow us

patiently through the rest of our shopping until we reached the

hotel, when he would hand the parcel to the hall porter.

Occasionally we would get to the hotel followed by a retinue of six

or eight blacks, each with our purchases from a different shop.

On two occasions when I was driving to Grahamstown on errands, and

unfortunately when Catherine was not with me, I saw remarkable

sights in the realm of natural history. One was a tremendous male

ostrich which I estimated as eight feet tall. He had perfect jet

black feathers and, of course, great whiteplumed wings. His legs

were a highly varnished golden orange and his thighs were as thick

as those of a big man. I had had no idea that an ostrich could be

such a large and handsome creature. When he presently left the road

and wandered off through an orchard of fruit trees, his head stuck

up a foot or more above the foliage. On the second occasion I was

treated to the greatest feat of strength I ever saw. Driving around

a curve, I came upon a large baboon in the road and stopped the car

twenty or thirty feet away to watch him. After we had looked at one

another for a minute or two, he started to leave the road which was

bordered by a wire fence. The baboon reached up to grasp the top of

a fivefoot fence post. After a look at the car, and without the

slightest sign of a jump, he simply lifted himself with one arm in a

large arc that deposited him gently on the far side of the fence.

Then, at complete leisure, he wandered off into the veld.

The stream at the cottage caused us a minor amount of trouble; or

rather the slopes down to and up from the drift did so. These turned

out to be extremely slippery when wet, and the first few seconds of

 

Erosion 121

rain made it almost impossible for the car to climb up the little

slopes that rose three or four feet in fifteen or twenty. The first

time I slid off one of these slopes and got stuck, I hitched a ride

to town and got the garage (from which we had rented the 1937

Chevrolet) to send a truck to pull it out. This they did very neatly

but took about four hours to do so because South Africans seldom

recognized any reason to hurry. On another occasion I found a pair

of oxen to pull me out. After these experiences we learned to keep

an eye on the sky when we were at the cottage and to get the car to

the other side of the drift whenever we saw a dark cloud. Often, as

the rains became more frequent, we left the oar on the road side of

the drift and waded the stream. At times the rain was heavy enough

so that the stream rose rapidly and made crossing very difficult.

The ocasionally-muddy banks of the stream were a symptom of a wide-

spread problem in South Africa: erosion. Apparently a large fraction

of the rainfall, although sparse in some areas, came in the form of

thunderstorms. Many of these brought heavy rain. As a result, even

the ant-hills that were often six or eight feet tall were usually

eroded in irregular and often interesting patterns. The same was

true of any river embankment or other place where the inclination of

the land was at all steep. I often wondered about the lifetime of a

farm, because there was ample evidence that most of them were

gradually being washed away.

All but a few of the largest streams and rivers tended to be dry

except for occasional floods after a storm. When there was water in

them, it was sure to be chocolate brown in color. This was a great

surprise to me, as I had never before been in a region where running

water was not clear. Even in Kazakhstan, on the hungry steppe, the

only available river looked quite blue because the land was very

flat and there was little current in the stream.

The ease with which South African land could be torn away was shown

clearly in one of our movies of a man plowing with a span of oxen.

Even at the stately pace of the beasts, the plow stirred up a cloud

of dust that carried fully two hundred yards downwind, even though

the breeze was so slight that we had not noticed it.

The normally dry streams were crossed by drifts rather than bridges.

Some of the more elegant, or more travelled, drifts were paved with

two concrete tracks, each perhaps a foot and a half wide, raised a

foot or two above the bed of the river. These at least guaranteed a

smooth "road" for a car, but I wondered if anyone could keep his

wheels on the two strips if they were covered with muddy water.

Much about South African roads was implied by the use of "all-

weather" as an adjective describing some of them. It is

understandable that a country of half a million square miles with a

 

Erosion 122

non-native population of only two million would have difficulty in

financing an adequate road system. The best routes, such as the

forty miles between Jo'burg and Pretoria, were excellent by any

standard, but many metalled roads were only water-bound macadam and

were heavily washboarded in most cases. The popular automobile when

we were there was the biggest Chrysler because it would stand up to

the work. It was customary to drive at seventy to ninety miles per

hour, but I never really decided whether this was believed to be

more comfortable or because it got the agony finished quickly.

Whatever the hypothesis, light cars, like the Chevrolet we rented,

had a limited lifetime.

The same necessary economy was evident in the bridges. In the

mountainous parts of the country, the roads naturally followed

beside the beds of streams. It was equally natural that these were

the regions that often required bridges rather than drifts. For

minimum cost, these were built exactly at right angles to the

streams. As a result, when one's road crossed from one side of the

river to the other, there was a tight ninety degree turn to be

negotiated at each end of the bridge. These curves could not

possibly be passed at a speed greater than ten or fifteen miles per

hour. This was especially true of roads that had not recently been

repaired. The tight curves on these had a strong tendency to have

worn into the wrong kind of crown, with the outside of the curve

lower than the inside, and also to be covered with loose gravel. One

quickly learned the habit of slowing nearly to a stop when a bridge

was seen ahead, so that its approaches could be negotiated with

great caution.

A span of oxen, as mentioned above, is a harnessed team of eight

pairs, usually pulling a large wagon, but at times drawing a plow or

some other device. To "inspan" is to harness the animals to the

wagon and to "outspan" is to unharness them. Hence "outspan" comes

to mean to make camp, as on the Great Trek when the Dutch settlers

retreated to the Transvaal after the Cape Province had been

conquered by the British. Spans of oxen were still occasionally to

be seen in 1940. The major streets in most towns, including

Queenstown, were originally laid cut wide enough so that a span of

oxen and the wagon could make a U-turn in the street - an excellent

heritage for later generations.

In early September we received a letter that intrigued and puzzled

us. It came from a Miss Soga, a black teacher in the native

compound. Miss Soga claimed to be the only native woman who had ever

visited the United States. She was anxious to talk to us but could

not, of course, call at our hotel. We finally arranged for her to

come to the cottage for tea, to the great embarassment of our South

African boys, and we found her very interesting. She was a sixth

grade teacher and active in the church. She had been sent to some

 

Erosion 123

sort of Sunday school conference in India, where she had attracted

the attention of religious leaders from the United States who had

arranged for her to continue around the world on her way home. Miss

Soga came to tea two or three times, and it was from her that we

learned most of what little we came to know about native life. She

ultimately extracted a promise that I would come to the reservation

and talk to the natives. It was not possible to arrange this before

November, but it was to be a most memorable occasion.

From Miss Soga and others we learned that the standard wage for a

field hand was ten shillings a month and that a well trained cook or

butler could command a pound a month with, of course, board supplied

in both cases. It seemed hard to us that a family was taxed a

shilling a month for each child in school. We found that the natives

supported each other to a remarkable degree. A black man tramping

across country, perhaps in search of a job, would stop at night at

any cabin he came to. The family would always take him in and share

what little they had with him. We were at last able to understand

why the servants at the hotel were so grateful for the shillings we

divided amongst them. It was also easy to see why the English people

felt no need to do anything for themselves. The Afrikaners, or

Boers, on the other hand, did work hard but had many of the

characteristics of "poor whites" in the United States. The English

in South Africa seemed to us to be primarily interested in

exploiting the country to their own benefit. They expected to send

their children to England for schooling and to retire there

themselves if and when they became rich enough. It was a source of

irritation to them that they did not often prosper as well as

"foreigners" such as Hollanders or Americans. We were kind enough

not to call to their attention the obvious fact that their rewards

were generally proportional to the energy they put into their

enterprises. We came to rather prefer the Afrikaans settlers as far

as we happened to meet them, because they at least actually lived in

the country and expected their children to continue to do so. They

tended to be poorly educated religious fundamentalists, but they

expected no more from the country than they were prepared to put

into it. Sadly, we were unable to decide which group treated the

natives the more brutally.

At the time we were there, the English and Afrikaans political

parties were almost equally strong. The best proof is that they

voted to enter World War II by a very narrow margin in Parliament. A

result of this balance of forces was that progress was difficult to

achieve. If an Englishman, say, proposed a program of highway

improvement, it was only to be expected that a few English would be

opposed to it for some reason, while the Afrikaners would all vote

against it because the project had been suggested by an Englishman.

The standard vote in Parliament was, therefore, No.

 


 

Treatment of Natives 124

Although towns and larger districts tended to be almost pure English

or Afrikaans, in theory everyone could speak both languages. Local

pride, however, was such that it was often impossible for us to get

a question answered in an Afrikaans region until we explained that

we were Americans and did not understand that language. The surly,

bearded Afrikaner who had previously refused to understand English

would then be overcome with courtesy and would often invite us in

for refreshments.

It was a rule that both languages had to be displayed equally. For

example, the two tongues would be used for alternate stamps in a

sheet. Our mail would arrive marked in both ways: Opened by Censors

and "Deur Censeur Oopgemacht. A street sign or traffic warning would

be double with one language above the other; the other side of the

sign would invariably have the order of languages reversed. We

sometimes felt it a little unnecessary to have a sign saying School

also carry the warning "Skool", but occasionally the Afrlkaans signs

gave us great pleasure, particularly the one balancing "No Honking",

which said, "Geen Gehouten: and became rather a slogan with us.

The Afrikaans language has been described to us as a kitchen Dutch

modified by French because there had been a considerable Huguenot

immigration into South Africa. We vaguely understood this

philological history, but were surprised to have two or three

veterans of World War I tell us that they had been able to make

themselves understood in Flanders. Apparently the two parent

languages had rubbed together in much the same proportions in these

two widely-separated places, and had developed in somewhat the same

way.


The Afrikaans Language / The Eclipse

Eclipse day finally arrived, as we had known it would, and by good

luck and hard work we were ready with everything behaving well. Here

I would quote Catherine's log description of this period except that

somehow it sounds as though I were hardly present, while my

recollection tells me that I was fully occupied. We had scheduled

and rehearsed the operation thoroughly. There were five assistants

besides Catherine available that day, so that we were able to give

each of them at least half the time during the eclipse to enjoy the

sight. I spent the time from four AM until eleven checking a

thousand things and then settled down to the operating position, as

I felt that I could run the machinery faster than anyone else, and

did not want any of the boys to feel badly if everything were not

done well. The assistants at the various positions changed

frequently, while Catherine prepared for and made visual

observations, such as the times of contacts and the times when

sunspots or visible faculae were occulted and reappeared.

 

 

The Afrikaans Language / The Eclipse 125

At 4:O1:3O P.M., I abandoned the radio observations long enough to

dash out the back door of the cottage and take a quick look at the

corona. The records showed that I was absent from the operating

position for twelve seconds. From seven to eight P.M. I was

relieved, and then went back to operating except for a short break

at one AM, when I drove Catherine to the hotel and then returned to

work. At five in the morning of October second I was relieved and

went to bed. Although I got up for dinner, I wasn't worth much for

the rest of the day and ended by going to the movies in the evening,

because I was too tense to get to sleep again. One of the most

interesting features of our schedule was the meticulous planning for

the use of the one car, involving which of us should drive it back

and forth to the hotel in order to have the right people on and off

duty.

The results of the expedition were first reported in a letter to

Nature written jointly with A. J. Higgs from Australia and Eric

Halliday from Johannesburg (both of whom were making somewhat allied

observations in other towns in the eclipse track), as a result of a

meeting a few days after the eclipse. My real paper was written in

the months following our return to the United States. Unfortunately,

I was then swept up for defense work, and the paper was not

submitted for publication until 1946. It was one of several of my

papers that was, so far as I can prove, never read by anyone! The

results amply and prettily confirmed the 1936 data. Of more

interest, at least in retrospect, was my discovery that the rate at

which the ionization changed could only be explained on the theory

that the ionizing energy came primarily from the perimeter of the

sun and not uniformly from the whole disc. As I just implied, this

suggestion attracted no interest. I was greatly pleased, however,

when, in the l95Os, the Naval Research Laboratory finally got an X-

ray rocket photograph of the sun which showed a ring of bright

radiation around the edge and a relatively dark center.


11.

Travels In South Africa

 

In Capetown we had first discovered traces of a misconception that

was to cause me a good deal of embarrasment. It was begun, I

suspect, by Sturrock's Ltd., the shipping agents who took care of

our equipment and reservations. Whatever the source, I was to find

that, wherever we went, we were preceded by the rumor that I vas

"Professor Pierce of Harvard University", which was untrue by a wide

margin. My title at the time was Supervisor of Field Activities in

Physics and Communications Engineering; which should be interpreted

in terms of the academic rule that the more important the position

the shorter the title. In the United States this error would not

have been of much consequence as people of my age were often at

least Assistant Professors. South Africa however, operated

essentially under the British system where "The Professor" was

equivalent to the Chairman of the Department and all lower forms of

life were lecturers or wranglers or something else I never

understood.

Dr. Jackson at the Royal Observatory bad been the first to display

shock at meeting us. He had kindly invited us to dinner, as

mentioned above, when Professor James had been stricken by the

Influenza bug. Dr. Jackson had obviously been dismayed at our youth

and exhibited his reaction in a couple of interesting ways. When

having us sign the Observatory guest book, he, after a moment's

thought, turned the page so that we did not profane the sheet

containing the signatures of a titled couple, who bad been recent

visitors. He had driven to the hotel to pick us up for dinner but,

after assaying our importance, he contented himself by returning us

to the Observatory railway station and informing us that the fare to

Capetown would be fourpence. Similar reactions were encountered from

time to time, because I found it totally impossible to tell who

might have encountered my undeserved reputation and I could not

often find a way of disclaiming it in advance. This problem was not

serious in Queenstown, where we stayed long enough to let the

citizens form an accurate assessment of us, but it did disturb me

considerably when we visited the larger cities later on.

There were, of course, occasions when I was reminded of my true

position and prevented from believing too much in my own importance.

One or two of them were telephone calls from people who had, in

earlier years been students of Professor G.W. Pierce and who were

naturally eager to greet him. The final factor in constraining my

modesty was when a new friend who lived at the Hexagon Hotel gave a

sundowner to introduce us to the couple who published the local

 

127

newspaper. I was properly put in my place to discover that the

questions they most wished to have answered were whether it was true

that Catherine was also a scientist and also, in that case, if she

actually knew more than I did. Fortunately for my mental balance,

the answers in both cases were in the affirmative.

Because we were anxious to visit Kruger Park, one of the earliest

and best of the wild animal refuges in Africa, we modified our

schedule to some extent. The lowland areas of the park were due to

be closed at the end of October because of the threat of malaria

after the rainy season began. We therefore decided to suspend

operation, except for what Bob Verwoerd could do by himself, for the

last week in October and the first in November, and to continue

gathering background data for the rest of November if I could get

the authorizations to use our equipment extended. After dickering

for new tires for the rented Chevy, which had been having flats once

a week or even more often, we left Queenstown for the park on

October 23rd, with only a brief stop at the American Legation in

Pretoria to set the license extension machinery in motion. There, we

encountered our first real "careless talk costs lives" campaign, as

we could find no one to tell us where to find the Legation. After

many tries, the Post Office gave us the address in a suburb but

refused to tell us how to get there. In the end I had to telephone

the Legation and get our directions from them.

We had planned for weeks to stay at the Hotel Victoria in Jo'Burg,

as people in Queenstown had assured us that that was the only place

in the Union where American cocktails could be had. Our first

attempt was a sad failure as we had planned to order Manhattans.

Something of the sort arrived, but turned out to have been made with

Scotch whisky and garnished with a candied cherry. After a time,

probably on our return from Kruger Park, we found that a "Tom

Collins" in South Afrioa is a distant cousin of a Rum Collins. By

insisting on its mixture by American standards and having it served

with ice instead of at room temperature, we round it a creditable

drink even though they persisted in serving it in a mug.

We were told that Kruger Park was formed in about 1890, soon after

"Oom Paul" Kruger had won the temporary independence of the Republic

of the Transvaal. The Boers were farsighted enough to fence off an

immense area enclosing a part of the high veld and extending down

into the lowlands on the border of Mozambique. This area has been

left undisturbed except for a network of dirt roads and the

construction of a number of rest camps, well fenced to keep the

animals out. One can drive freely in the Park, from before sunrise

until after sunset, but is fined if caught outside the car. It

turned out that the lowland area had been closed two weeks early

that year, so we were only able to visit the Pretorius Kop camp,

which is the nearest to Jo'burg and Pretoria. We were thus unable to

 

A Vacation Trip 128

go to the regions where we would have seen elephants and rhinos, but

we had a delightful time anyway. We found that we did not seriously

miss seeing the "ordinary" circus and zoo animals, while there were

many antelope and buck species with which we were not familiar and a

tremendous variety of large and small birds we knew nothing about.

At Pretorius Kop the cabins were thatched concrete imitations of

circular native huts (rondavels), with simple but relatively

comfortable furnishings. The huts were disposed around an area in

which a group of natives kept fires burning, to cook any food

visitors cared to bring with them and, of course, to provide hot

water for tea at any hour. A native was attached to each rondavel to

make beds or cook as required and to wake the visitors with morning

tea. We found that the best plan was to have tea at 7:30 A.M. and

eat a few biscuits so that we could get out as soon as the gate was

opened. We would then cruise slowly around, seeing what chance

brought us, until perhaps nine o'clock when we would return to

breakfast at the restaurant that had recently been opened. We would

rest and read and write through the middle of the day, when the

sightseeing was not as rewarding, and get out into the roads for

another three hours or more as the light began to fade. At night we

learned to sleep in spite of the serenade by lions, hyenas, and

other nameless creatures, enjoying the thought of the sturdy ten-

foot fence around the camp.

Among the many animals we saw, we became especially fond of two. The

little steenbok, about the size of newborn New England fawns with

tiny two-inch horns, were a continual delight. They always appeared

in pairs a few feet apart and displayed both timidity and great

curiosity. When we disturbed a pair near the road they would dash

away at high speed for thirty or forty feet and then suddenly stop

to look back to see what we were doing. A move of the car or a touch

on the "hooter" would send them into another dash followed by a

stiff-legged stop for another look.

The wild wart-hogs differed greatly from any we had seen in zoos.

They were just as ugly in front, but adorned by tails with debonair

tassels. When disturbed, they would trot off into the brush carrying

their tails straight up with the plumes weaving gaily from side to

side. In zoos, even In Jo'burg, we never saw them with anything but

bedraggled rat-like tails that always trailed limply behind them.

There was a hippo pool but at the times we visited it the conditions

were not right for any of them to be out on the bank. We had a fine

time, however, watching them in the water, enjoying the way the

mother timed her risings to breathe to the shorter span of her baby.

We greatly admired the rotary twist with which they cleared the

water from their ears, producing little splashes in an almost

perfect circle nearly a yard in diameter.

 

At Pretorius Kop 129

 

We had hard luck trying to see a lion, which greatly disturbed the

staff at the rest camp. We had to suspect that many visitors came

primarily to see lions and felt their trips wasted if they failed to

see some. As I have said, we were far more interested in the species

that were new to us. Fortunately, on our last morning, we were able

to satisfy our friends, at least with the sight of a lioness. She

had been lying behind a patch of brush near the road watching for

her breakfast, one of a herd of zebra, to drift within range. Our

car disturbed the zebra which moved away. This brought the lioness

to her feet, with a fine snarl in our direction, and she started

away across the veld. I knew that there was another road within a

half a mile in the direction she was taking, so I turned the car and

drove to a point when I thought she might appear. Right on schedule,

she came out of the brush a hundred yards away. I moved the car

forward once or twice, stopping in between to take movies of the

lioness, and finally getting into a position exactly in her path.

She came within six or eight yards before, with another snarl she

condescended to alter her path a little to pass directly in front of

the car. Catherine says that the lioness brushed the radiator with

her whiskers, while I maintain that she lashed her tail against the

bumper. Certainly, she was very close. After passing us, she

distinctly turned again into the exact track she had been following,

before we got in her way, and strolled out of sight.

On our return from Kruger Park we decided to stay at the Victoria in

Jo'burg again (the quality of their cocktails notwithstanding)

partly because we had not cared for the hotel in Pretoria and partly

because the Victoria was one of the few hotels where we did not have

to pay for meals we did not eat. Our first full day, however, we

spent in Pretoria starting at the American Legation. My license

extensions had been granted with no difficulty. I had been impressed

by the difference in the ionospheric behavior in at least our part

of the southern hemisphere and had a half-formed idea, as our money

was lasting much better than I had dared expect, of staying another

six months to gather data on seasonal variations. I pressed Mr.

Keena, the Minister, for an opinion about the wisdom of doing this,

but found him to be the perfect diplomat, full of information but

with no quotable judgments. It has interested me since to realize

how clearly he foresaw trouble with Japan. He spoke of the

increasing pressure for passages from the Far East to America via

Capetown, and allowed us to conclude that since we had valid

reservations on a ship we would do well to use them.

Both before and after visiting Kruger Park, we found Pretoria

enjoying the height of the blooming season of the Jacaranda trees

that lined most of the streets. The view looking back at the city

from the terrace of the suburban Union Buildings was particularly

entrancing. The entire city seemed immersed in a beautiful blue haze

 

Johannesburg 130

of Jacaranda blossoms.

We spent an afternoon at the Natural History Museum In Pretoria

identifying many of the unfamiliar animals and birds we had seen in

the Park and elsewhere. I was especially impressed by the size of a

mounted giraffe that had a chest whose girth would do credit to most

circus elephants. He was so large that Catherine could stand under

his belly. I used her known height for a reference and deduced his

height to be seventeen and a half feet.

The following day, November first, was a memorable one. Doctor

Schonland had pulled strings to get us into a gold mine, although

the war had nominally stopped such visits, and in return had asked

me to give a lecture at the University. It happened that both of

these functions came on the same day. A Lieutenant assistant to

Major Schonland (who was then in uniform but still directing the

Bernard Price Institute of Geophysics) came to the hotel early to

take us to the mine. After showing us how safe everything was and

making us sign legal releases, we were bundled into blue jeans and

foul weather gear because the humidity in the mine was so high that

it rained in the shafts and through the open cage in which we

descended.

The hoisting machinery at the pit-head centered on a drum at least

thirty feet in diameter that rolled up a 4,000-foot cable with a car

at the end. The loads to be carried and the strength of steel cable

were such that the descent had to be limited to 4,000 feet at a

time. The mine was then working at various levels down to 10,000

feet below the surface. It would take visitors only to the 6,000

foot level because at greater depths the temperature could not be

kept below 130 degrees Fahrenheit. Even at 6,000 feet, with the

temperature at 110 degrees and the humidity at 100 percent, we found

it easy to believe that only natives with unusual endurance could do

useful work.

The mine manager was kind enough to instruct the lift operator that

visitors were going down so that he limited the speed of our descent

to 2,250 feet per minute. Even so, it was quite an experience as we

dropped thousands of feet in total darkness. At the 4,000-foot level

we found the nucleus of a small city. It had, of course, been

necessary to dig a "cave" that would at least accomodate another

complete set of hoisting machinery to serve the next 4,000 feet.

There was also an electric sub-station, heavy pumps to drive down

the air needed at lower levels, a carpenter shop for preparing

timbers for bracing the tunnels, a small hospital and various other

attributes of civilization.

Another 2,000-foot drop brought us to a working level where we were

provided with natives to carry lights for us as we walked through

 

The Gold Mine 131

various tunnels and watched the native miners hacking, away at the

rather thin sheet of gold-bearing rock. Our guides picked up samples

of the ore for our souvenirs.

Back at the surface, where even the relatively hot day seemed cool

and delightful, we were shown the processing operations. After

grinding the rock nearly as fine as face powder, part of the gold

was removed mechanically, and the rest dissolved out by a cyanide

process. The gold in solution in the large holding tanks was a

beautiful greenish aquamarine in color. This mine smelted only once

a month so we could not see that part of the operation. We were,

however, taken to the vault and shown a number of gold ingots. These

were 1000-ounce bars, a little smaller than ordinary bread tins.

Since a thousand ounces is nearly seventy pounds, it was only upon

about the third try that we were able to pick up such a concentrated

weight.

One difficulty with gold mining is that after treating a ton of ore

there is still a ton of rock powder left over. In Jo'burg these

immense accumulations are simply piled in the most convenient

places, so that the city has a horizon of large mine dumps, as much

as 200 feet high. They come in various shades of gray, yellow, and

brown, and are visually rather attractive. Unfortunately, dust blows

from them all too easily, in spite of regulations for fixing the

surface with cement powder, or other varnish, Jo'burg thus tends to

be a dusty city and, at least when we were there, few white clothes

were to be seen.

The economies of South African gold mining were startling to us. We

were told that the industry's average yield was seven and three-

fourths pennyweight of gold per ton of rock, or between eight and

nine dollars' worth at the 1940 price of $35.00 per ounce. It was

obvious that such poor ore could be mined at so great a depth only

where very cheap labor could be found. Mining gold was supposed to

be the finest job a native could have as he was paid two shillings

per day. The natives were obtained by recruiting parties who

searched for and selected those strong enough for the work. They

were engaged for six-month contracts and were confined in compounds

when not down in the mines. In addition to this pay, the companies

spent about a shilling a day per man for housing and feeding the

laborers. We were told that after six months as a miner a native

could go home and support his family for a year and a half or two

years on his accumulated wages. Some were reputed to be strong

enough to reenlist after a while but, in general, the recruiters

were having to range more and more widely, to find men.

We were shown graphs of the yield of the gold mines over the years,

As the richer and more accessible ores had become exhausted, the

profits had dwindled to substantially zero in 1933, when the United

 

The Gold Mine 132

States gave them a new and large profit by raising the price of gold

from twenty to thirty-five dollars per ounce. Unless the economics

of South African gold mining have changed radically, the present

price of three hundred dollars per ounce must have made operations

very profitable indeed.

After Major Schonland's Lieutenant had returned us to the hotel and

stayed to lunch with us, we embarked on a series of afternoon calls,

primarily at the Union Observatory and the Yale Observatory. While

in the mine in the morning Catherine had twisted an ankle that

continued to bother her, and we returned early to the hotel so that

she could soak her foot before our evening engagements. It was

fortunate that we had plenty of time because it took an hour or more

of waiting to get the use of the electric iron to press Catherine's

evening dress. I made the disturbing discovery that I had left my

cuff links in Queenstown. The hall porter, who had produced epsom

salts to treat Catherine's ankle, dashed out and bought me the only

cheap set he could find quickly. They were impossibly loud, having

alternate stripes of red and blue enamel. It happened that the

opposite side of the links consisted of relatively large gold-

colored knobs, so I simply wore the links backward and hoped for the

best.

Before my lecture we were to dine with Principal Haikes, the Vice-

Chancellor (or president) of the University of the Witwatersrand and

his wife. The other guests were Dr. and Mrs. Schonland and Mr. and

Mrs. Bernard Price. Mr. Price was a gold-mining millionaire who had

endowed the Institute of Geophysics and, presumably Dr. Schonland's

position as its Director. The dinner was served with a maximum of

British form, having gloved black footmen with spectacular liveries

as waiters. It was certainly the best dinner we had in South Africa

even though it had to be hurried a little to get us to the lecture

well in time. Catherine was, I think, most impressed by Mrs. Price's

lovely Maribou stole, while I enjoyed finding that we were eating at

least one course from gold plates.

At the lecture Principal Haikes produced a remarkable performance.

He introduced me rather extravagantly and then sat down in the front

row and quietly went to sleep. He continued to sleep comfortably

until about thirty seconds before I finished when, without any

signal from his wife that I could see, he awoke and returned to the

platform to say all of the correct things. Even though I knew that

he must have been well briefed by Dr. Schonland, he almost convinced

me that he had not missed a word of my lecture. After a small party

at the Schonlands' we were at last allowed to end the busiest day we

had had since the eclipse.

The next day we visited the National Museum where we were especially

thrilled to see the stone cross originally erected on the southern

 

Dinner and Lecture / The Cross of Diaz 133

coast of Africa by Bartolomeo Diaz. After a clever bit of

archeological research, the broken fragments of this cross had only

recently been found and put together again.

Catherine, being full of energy, then went on with Mrs. Schonland to

meet Mrs. Pratt-Nichols, whom we might call the chief women's

housemother at the University, while I went back to the hotel to

rest a headache. Catherine learned a lot about the place of women in

South African college life, of which I chiefly remember the very

limited variety of available courses and the practical impossibility

of changing a major field after matriculation.

We started back to Queenstown by way of Bloemfontein, primarily to

pay calls at observatories. We were welcomed at her home by Mrs.

Rossiter who showed us how to find the Michigan Observatory where

her husband was working alone. We were mutually pleased to learn

that she expected to sail for the United States on the same ship we

were to take in December. My chief recollection of the observatory

was that the main telescope had about the proportions of a walking-

stick - excellent, Catherine assured me, for the study of double

stars on which Doctor Rossiter did most of his research.

The Harvard Southern Station at Harvard Kopje (pronounced "copy" and

meaning small hill) was some miles away from Bloemfontein, in

Hazelspoort. Here Dr. Paraskevopoulos, who was always called "Doctor

Paras", had had an opportunity that was rare before 1940. He had

directed the southern station in Peru before Harvard had decided to

give up that location and move its southern observations to South

Africa. He therefore had the chance to start anew instead of working

with the equipment left by previous generations of astronomers, as

had been necessary in most observatories. Dr. Paras was able to

select what he wanted from Peru, Cambridge, and other places and to

build an observatory that exactly fitted his ideas of what was

needed. I was delighted by the extent to which he had been able to

arrange for one man operation; even the main 60-inch reflector could

be operated without help. My favorite instrument was the Bruce, a

photographic instrument with an especially large and flat field

(this was before the days of Schmidt optics) that was used for

patrol plates, a survey of the whole southern sky that continued for

many years. The Bruce pleased me by having the compact solid beauty

that was so characteristic of the best old steam locomotives. We

were also interested to see the old Lowell refractor that Doctor

Paras said was responsible for dissemination of more lies than any

other one instrument.

The living quarters at Harvard Kopje were especially comfortable and

we were happy to change our plans a little and spend the night

there. Mrs. Paras gave us an excellent dinner embellished by her

customary five vegetables. We learned that the grocers in

 

The Harvard Station 134

Bloemfontein were Greeks and always supplied Dr. Paras with the

extremely best of everything.

We started early for Queenstown and stopped only near Aliwal North

when we encountered a cloud of locusts. These were great grass

hopper-type insects among which the females were at least four

inches long and very heavy. They were generally green, but with

bright red heads and legs. Inside relatively plain green and black

wing covers they had large salmon-pink wings so that a group with

hundreds flying looked rather like a constellation of colorful

butterflies. They were so heavy that they could not actually fly

very well or very far. The usual technique seemed to be to light at

the base of a bush or tree and eat their way to the top. After that

tree had been denuded, they would take off at a downward slope and

repeat the performance at another bush or tree. I formed the opinion

that only the athletes among them could maintain a flight for as

much as a hundred yards.

After some rather silly attempts to take color movies of these

locusts without scaring them, we discovered that they were so

sluggish that we could pick them up at will. We thought that our

entomologist friend, Dick Dow, would like such colorful specimens,

so we collected a couple of dozen of them and put them into one of

Clyde Ficher's camera cases for transportation to Queenstown.

At the Hexagon Hotel we vere welcomed effusively by the entire staff

and even found fresh flowers in our room. Bob Verwoerd appeared

promptly to report various breakdowns in the equipment, but nothing

had happened that could not be repaired easily. As we resumed

operation, we let our locusts run free in an empty room at the

cottage. From time to time we would open the door quickly and toss

in a head of lettuce. The sound of chomping could be heard in the

next room for ten minutes or so before the lettuce vanished. We

tried preserving a few insects in alcohol but these specimens

promptly turned a dull and uninteresting brown. The locusts were so

large that they obviously could not be dried without being stuffed,

which was beyond our skills. We rather vaguely decided to keep them

alive, if we could, for the six weeks or so before we would sail and

then somehow solve the problem of keeping them for Dick. By this

time we had discovered that, on the short trip to Queenstown, our

pets had eaten the plush lining out of Doctor Ficher's camera case.

We were to find that silk stockings and lace curtains were also

among their favorite foods.

Soon after our return came the time to make good my promise to speak

in the native compound. Miss Soga had suggested that we dress as we

would for an evening function at home, so we took the hint and put

on a long dress and my dinner jacket. We were taken to a large,

rather bare hall that was crowded with natives, many even roosting

 

Return to Queenstown / The Native Reception 135

among the trusses that supported the roof. I made the easiest speech

I ever gave because it had to be translated, sentence by sentence,

into the native language, so that I had plenty of time to think. I

told them a little about the eclipse and our reason for being in

Africa, but spent most of the time discussing the difference in

treatment of blacks in the northern and southern parts of the United

States, not that I was at all expert on that subject. The natives

were absolutely excited when I assured them that we had a number of

black students at Harvard. I answered innumerable questions with, I

suspect, the interpreter editing or omitting many that must have

been regarded as improper or undignified. Catherine had accepted

Miss Soga's suggestion that native women never spoke in public, and

kept her mouth beautifully shut for the entire evening, hard though

it must have been for her.

I am sorry that I did not then know the wonderful story of the first

black student at Harvard. When a rumor arose that the College was

thinking of admitting a black man, a number of proper Bostonians

waited upon the President, Edward Everett, to protest. Dr. Everett

heard them out politely and then said, "Gentlemen, Mr. has passed

his examinations and has been admitted. If the white students choose

to withdraw, the resources of the College will be devoted to his

education". Since then, Harvard has had no serious difficulty about

color, except that today it is hard to find as many qualified black

applicants as the University might prefer.

When I finished, the natives, took over and spent hours giving us a

varied and spectacular show. This ranged from a Sunday School choir

singing a capella to what was either a highly indecent or a

perfectly beautiful performance of a dance celebrating a young boy's

arrival at puberty. We were told that the exhibition of this dance

had required a special dispensation from the chief witch doctor of

Southern Africa, not because we were to see it but because it was

supposed to be performed only outdoors. At the close of the show I

was presented a specially-carved cane. It represents a native man

holding by the neck a long spotted snake that spirals around the

cane. I did not learn why this design was considered appropriate for

me.

I was abashed to find that there had been an admission charge of

sixpence to see me on this occasion. Small as this sounds, it

represented more than a day's pay for most men. Fortunately, we

learned that the evening's proceeds were to be devoted to some

community purpose, so we contributed five pounds to the fund and

made ourselves even more popular. I have always remembered with

emotion the contrast between the formal evening at the University of

the Witwatersrand and this truly exciting and uninhibited reception

that came a few days later.

 

 

Leaving Queenstown 136

Aside from our continuing control observations the three remaining

weeks In Queenstown were highlighted by a few dinner parties we gave

at the hotel to express our thanks for various acts of kindness and

friendship. The first of these had probably been after the eclipse

and before we left for Kruger Park. On this occasion we discovered

that the headwaiter, Johnny Davis, had a real genius for sand

painting when he was moved to display it. He would dye farina in

various colors and decorate any available space on a large table

with appropriate designs. For this first of our large parties Johnny

was probably motivated by the presence of the Mayor and his wife and

produced a magnificent eclipse for a centerpiece, with an orange sun

partially covered by a black moon. The most memorable party was

certainly on November 22nd, Catherine's birthday. For this occasion

I had bespoken a large birthday cake at the local confectioner's. I

was a bit surprised at the price they asked until we discovered that

it was an iced and decorated fruit cake. When the confectioner asked

how many candles to put on it, I had thought quickly and said, Oh,

two dozen, please, although this was something of an underestimate.

This cake had been delivered to the hotel kitchen and it inspired

Johnny to a special effort. When we brought our guests into the

dining room, after the customary sherry in the parlor, we found the

table decorated with floral designs surrounding a brightly colored

ribbon that ran the length of the table, saying, C.S.S.P.'s 24th

Birthday. When Johnny, who perhaps had some misgivings, approached

Catherine to ask if this was all right, she gave him one of her

sweetest smiles and assured him that everything was just fine.

At the end of November we terminated our operations and packed and

shipped our equipment. After the boxes had left, we returned to the

cottage to clean it up to some extent. While working, we saw that

the old native grandmother and her daughter-in-law had arrived in

the yard. In the customary way, they waited thirty feet from the

front door until we chose to notice them. They then approached the

porch and the grandmother made a long speech in her language,

interpreted by the daughter, to thank us for all our kindness to the

children. This was done with the most perfect dignity and was very

moving. The native women saw that we were doing our own cleaning, so

they went home and returned with brooms and brushes to sweep out the

cottage for us. At my request, they gave us a beautifully-braided

native equivalent of a whisk-broom, which we still keep as a

favorite souvenir.


Returning the Keys

One of our last acts was to return the keys to the cottage and thank

the Ritchies for their kindness. We were, of course, entertained for

tea on this occasion. Over the tea cups, after routine subjects had

been fully dealt with, Mrs. Ritchie filled a short conversational

gap by remarking brightly, "I do hope that you haven't been bothered

 

Returning the Keys 137

by the cobras that live under the cottage". Catherine says that Mrs.

Ritchie nearly lost one of her best bone-china tea cups at this

moment, and I would not be too sure that she had not risked two of

them. At least, for several years I occasionally dreamed of a cobra

head and hood appearing through one of the holes in the floors of

the cottage.

* * *

We left Queenstown by train for Port Elizabeth and a leisurely trip

along the south coast to Capetown. We spent a day sightseeing in

Port Elizabeth, including a visit to a famous snake farm where we

made the acquaintance of the African cobras we had not seen in

Queenstown. More repulsive snakes I never saw. They were relatively

flat and ribbon-like and had an unpleasant yellowish-brown color. We

admired the contempt with which the native keeper kicked them out of

the way as he went about picking up specimens to milk for their

venom.

At George we spent a couple of days exploring the only region in

South Africa that can be called forested. In the narrow south

coastal strip of lowlands there were good stands of large

slowgrowing trees and beautiful homes and gardens. This is the

habitat of the famous stinkwood, an excellent furniture wood, that

is in short supply and great demand. Its name comes from a faint

unpleasant odor that really can only be noticed in, say, a cabinet

that is not often opened. Bits of the wood that are too small for

furniture use are used to make very attractive small objects for the

tourists.

Back in Capetown we saw to the shipment of our equipment on a

freighter to Boston. We were to sail on the City of New York for the

city of that name. We paid calls on our Capetown acquaintances and

entertained many of them at teas and dinners. Fortunately we met and

entertained Mrs. Rossiter from the Michigan Observatory in

Bloemfontein, as she turned out to be a martyr to seasickness and we

saw very little of her on shipboard. We made the good Scots Dr.

Jackson, his Majesty's Astronomer at the Cape, very unhappy because,

for some reason I never understood, he had to certify our shipping

papers to authorize the free inland transportation of our eclipse

equipment; an allowance that he had been unable to obtain for his

own expedition. Mr. and Mrs. Thompson, who had been so kind to us on

our arrival, entertained us and made arrangements for us to meet Mr.

Thompson's daughter and her husband in Trinidad, where our ship

would stop for fuel.

* * *

On a Saturday morning, about a week before we were to leave, we

 

Returning the Keys 138

completed our business with the shipping agents. Almost as an after

thought, we were advised that it might be well to get visas to visit

Trinidad. These were not ordinarily required for passengers in

transit, but our agent thought that because of the war we might not

be able to go ashore without them. He told us to apply at the

immigration office and explained how to find it. When I asked

whether we should look for anyone in particular, he said no, but he

did finally name a Mr. Conway.

We reached the Immigration Department in the late morning. We were

casually dressed and dusty, and far below South African standards as

I was bareheaded and we were both carrying parcels of souvenirs. The

Department was in a nondescript old building made up of several

houses, with long and twisting corridors and many unmarked doors. We

located the appropriate office where we found only a young and

rather imperious woman behind the counter. I approached her with our

passports and said, "We would like visas for Trinidad, if you

please." The girl looked through our passports carefully and then

said, "Where are your exit permits?" Not having heard of such

documents, I replied, "What is an exit permit?" "Oh", she said, "You

must have one before you can leave the country. When are you

sailing?" "Next Friday", I answered, and received the response, "Oh,

dear, dear! We will never be able to get them in time." As I began

to become more severe, she weakened a little; "Well, perhaps if we

telegraph Pretoria we may be able to get them." As there seemed

little else to do, we followed her instructions to go upstairs to

(for some reason) the accountant's office where we could fill out

the application forms.

At the accountant's office we finally found a pimply-faced youth and

went through an almost identical routine with him, from "Where are

your exit permits?" to "Oh, dear, we'll never be able to get them in

time". As I was tiring of this line of conversation, I thought it

time to ask for Mr. Conway. The youth's obvious reluctance was later

explained when we found that Mr. Conway was His Majesty's Principal

Immigration Officer, but the boy finally acceded to my request, and

took us through a rabbitwarren of corridors to knock on one of the

unmarked doors. Mr. Conway appeared to be alone. He was about sixty

years of age with gray hair and steelrimmed spectacles and all the

characteristics of an experienced civil servant. The youth explained

us to Mr. Conway as well as he could and departed, saying something

like, I'll get their file.

With Mr. Conway we ran through our familiar conversation for the

third time. He assured us that nothing but the prompt execution of

applications plus bearing the costs of telegrams between Capetown

and Pretoria could possibly get us out of Africa in less than a

week. As he was politely but firmly edging us out of his office

toward an empty room where we could make out the applications, the

 

Visas for Trinidad 139

youth returned down the long corridor at an absolute gallop. His

face wore a look of shock and he carried a file at least four inches

thick, opened somewhere in the middle. We had noticed a slight

stammer before, but when he spoke now it was overpowering. As he

reached us he exclaimed, liub-bubbub-but. Mr. Kuk-kuk-kuk-kuk-k-

Conwayl - Thetre dud-dud-duddud-dtid -distinguished visitors!

Mr. Conway displayed the value of his long training in the civil

service. With only a brief but searching look over his glasses at

our disheveled appearance, he made a remarkable recovery. Oh - - -

Oh, he said, In that case we would not think of requiring exit

permits, and told the youth to take us back to the girl downstairs

and instruct her to give us our visas immediately.

* * * *

The City of New York differed very considerably from the Lancaster.

She was the only passenger liner sailing between Capetown and New

York at the time, and she was supposed to make the trip in only

seventeen days, even including a day's visit to Trinidad. The South

Atlantic swell, which we had encountered gradually on our way south,

revealed itself in its full glory when we sailed. We delayed our

descent to the dining room until after the last line had been cast

off at seven in the evening. At 7:2O we passed the breakwater and

the dishes began sliding off the table. It was noticeable that two

or three days passed before we saw as many as half of the passengers

at mealtime.

The trip would no doubt have been very pleasant and relaxing, except

that the Professor Pierce effect made its last appearance and caused

us to be seated at the Captain's table. Our table mates were a lady

from the highest Boston society who was returning from her

daughter's wedding in Kenya, two State Department officers who were

changing stations, with their wives, and a real South African

professor and his wife. The members of this group, with the Captain,

insisted on giving each other cocktail parties almost daily, which

put a strain on our budget and my supply of dress shirts. I had to

conduct a running battle with the ship's laundry to keep myself

presentable in the tropical heat with, of course, no air

conditioning.

When Captain Schmidt discovered that I came from Maine, he had a

word with the steward. As a result I found myself required to top

off each large and varied breakfast with a quarter of an apple pie,

because I could not dishonor the reputation of my State in the eyes

of the Captain.

I was surprised recently when Catherine turned up four or five

certificates that I had won various contests on the City of New

 

The City of New york 140

York, including shuffleboard and, of all things, a spelling bee. I

had not forgotten having won the bridge tournament, as I was

generally not a good enough player to win anything. In the first

match I happened to be the partner of a rich South African who

correctly and unpleasantly made it clear that he was an

exceptionally good player. I misunderstood his bidding on the first

hand with the unhappy result that I went down three no-trump,

doubled. My partner's scornful reaction so irritated me that I

really settled down to try, and had the pleasure of coming in first

to his second at the end or the tournament. I have been wise enough

to play very little bridge since then, but I still frequently use

the very good corkscrew I won on that occasion.

When leaving Queenstown we had popped our remaining locusts back

into Dr. Fisher's camera case and taken them with us. Each night in

a hotel we would let them out for food and exercise, discovering, to

our surprise, that we were becoming rather fond of them. Their

climbing habit made them easy to recapture. We could just go around

the room, picking them off the tops of chairs, bureaus, or curtains.

If the count were not complete, it was only necessary to wait two or

three minutes and we would see the truants appear at the top of one

piece of furniture or another. We arrived at our sailing date with

eight locusts still in good health. As we had still thought of no

way of killing and preserving them, we simply took them with us. We

did not choose to advertise their presence on shipboard but we

managed to feed them quite well with fruit taken when we left the

dining saloon, or lettuce or carrots stolen while we took tours of

the kitchens.

We reached Port of Spain in the early morning of January 1, 1941.

Our visas turned out to be essential and I think no other Americans

were allowed to go ashore. We were shocked but not greatly surprised

to find that the South Africans, except for some officials, stayed

on the ship. Their reason was that they refused to have their papers

examined by the colored immigration and customs officers. We were

happy to discover the difference in attitude towards color in

Trinidad after coming from South Africa. Trinidad, of course, shows

traces of every nationality that ever sailed the Caribbean and I was

delighted to find that pretty girls came in every possible shade. We

happened to be introduced to a new Baronet, just created that day.

He was a prominent lawyer and must have been of nearly pure African

blood.

It had been arranged by radio that we would meet the Melvilles (Mr.

Thompson's relatives) at the Queens Park Hotel. We happened to

arrive first and I employed the extra minutes in buying a bottle of

cologne that Catherine wanted. The purser on the ship had provided

me with a heavy pocketful of British silver coins, and I was

surprised to find the cologne marked $1.80. I assumed that this was

 

The Trinidad Coinage 141

done as a convenience for American tourists. At a guess, I offered

the clerk three half-crowns, asking if that were enough. "Just

right, sir, said the clerk and rang up $1.80 on his cash-register.

This introduced a problem of understanding the Trinidad monetary

system that lasted me all day.

The Melvilles arrived in hospitable mood and took us for a sight-

seeing tour of the island, including lunch at a pleasant resort

overlooking the Caribbean Sea. In the afternoon we were taken to the

race; as that happened to be the big day in the winter race meeting

and everyone would be in the grandstand. I was interested to find,

on studying the race program, that Mr. Melville (who was the Manager

of Trinidad Leaseholds, the big oil company, and could easily afford

it) had paid $8.00 for my admission and only $0.50 for Catherine. I

took great pleasure in pointing this distinction out to Catherine,

to be sure that she appreciated her relative position. Our hosts

paid little attention to the races but spent their time chatting and

introducing us to Trinidad society, including the new Baronet. I

noticed that the purses for the races were given in dollars and,

after much mental anguish, discovered that the monetary unit was the

Trinidad dollar but that, to save expense, British silver was used

for coinage. It ultimately became clear that a dollar was equal to

four shillings and tuppence, so that my three half-crowns had in

fact been exactly $1.80 in Trinidad.

While in Port of Spain we sent off air-mail letters announcing our

arrival in Boston, as the ship had been diverted there, including

instructions to Dick Dow to meet the ship with whatever documents he

needed to permit importation of live locusts.

After this pleasant change we went back to our sweltering ship for

another week. Somewhere in the latitude of Florida we passed the

freighter carrying our equipment and learned that she also had been

diverted and was going to land in New York instead of Boston. This

made no great difference, as we were able to have our boxes sent in

bond to the laboratory and passed through customs there.

As on the outward trip, we found the last week a little long, in

spite of many farewell parties and other amusements. Although the

ship cooled down somewhat during this week, we found the contrast

startling when we left the Gulf Stream and landed in Boston on the

coldest day of the entire winter. To our surprise, we were not met

by Dick Dow, who turned out to be in bed with the flu at the time,

so I put our surviving six locusts into a small box and smuggled

them ashore in my hip pocket.

Our little apartment in Cambridge, which we had sublet for six

months, was ready for us. We took the South African professor and

his wife and Mrs. Rossiter to lunch at the Harvard Faculty Club, and

 

Home Again at Last 142

began to feel at home right away. On the following day, Catherine's

entire entry in her day-by-day log of our trip says, "Shirts sent to

the laundry."


12.

In Cambridge Again

The first three months of 1941 in Cambridge were devoted largely to

clearing up matters left over from the African trip; writing letters

of appreciation, and composing my scientific report. To my surprise

we returned with more than two thousand dollars in traveller's

checks unspent. I have always supposed that we constituted one of

very few expeditions to return with a cash surplus. I wrote a check

for this balance in favor of Harvard University and gave it to

Professor Mimno. He was, as usual, squirreling away small budget

items for future use. His method for keeping this fund unspent (and

perhaps inconspicuous) was simply not to deposit the check. As a

result, for a year and a half we maintained a bank balance far

beyond our normal standard and, by great care, managed to keep it

untouched.

This surplus included, of course, the $500 donated by Professor

Pierce. We were reminded of this when, on our first Sunday afternoon

call, Mrs. Pierce, who acted as the watch-dog of G.W.'s treasury,

promptly asked if we had brought back her husband's money. This was

the only occasion on which we ever heard G.W. speak firmly to his

wife, as he said, remarkably sharply, "Florence, you keep out of

this!" The next day he called me into his office to say that we

could keep the money in our ionospheric research funds.


The Boston Symphony Orchestra

Before I settled fully into my "defense" or wartime activities, I

had a most interesting consultancy. This was passed on to me by Ted

Hunt, who was surely already preparing for his very important work

as Director of the Underwater Sound Laboratory at Harvard. It seemed

that the Boston Symphony Orchestra had been encountering great

difficulties in its efforts to avoid signing a contract with the

Musicians' Union. The latest, and ultimately conclusive, attack was

the success of the Union in forbidding RCA-Victor to make any more

recordings of the Symphony. It could easily be predicted that,

without a continuing supply of new performances, the royalties from

records would soon decrease. In a last-minute effort to offset this

threat, the Symphony trustees had adopted the idea that they might

record, manufacture, and sell their own records.

I was introduced to this problem by Mr. George Judd, a most charming

gentleman who was the manager of the B.S.O. Under his guidance a man

from New York who understood the manufacturing aspects was found,

and I became a consultant on the actual recording. Between us we

selected and the Symphony bought all the necessary equipment, as

 

The Boston Symphony Orchestra 144

much as possible (without threatening the quality of the product) in

the second-hand market. A little room overlooking the stage in

Symphony Hall was fitted with first-rate amplifiers and cutting

turntables, and the basement, or part of it, was filled with

electroplating tanks and presses for the actual manufacturing of

records.

My primary duties in this enterprise were in the supervision of the

cutting of the wax master records. Today, with the advent of high-

quality magnetic tape, this is relatively easy. The performance is

recorded from as many as sixteen or twenty-four microphones in

strategic locations on as many separate tapes. These, sometimes

after as much as a year of study and experimentation, are blended

together to produce the desired artistic results, and the same

original material is then re-recorded to yield monophonic, stereo,

or quadriphonic records or final tapes. In l941 and 1942, this was

impossible and it was necessary to make an original recording that

satisfied all the requirements for a commercial release. This

involved much worry about the placement of microphones and the

mixing of their outputs in various proportions, which usually varied

during the course of a performance.

One policy decision, probably made by the music director and

conductor, the great Serge Koussevitsky, was that the records

should, be cut during actual performances. This ensured a higher

quality, as there was no doubt that the orchestra played better

before a sympathetic audience than in a "cold" hall containing only

microphones, but it made it harder for the recordist (if there is

such a word) in several ways. It was recognized that at times the

audience noise would ruin a recording, but it was felt that any

important work would be presented many times and it was hoped that

at least one recording would be satisfactory.

The greatest problem in making a record was, and still is, the

compression of the volume range of the orchestra into a compass that

does not exceed the limitations of the recording medium. Should the

level be too low, surface noise on a record becomes intolerable,

while too high a level leads to distortion.

[This was written before the era of the laser and the compact disc.]

Even if the recording mechanism could follow the whole range of

loudness possible to a symphony orchestra, the resulting music could

not be played in a small room without very unsatisfactory results.

It is therefore necessary to increase the gain of the recording

amplifiers for pianissimo passages and to reduce it when the

orchestra plays fortissimo. If this compression process should be

carried too far, so that, in the extreme, the record played

everything at constant loudness, the music would lose much of its

 

The Boston Symphony Orchestra 145

emotional content (except for possibly the single exception of rock-

and-roll) and would certainly disgust a listener with any musical

taste at all. The solution is for the recording engineer to foresee

all changes in volume. When he knows that a crescendo is coming, he

must inconspicuously and gradually reduce the gain so that the

increase in loudness may come forth with as much as possible of its

full glory. Similarly, he must prepare for a soft passage by

bringing up the gain enough so that none of the reproduced music

will be lost in the background noise of an ordinary room.

Our solution of this problem was, as it is must be for any other

engineer, to rehearse the operation of the recording gain control

much as though it were another instrument. We learned to follow the

printed score well, enough so that we could annotate it with

numbered settings for the gain control, and used whatever musical

taste we had to make the necessary adjustments as inaudible as

possible - or perhaps I should say to preserve as much as possible

of the artistic values of the performance. We tried, through many

rehearsals and performances, to use music students and other artists

to carry out this function, almost always with discouraging results.

I am sorry to have to say that, of all our trials, those using

Arthur Fiedler, the famous conductor of the Boston Pops, were the

least satisfactory. It was clear that Mr. Fiedler was too devoted to

the music itself and could not simultaneously maintain the necessary

concentration on the recording problem. The only solution seemed to

be to use an engineer who had a modicum of musical taste but who

could keep the technical problem uppermost in his mind. I am sorry

that we did not identify a better compromise candidate than I

myself, so I am sure that I "rode gain" on more trials and records

than anyone else. Curiously, I was never introduced to Dr.

Koussevitsky in the year I spent on this effort, but I still

treasure a letter from Mr. Judd that described the conductor's

satisfaction with some of our results.

Dr. Koussevitaky's personal habits complicated my problem. He felt

that his orchestra could keep time and devoted his gestures, whether

of the baton arm or the other, almost entirely to matters of

inflection. It was commonplace for the orchestra to begin playing

with no preliminary signal that could be seen from the poor vantage

point of a very small window overlooking the stage from the side.

This was a great trial as it was necessary, in those days that did

not permit re-recording, to start the cutting turntable soon enough

so that the record would have three or four silent grooves but these

few grooves could not be allowed to become many. All too often I

found the orchestra playing while I was still eagerly watching for a

clue, and the performance was, from my point of view, reduced to the

status of another rehearsal.

I was sternly assured that Dr. Koussevitsky could not be troubled to

 

Recording Problems 146

give a starting signal for my benefit as, in the last seconds before

beginning a composition, he was entirely occupied in mental

preparations that could not be disturbed. After watching this

performance many times, I came to the conclusion that an errant

cough in the last row of the audience could interrupt the conductors

concentration and considerably extend the time it took him to

prepare himself. I did learn to start the recorder at nearly the

right time on some occasions, but I failed much too often. I was

delighted at one rehearsal when a violinist, new to the orchestra,

had the temerity to inquire how the musicians were supposed to know

when to begin. Dr. Koussevitaky looked at him in what seemed to be

total amazement. "Why, -- why", he said, "When ze baton touches ze

air, you play."

By the end of the year, when it was too late for the information to

do me much good, the musicians had become used to seeing me around

and I finally got someone to provide the answer to the question.

This was not given without an oath of secrecy, as the musicians

seemed to feel that they were in deadly peril if the conductor heard

of their solution to the problem that bothered me. I was then told

that when Dr. Koussevitsky's baton gently descended to the level of

the third button on his vest, as seen from the position of the first

oboe, that musician would give an inconspicuous nod and the

orchestra would take its starting time from him. This confession may

have been akin to sending me for a left-handed monkey-wrench, but it

comforted me to believe that I was not alone in my trouble.

When introducing a new composition for rehearsal, Dr. Koussevitsky

had the habit of giving the orchestra little five or ten-minute

lectures, discussing the composer and explaining the conductor's

beliefs about what the composer was trying to accomplish. These

talks were invariably delightful and I tried very hard to get

permission to record some of them, as I thought they would be of

great interest and importance to music students everywhere. I am

still disappointed that Dr. Koussevitsky would never agree to this

suggestion, especially as such a series of records might have gone

far toward justifying the amount of time and energy, if not of

money, that was spent on the recording project.

One of our great difficulties was the strength of the tympanist,

Raman Szulc (pronounced, as far as I could tell, "Schultz"). He had

muscles that I never saw equalled. He enjoyed baring his arm,

holding a drumstick between his fingers, and letting all comers feel

his forearm. It seemed much as though it were carved out of seasoned

maple wood. His power was a trial to us in the recording room. We

would often think that we were ready for a passage rising to

fortissimo when Mr. Szulc would join in with his kettle-drums and

make the sound level jump above our distortion threshold. Those of

us bothered by his skill, or strength, invented all sorts of

 

Serge Koussevitsky 147

hypothetical schemes to limit his acoustical output. The most polite

of these was probably the suggestion that we bore holes at

appropriate points in the ceiling and drip water onto his drums

during the performance. After suffering from Mr. Szulc's

ministrations for some time, there came a cheering day when the

orchestra was rehearsing Shostakovich's sixth. At a moment when, to

me, all seemed to be going beautifully, Dr. Koussevitsky's baton

went tap, tap, tap and the music came to a quick stop. Turning

towards the tympanists' corner, extending his arms toward Szulc and

then bringing his hands together over his heart, Dr. Koussevitsky

exclaimed, "Ah, Szulc, Szulc, you play be-yooo-tiful - - - - but too

loud!"

Dr. Koussevitsky's instructions to the orchestra were, to one with

no musical experience except as a listener, often unintelligible. My

favorite occasion was during a rehearsal of something by Beethoven

when again the baton tapped three times. As the orchestra stopped

playing, Dr. Koussevitsky extended his arms in a gesture somewhere

between beckoning and beseeching and cried, "Zhentlemen, zhentlemen,

I moost half more gooold all over ze orchestra!" As the music

resumed, I could detect no difference but the tone must have been

more golden as the conductor made no further comment.

The year in which I spent a fraction of my time in this enterprise

of the Symphony was full of discovery and excitement. It had all of

the fascination of any work that requires stretching one's ability

and energy to the utmost. The satisfaction that should have ensued

was, unfortunately, absent because the management of the B.S.O.

found it financially impossible to continue without signing a

contract with the union. I never found out whether the few

symphonies I had successfully recorded could have withstood

commercial competition. I had, however, had a memorable experience

in a world that was new to me.


 

13.

My Wartime Work Begins

 

It was probably in April, 1941, when my life began a major turn from

Physics toward Engineering. Professor J. C. Street, who had studied

cosmic rays for years, began to sound me out about joining the

secret work being done at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

I was somewhat reluctant, partly because I felt that I owed Harvard

a great deal and partly from serious doubts about my practical

ability. It was, of course impossible for Professor Street to tell

me just what the work would be, and I finally suggested that he

should proceed to get my security clearance so that he could tell me

all about the new project. To my surprise, M.I.T. yielded to this

request and, after the military intelligence forces had spent a few

weeks deciding that I did not favor the Fascists (or perhaps the

Communists), I was able to attend a meeting of a few people to have

the project explained.

This group, which included Dr. Street, on leave from Harvard, had

been organized to test equipment that was being built to form a new

kind of radio aid to navigation. This new system, then known only as

"Project C", was intended to operate in the lower part of the VHF

(very high frequency) radio spectrum, between 30 and 40 megacycles

per second. It would, for propagational reasons, serve only a very

short range near the surface of the earth and to a distance of 300

miles or more for high-flying aircraft.

It was obvious that the first wartime need for better navigation for

the United States' forces would be in the convoy routes in the North

Atlantic, where a system having such short range would be next to

useless. I thus found myself being asked to join the group, to

explore any possibilities for providing additional radio circuits at

lower frequencies, to take advantage of the greater sky-wave

transmission ranges available in the short wave (or high frequency)

band. The proposed transmissions would be not unlike those used for

ionospheric sounding, but the requirement for the precise

measurement of time differences would be from ten to a hundred times

greater than had been used in ionospheric work. As the precision of

ionospheric soundings had always been severely limited by the narrow

bandwidths enforced for experimental work by the Federal

Communications Commission, there was no experience to indicate

whether the required accuracy could be achieved; but, equally, there

were no data that proved it to be impossible. Since this proposed

work was obviously important and fitted well with my experience at

Harvard, my doubts were somewhat relieved and I agreed to take a

year's leave of absence beginning July 1, 1941, and see what I could

 

The Office of Scientific Research and Development 149

contribute. This decision waa made easier by the discovery that I

already had three friends In the group of about ten that existed In

the spring of 1941. In addition to Dr. Street, I also knew one of

his former students, Dick Woodward, who had taken his doctorate

under Professor Street after I had come to Harvard. I was especially

pleased to find that the head of the group was Mr. Melville Eastham,

the President of the General Radio Company in Cambridge who had been

a regular attendant at Harvard Physics Colloquia and whose abilities

I greatly admired. There were also Donald Fink, whom I knew slightly

as the Editor of Electronics magazine, and two brilliant young

recent college graduates, David Davidson from Trinity College and

Dick Lawrance from MIT.

Long before the American entry into World War II, Dr. Vannevar Bush,

a famous scientist and engineer who had formerly been Vice-President

of MIT, convinced President Roosevelt of the importance of

mobilizing the scientific talent of the country. Dr. Bush was made

the head of the Office of Scientific Research and Development which

was supported by ample funds and made entirely independent of the

military forces. As seen from the viewpoint of one far below him in

the organization, Dr. Bush's essential contribution was the

provision of a climate in which the scientists could work freely

while OSRD and its subordinate entities kept financial problems and

military demands from delaying or preventing the scientific work. In

retrospect, it is clear that Hitler's stopping of scientific

research and trying to fight the war with what he had in 1938 was

one of his serious errors. It was exactly this mistake that Dr. Bush

prevented in this country, in spite of determined military

opposition to devoting manpower to anything except production and

fighting. It has been claimed that microwave radar gave the allied

forces the margin that won the war while the atomic bomb ended it.

Neither of these developments would have been possible without Dr.

Bush and his organization.

The National Defense Research Committee was organized under the

OSRD. This committee dealt directly with the scientists. It was

headed by James Bryant Conant, the President of Harvard and a

distinguished scientist himself. The NDRC had the respect and

support of the scientific community. It was organized in a number of

divisions dealing with various scientific disciplines, of which the

one of importance to me was Division 14, devoted almost exclusively

to microwave radar.

At the beginning of the war, radar had been developed in several

countries. These early devices operated mostly at wavelengths of one

or two meters because vacuum-tube transmitters could not develop the

required high power at shorter wavelengths. This in turn meant that

the needed directional antennas had to be large. Effective radar was

therefore available only for large ships or fixed installations

 

The Office of Scientific Research and Development 150

ashore. This was the type of radar that detected the Japanese attack

on Pearl Harbor, although administrative laxity prevented an

effective warning. The British CH (Chain Home) radar stations around

the coasts of the United Kingdom had a far better record, as they

made it possible for the Royal Air Force to win the Battle of

Britain in 1940 by giving early warning so that "those few to whom

so many owed so much" could be concentrated to meet each German

attack wherever it came.

In the summer of 1940, Sir Henry Tizzard brought a famous mission to

the United States. One of his duties was to induce America to

produce the cavity magnetron and incorporate it into a useful

airborne radar system. This magnetron had been developed, if not

invented, by a group headed by Professor Oliphant at the University

of Birmingham. It could generate large amounts of power at

wavelengths of only a few centimeters. With the war at a very

critical stage, Great Britain could not support the effort required

to put the magnetron into production and develop the necessary

modulators, antennas, receivers, and other elements needed for an

effective radar system. Doctors Bush, Conant, and others welcomed

this opportunity to contribute and assigned the responsibility to

Division 14, whose executive body was called the Microwave

Committee.

President Karl Compton of MIT agreed to support this effort under

NDRC and established the famous Radiation Laboratory, which

eventually grew to about 14,000 people, nearly half of them of

professional caliber. The effort was a great success, but its story

is only a tangential part of these memoirs, important here only

because it established at MIT a flourishing defense organization

under the leadership of Dr. Leo A. DuBridge.

I have always felt, without any proof, that some small amount of

information about a developing British aid to navigation, called Gee

or G, leaked from the Tizzard Mission although I understand that the

mission was not authorized to discuss this subject. Gee had been

proposed by and developed under the direction of a brilliant and

aggressive engineer named Robert J. Dippy. From 1937 onward he had

fought for this idea and had the happiness of seeing it find a very

useful place in the war effort, beginning in early 1942.

Wherever the idea came from, a proposal to develop a similar system

was made in November, 1940, by the Chairman of the Microwave

Committee, Mr. Alfred Loomis. Mr. Loomis was a rich amateur

experimenter who maintained a private electronics laboratory in

Tuxedo Park, New York. The other members of the Committee were, in

general, vice-presidents or directors of research of major

electrical or radio companies, and included Melville Eastham. The

acceptance of this proposal established "Project C", one of the

 

Project C 151

first three efforts approved by the Committee.

The Microwave Committee then proceeded in a most curious way. The

representatives of the various companies divided up the problem and

agreed to build the components that would be required for the

proposed system. If memory serves, the General Electric Company and

Westinghouse each was to build a two-megawatt pulse transmitter; the

Radio Corporation of America and Sperry were to make two different

kinds of receiver-indicators; and the Bell Telephone Laboratory was

to make two transmitter timers, the most critical components. The

only thing obviously missing was a good idea about how the timing of

the received signals was to be measured and presented to the

navigator. The Committee made a number of suggestions, none of them

very workable. The best, to my eye, was the idea that one station of

a pair might transmit 19 pulses in the same elapsed time in which

the second station would transmit 21 pulses. One of these series

could then be read against the other in the manner of a vernier

scale. My sympathies, after the fact, were with the unfortunate Bell

Laboratories people, who had to build transmitter timers that would

respond to any of the several proposals of the committee, thus

requiring an almost impossibly complex mechanism. After authorizing

contracts for all this equipment, the Microwave Committee passed on

to other duties and as a whole was not heard from again, although

Mr. Loomis kept in touch with the project from time to time.

During the winter of 1940-1941, Mr. Eastham had recognized the fact

that a technical group would have to be formed to receive and test

the Project C equipment when it should be delivered. As he lived in

Cambridge and the Radiation Laboratory had been formed at MIT, Mr.

Eastham arranged to have this group housed there and included in the

Radiation Laboratory staff. The navigational work was distinct from

that on radar and used many different techniques, but this

affiliation persisted throughout the war and the LRN (Long Range

Navigation) group became Division 11 of the Rad Lab, the only

division that was not working on the many implementations of

microwave radar.


The Idea of Hyperbolic Navigation

The new idea behind all this activity was simple and powerful. In

194O, the only radio aids to navigation were various kinds of

direction finding that had acceptable accuracy only at relatively

short ranges. The new methods were to be based upon the time of

transit rather than the direction of radio signals. Because the

velocity of light, or of most radio waves, is approximately a

thousand feet in each microsecond, measurements to that accuracy

should yield position to a fraction of a mile if the velocity of

propagation could be predicted accurately. The proposed technique

was the exact inverse of the acoustic ranging that was so successful

 

The Idea of Hyperbolic Navigation 152

in the first World War, when enemy cannon were located by measuring

the relative time of arrival of the sound waves from their firings

at three or more known locations.

In the radio implementation it was proposed that two separated

transmitters should transmit short pulses, or some other easily

timed signals, from known locations with an accurately known time

separation. The measurement of the time difference between the two

received signals would establish the position of the receiver on one

of the infinite family of hyperbolae having the two stations as

foci. To take a case of maximum simplicity, suppose two pulses to be

sent out simultaneously. It a navigator received them at exactly the

same instant, he would be equidistant from the two stations or on

the perpendicular bisector of the line between them. If he received

the pulse from station A, say, before that from station B, he would

be somewhere on a curved line somewhat nearer station A and concave

toward that station; and the exact amount of the time difference

would tell precisely on which of the many curves (hyperbolae) he

must be.

Of course the navigator wants to know more than his position

"somewhere" along a line. This problem is solved by making a second

measurement on a second pair of stations (which may or may not

include one of the stations of the first pair). The position then is

at the intersection of the two lines of position. Various

modifications of this fundamental idea are required in practice. For

example, it would be very inconvenient to try to receive two pulses

from different stations at the same instant. This problem and others

are resolved by transmitting the pulses alternately so that, for

example, the pulse from station A is always received before that

from station B no matter where the navigator may be. This technique

makes it possible to identify which pulse is which; an important

factor as it is obviously better to have the two pulses absolutely

similar.

This simple description sounds as though only a single pulse were to

be transmitted from each station. Actually the pulses are endlessly

repeated many times per second in an accurately spaced sequence.

This makes it possible to show the pulses steadily on an

oscilloscope and permit the navigator to determine a position at any

time he may wish.

Nothing has yet been said about the process of getting two separated

transmitters to emit trains of pulses in exact synchronism. This

needs to be done with almost infinite precision because two

practical clocks or oscillators at the two stations will gradually

drift apart without limit as time passes. A solution to this problem

is to install something much like a navigator's receiver at a known

place within range of both stations; and to have an observer then

 

Hyperbolic Theory and Experiment 153

transmit to one of the stations information enough so that

adjustments to the time of transmission can be made so as to keep

the time difference exactly what it should be at the monitoring

point. With the oscillators available in 1941, it turned out to be

necessary to make small corrections every few seconds, or at least

once or twice a minute.

Even this bare outline probably includes more than was thoroughly

understood in 1941 about the theory and practice of hyperbolic

navigation, as the method was to be called later. Much needed to be

learned about the construction of satisfactory equipment, about the

velocity of propagation (at least in the skywave mode), about the

mathematical methods that would allow the computation of a "fix"

from the measured time difference; and about presenting this

information to a navigator in a sufficiently simple and rapid way.

My first step along the road was to arrange for the construction of

a pair of relatively low power pulse transmitters, suitable for a

wide range of frequencies. I had these made at Harvard because the

Cruft shop had an excellent machinist and radio technician, Victor

Ghigli, who had built much of my South African equipment and who was

so used to my ways that he could make what was wanted without

needing detailed plans and specifications. This work began some

weeks before I enrolled at MIT, and the cost was borne by the

Radiation Laboratory. The transmitters were ready in August and were

promptly installed in two discontinued Coast Guard stations that had

been taken over for the Project C high-powered transmitters. Then

stations were at Fenwick Island, Delaware, and near Montauk Point on

Long Island.

I was much impressed by the local electric fields from the first two

megawatt transmitter being tested at that time at Fenwick. I found

that I needed rubber gloves to handle even small tools in the yard

of the station. When I passed a piece of antenna wire through an

insulator and bent it back to form a loop, sparks would leap the gap

as soon as it was reduced to three or four inches. I was enthralled

to realize that this was exactly the technique used by Heinrich

Hertz in his first detection of electromagnetic waves in the 1880s,

although Hertz never had such an abundance of energy to work with.

There was at this early date no mechanism for synchronizing the

pulses from the two stations. My experiment, therefore, was to time

the pulses independently from two crystal oscillators that were as

stable as possible and to observe them on an oscilloscope that was

timed by a similar oscillator. I hoped to be able to judge, without

precise measurements, whether the pulses seemed sufficiently stable

at long distances and whether they passed through the ionospheric

reflection process without serious distortion of their shapes. A

schedule was set up for transmitting at four or five frequencies,

 

Hyperbolic Theory and Experiment 154

between three and ten or twelve megacyoles per second, at

appropriate times of the day or night.

With these arrangements made, Mason Garfield, who had followed me

from Cruft to the Radiation Laboratory, and I set out on a junket in

a rented station wagon full of experimental receiving and test gear.

We would stop every few hundred miles and observe the pulses

wherever we could stay with friends or find a motel that would let

us, for a price, use enough electric power to run our gear. We

stopped in Geneva, New York, where Catherine had gone to visit

relatives while I was away, and we spent a few days with Professor

Samuel Goudsmit (with whom Catherine had studied) in Ann Arbor,

Michigan. From Lexington, Kentucky, I tried to telephone Catherine

and found that she had been taken to the hospital with what appeared

to be acute appendicitis. I left Mason to continue westward and flew

to Geneva. Fortunately Catherine's specialist in Boston had

convinced the medical people in Geneva that her trouble was probably

not appendicitis, and the crisis had subsided by the time I reached

her. I met Mason again in St. Louis and we pushed on to Springfield,

Missouri, the farthest point we tried to reach in our travels.

* * *

While wandering in the woods behind the motel in Springfield I

picked up a box tortoise. Mason and I fed him hamburg with moderate

success and, when we left, idly dropped him in the back of the

station wagon with our equipment. Within half an hour the creature

managed to crawl into the front of the wagon and bite me on the

ankle. This demonstration of spunk endeared him to me, so I brought

him home to our apartment in Cambridge where Catherine and I kept

him for four or five years. He lived on the floor of the apartment,

frequently in dark corners, except when we got him out to feed him.

He dearly loved all kinds of melons, when available, and would

accept lettuce and an occasional mealworm, when we felt that he

needed protein. It amused us that he could brace himself against a

wall and move an overstuffed arm chair when he found it in his way.

In the winter he becamae comatose and we had to remember to get him

out occasionally to soak in a pie plate of warm water, which would

usually rouse him enough to let him eat a little. He was one of a

succession of odd pets that Catherine and I enjoyed from time to

time.


 

Mason and I were trying to observe our signals on a system of three

oscilloscopes that had circular sweeps operating at speed ratios of

one, ten, and one hundred. The idea was to read the angular

positions of the pulses as in taking the reading from the dials of

an electric watthour meter. This was impossibly cumbersome and

 

Circular Sweeps 155

somewhere on our travels I conceived the idea of showing the two

pulses to be compared superimposed on relatively short horizontal

sweeps whose timing could be adjusted to agree with that of the

pulses. I must admit that my idea of an electronic mechanism to do

this feat was too awkward and inaccurate to be of much use.

Fortunately, while Mason and I were travelling, some design

information about the British Gee system had been received at the

Radiation Laboratory and it was found that the same superposition

idea was used there. Dr. Street and Donald Kerr promptly set to work

devising circuits for such a receiver, using their experience

derived from the construction of cosmic ray counters and other new

devices.

I have always been pleased that my report of this first field trip

happened to be dated October 1,1941, because, after a year of

frantic activity, the first four Loran stations went into operation

on October 1, 1942. This speed record is especially notable because

my report said, in effect, I think it will work, but we must abandon

all our present ideas about instrumentation and start again. I had

at that time no idea how many changes and additions would be

required in the future.

My next step was to retire for a couple of months to my old office

at Harvard, primarily because it was quiet and closer to our

apartment, and try to compute the time of transit for a simple sky

wave as a function of frequency, distance, and time of day. This was

an impossible task, considering how little was known about

ionospheric variation at that time, but I hoped that I could at

least deduce the probable shapes of the curves relating these

various functions so that the results of a very few experiments

would fit easily into place. This turned out to be mostly wasted

effort, but it at least kept me from interfering with the

construction of the new receiving equipment, for it must be admitted

that I was by no means well acquainted with the new techniques Dr.

Street was developing.

* * *

At some time during this first autumn at MIT, I, or perhaps

Catherine, was the beneficiary of a fortunate accidental occurrence.

One afternoon I happened to leave the laboratory with Mr. Loomis,

who was making one of his occasional visits. On the spur of the

moment I invited him to come home to take pot luck for dinner, and

to my surprise he accepted. Catherine was upset, naturally, but she

somehow produced a dinner for company. During the meal and for hours

afterward, Mr. Loomis sat and discussed the entire history and

future prospects of all the classified work he was involved in.

Catherine listened avidly, as I had hitherto followed the strict

rule and told her almost nothing about what we were trying to do. As

 

Mr. Loomis Talks 156

a result of this happy accident, it was never thereafter necessary

to keep secrets from Catherine, and I was able to keep her at least

roughly abreast of our difficulties and successes.

* * *

During this time and for months thereafter, we did not realize that

the lower frequency work would be more than an adjunct to the VHF

pulse system, so we kept waiting for the Project C equipment to

provide the synchronism that was required. The transmitters and

timers for Project C were delivered and partially tested, but the

receivers never did work very well. In fact, I do not think that

satisfactory synchronizing signals were ever received at Manahawkin,

New Jersey, a Bell Telephone Laboratories field station

approximately midway between the two transmitting sites.

In December a crude navigators receiver for the lower frequencies

was in existence in breadboard construction and a second one had

been built in more transportable form, Dick Lawrance, who had been

working entirely on Project C, took the breadboard to Manahawkin and

found that he could receive excellent signals from both stations

and, by relaying a continuous stream of instructions over a

telephone line to Fenwick, could maintain a sufficiently constant

time difference between our two transmissions. We therefore were

able to set up a synchronized pair without waiting longer for the

Project C equipment to be put into successful service. This was

fortunate as that project was encountering longer delays and greater

disappointments.

At the end of December, Mr. Eastham sent me to Bermuda to make the

first pre-Loran observations. I took with me Ed Stevens, a young

technician, and went by ship, landing in Hamilton on December 31st.

On this trip Ed is, I am sorry to say, chiefly memorable for being

fearfully seasick. After a miserably lonesome New Year's Eve in a

cheap hotel, we established relations with the officers at the

Daniel's Head Y station, a naval installation at approximately the

point in Bermuda nearest New York. After the holiday our equipment

was delivered there and set up most conveniently. We found more than

adequate quarters in a beautiful cottage colony at which the British

Ministry of Supply had pulled strings to get us accomodated at a

nominal rate. I am sure the present management of Cambridge Beaches

would be shocked to hear that this rate was eight dollars a day for

the two of us. As no cars were then permitted in Bermuda, we rented

bicycles to commute between the cottage and the station.

The Royal Navy accepted us In their social doings so far as our

irregular operating schedule penmitted. An especially memorable

evening party was one in which I was introduced to a charming old

gentleman, Admiral Kennedy-Purvis, who had been called out of

 

Pre-Loran Observations 157

retirement to take a senior position at the Bermuda Dockyard. In

about 1906, Lieutenant Kennedy-Purvis had apparently been the Royal

Navy's chief expert on wireless. He was, of course, intensely

interested in our activities. I was in great doubt about how much I

was allowed to tell him, but this turned out not to be crucial as I

was forced to suspect that the Admiral had not learned any more

about radio since the days of Edward VII, and I found it impossible

to give him the least idea of what we were trying to do. The

officers we met were most helpful and, with the exception of the

Admiral, were very discreet and asked almost no questions.

The experimental work went very well. My transmitters were of such

low power, a few hundred watts, that we could not detect a ground

wave at the distance of about seven hundred and twenty miles, but

this did not trouble me as I still believed that my mission

concerned only sky waves. At all times of day we received useful

signals at one or more of the frequencies we tried. We quickly

found, as expected, that the signals reflected from the higher F

layer were far too unstable to be useful for our purposes, but the

earlier-arriving E-layer pulses were quite satisfactory. Averaged

over all our frequencies and times, the measurements showed a mean

error of about two and a half miles; and the center of the

distribution agreed well with our calculations.

* * *

A computation I made at the time of this trip is of historical

interest. We used two of the extremely complicated Bell timers, two

transmitters, synchronizing equipment in New Jersey, and, receiving

equipment in Bermuda. I counted up a total of 768 vacuum tubes that

bad to be operating correctly before a navigational measurement

could be made. Because vacuum tubes were not as constant in their

characteristios as are today's transistors and chips, it was a

frequent accident for some circuit to jump in phase and require

readjustment before the measurements could be continued. Fortunately

these corrections could usually be made in a few minutes.

* * *

The two-trace oscilloscope indicator gave us easy and accurate

measurements but had two serious deficiencies. In order to make the

readings the pair of pulses to be compared had to be positioned in

special spots on the receiving oscilloscope time base. The only

accurate way we had for making this setting was to misadjust the

crystal oscillator frequency and allow the pulses to drift slowly

around the time pattern until they reached the right places. This

was an impossibly slow process as the duty of the oscillator was to

be as exact as possible. The effect was much the same as trying to

set a clock by speeding it up and waiting until the hands read the

 

The Bermuda Trip 158

right time. This unhappy situation could be somewhat ameliorated by

inducing random phase jumps In the timing circuits, until the pulses

happened to come to rest reasonably near the desired positions.

Obviously something better had to be arranged. We also found that it

was often necessary to compare a strong pulse with a weak one. This

meant a severe loss of accuracy because a weak pulse could not be

seen well without increasing the receiver gain until the strong

pulse overloaded the linear circuits and became distorted.

The most important discovery that we made in Bermuda was that, at

our lowest frequency of 2.8 megacycles per second, we received

stable and useful E-layer pulses all night except for a "fuzzy"

period of an hour or two just before dawn. This was a great surprise

as the E-layer was then generally supposed to disappear at sunset.

We later found that, by lowering the frequency somewhat further, a

reliable E-layer signal could be received all night at all distances

beyond 200 to 250 miles. The, lack of skywave reliability at such

short distances was not important as that distance region was served

by strong groundwave signals.

A totally unimportant discovery was my introduction to the semi

tropical humidity. I happened to hang a Palm Beach suit in the

closet at our cottage and leave it for ten days or so. When I looked

again, the suit was completely covered by inch-long fungus; it

looked much like a somewhat greenish fur coat.

In deference to Ed's seasickness, we arranged to come home on one of

the old Pan American flying boats. This was not much of a help to Ed

as unfortunately he was just as sick in the aircraft, which took

five or six hours to reach New York. Ed was miserably unhappy when

we got within an hour of our destination and learned that the

weather was so bad that we would have to turn back to Bermuda. After

a night in one of Hamilton's best hotels at the expense of Pan Am, I

succeeded in getting Ed into the plane again, not without

difficulty. This time the trip went as planned and I think Ed was

not as sick as he had been the day before.

Back at the lab I found that Dick Woodward had already corrected the

first of the deficiencies in the receiver. The timing circuits

divided the 100,000 cycle per second frequency of the crystal

oscillator successively by ratios of 2, 5, or 10 to obtain the pulse

repetition frequency of 25 per second. Between the second counter

and the last, the division ratio was 4OO to one. Dick had discovered

that the output pulse of the last counter could be fed back to the

second to reduce the count by one unit each 25th of a second. This

effect, when switched on and off, could alter the overall division

ratio from 400 to 399, thus yielding an output frequency that

allowed our received pulses to slide around the oscilloscope pattern

at a controlled rate that could be stopped when the pulses arrived

 

Receiver Modifications 159

at the correct position.

I did not understand how Dick's invention worked so I set up a model

circuit to study. There was a capacitor that coupled the output

pulses back to the earlier divider. Because I could not see how to

decide what size capacitor to use, I put a large variable capacitor

into the circuit. To my surprise, I found that the capacitance made

no difference in the output frequency until it reached a particular

size when the frequency suddenly changed. A further increase in

capacitance made no difference until a second critical value was

reached, when the frequency changed again. It soon developed that,

if the feedback pulse were applied to a counter that divided by ten,

at least eight different frequencies could be obtained as the coupt

was momentarily reduced to less than ten. The obtainable overall

division ratios were thus 400, 399, 398, - - - 393. We quickly made

the transmitter timers and the receiver-indicators operate at any

chosen one of these eight frequencies (between 25 and about 25-7/16

pulses per second) by incorporating in each a switch that inserted

one of seven adjustable capacitors. This meant that we could now

have eight pairs of stations operating at a single radio frequency.

By selecting the correct recurrence rate, the desired pair of pulses

could be made to stand still on the oscilloscope so that the time

difference could be measured, but at the same time the other seven

pairs drifted around the picture at different rates such that they

did not interfere seriously with the measurement.

The difference in amplitude between the chosen pulses was

compensated by a circuit that reduced the gain of the receiver at

the time when the stronger pulse was expected. The technique was

simply to position the pulses and adjust the main gain control until

the weaker pulse had the chosen size, and then to reduce the size of

the stronger pulse by turning the differential gain controL By this

means, and by adjustment of the time separation between the

oscilloscope sweeps, the two chosen pulses could be precisely

superimposed (visually) and the time difference measurement could be

made with maximum accuracy. I was surprised, after the war, to find

that I had been granted a patent on this device, which was

apparently one of the first implementations of a time-variant gain

for a receiver.

With these modifications, and a few minor changes, the circuits of

the new measuring instrument had reached a useful form. Don Fink,

who acted as Mr. Eastham's administrative assistant, arranged a

contract with a minor division of the Radio Corporation of America

to package our circuits in commercial form and find and supervise a

manufacturer who would produce a trial quantity of receiver-

indicators. This work, with a good deal of assistance from Rad Lab

people, went with amazing speed. The first discussions about the new

contract were held, I remember, on St. Patrick's Day in 1942. The

 

Receiver-Indicator Production 160

first receiver-indicators, built by FADA on Long Island, were

received at the Radiation Laboratory before the end of August. This

speed was possible, in part, because FADA never waited for

commercial delivery of components. When a part threatened not to be

ready in time, an emissary would be dispatched to Cortland Street in

New York with a pair of large suitcases. He would buy the necessary

number of any parts that were reasonably similar to the desired

ones. As a result, probably the entire production run never

contained more than ten units that were absolutely identical. This

made no real difference, as all the receivers were sent to the Rad

Lab for checking and any necessary modifications.

I have always felt that the rapid success of Loran, as it came to be

called, was due largely to Mr. Eastham's wisdom and courage in

ordering an initial supply of 250 receiver-indicators. We soon found

that it took lots of units to fill the Naval supply pipeline.

Another negative factor was that, although the Navy could order the

installation of receivers on its ships, each captain was the

absolute authority on board and could not actually be forced to use

the new equipment. The value of a large number of trial receivers

was that, whatever delays and reluctances there were in the naval

system, a few units fell into the hands of officers who would use

them. It was then only a few months before favorable opinions began

to circulate in the officers' clubs and the system was able to

expand as fast as equipment could be produced.

When we were preparing for the Bermuda experiment I had happened to

visit Montauk Point and had seen that an excellent groundwave pulse

from Fenwick Island was received, even at our highest frequency of

8.5 megacycles per second. This stimulated the idea, which we should

have had months before, that a Loran slave station could synchronize

itself with the signals from the master station received at the

slave station site, and that there was no need for an intermediate

monitor station to perform this function. This realization led to

the conclusion that we need wait no longer for the Project C

signals.

Work was immediately started on higher power transmitters (100

kilowatts) under the direction of Al Pote', an MIT trained engineer

who was the part-owner and manager of a local broadcast station. At

the same time, Dick Woodward began the construction of transmitter

timers that were less complex and therefore far more reliable than

the Bell Laboratory devices we had been using. The idea of

maintaining synchronism within the slave station meant that we had

to devise a way to prevent the extremely strong local transmission

from saturating the sensitive receiver that was needed to receive

the signals from the master station. In Dick's first model this took

the simple form of relays that closed at the right time to short

circuit the transmission line from the receiving antenna.

 

Receiver-Indicator Production 161

 

Division 11 was growing rapidly throughout this period and a larger

and larger fraction of the people were working on the lower

frequency project. It gradually became clear that this modification

was a complete system by itself and that there was no real need for

the VHF system. I do not remember when the work on the original

Project C was finally dropped, but I believe that some of the

equipment ordered for that project was never removed from the

shipping cases.

By June of 1942 we had installed high-power transmitters in our two

stations, and construction of two more stations, at opposite ends of

Nova Scotia, had begun. In this connection, the Canadian Navy sent

an officer, Commander J. R. Foster, to act as liaison with the

Radiation Laboratory. Commander Foster, or John, promptly endeared

himself to us by taking off his uniform jacket to go to work with us

in the lab, and generally doing everything he could to educate

himself and advance our cause. He was chiefly responsible for the

fact that the Canadian Navy accepted Loran even more quickly than

did the American Navy, and he of course saw to it that the Canadians

received some of the very first receiver-indicators to be

distributed. To the American Naval Liaison Officer, Lt.Cdr. Larry

Harding, goes credit for coining the name Loran. He observed that a

shipment of equipment to Canada, addressed to the LEN Project, had

arrived with the words Long Range Navigation pencilled in on the

boxes. This was too transparent, so he expanded it to "Loran".

Curiously, this term was never deciphered, so far as I know. Most

people apparently assumed this to be the name of the inventor of the

device.

Near our two American stations, the work had attracted a good deal

of local interest and wild rumors began circulating. Walter Tierney,

our highly important construction man borrowed from the Bell

Telephone Laboratory, turned out to be an excellent practical

psychologist. He had someone paint very large signs, Fenwick Island

Radio Direction Finding Station and Hither Plains Radio Direction

Finding Station and had them attached to the faces of the old Coast

Guard stations. Apparently everyone knew that direction finding was

not exciting and, to my surprise, the local interest subsided

immediately to zero.


In June, 1942. we had also finished one or two quite complete

receiver-indicators, incorporating all the modifications suggested

after the Bermuda trip, and electrically nearly identical to those

being produced by FADA. Mr. Eastham again selected me to give the

new system its first mobile trial. I was surprised to find that this

would take the form of a trip in a Navy blimp, flying from

 

The Spring of 1942 162

Lakehurst, New Jersey. This was actually a very well chosen vehicle,

because the blimp could fly slowly at low altitude directly to any

number of check points; something that could not be done nearly as

easily in a car, aircraft, or boat.

I must explain that the calculation of the Loran readings to be

expected at a given point is direct and relatively easy, while

deduction of the position from the readings is not simple,

fundamentally because the earth is not quite spherical. The

oblateness of the earth is enough to produce serious errors (if the

calculation is done for a sphere, which is the only shape for which

the formulae are easy) at distances of more than a hundred miles or

so. Loran therefore was planned to work with preplotted charts or

tables that had to be based upon many weeks of calculations.

Fortunately these computations would need to be done only once for a

given pair of stations; the results could be stored, in charts, for

example, and used forever after by any number of navigators.

At the time of the blimp trip no such computations had been made.

The idea, therefore, was to fly along the coast passing over

lighthouses, bridges, or any other identifiable points that could be

located on navigational charts. After the readings had been recorded

at these places, I could come home and spend several days

calculating what the readings should have been at each of the points

where an observation had been made.

I drove to New Jersey with my equipment on Sunday, June 7th, and

spent the night in a small hotel in Tom's River. In the morning I

was greeted by the news that during the night a pair of blimps had

collided and that one of them had fallen into the ocean with the

loss of its crew and a number of scientists who were on board. This

disturbed me, not because I thought that such an accident was likely

to happen again but because Catherine was, at this time, nearly six

months pregnant and I could visualize her reaction when she heard

the news on the radio. My first duty, therefore, was to telephone

her to assure her that the accident had nothing to do with me, and

that blimps were (in spite of the evidence) perfectly safe to travel

on.

Captain Rosendahl and the staff of the Naval Air Station were much

too occupied with the aftermath of the accident, and the very

impressive memorial service that followed, to pay much attention to

me and my problem. I was installed in a balcony room in the large

hangar and allowed to amuse myself with the receiver all week.

Finally on Saturday, the 13th, the time came for our experiment. My

gear had been lashed down on the navigator's chart table so that I

could operate it from a standing or crouching position in the cat

walk. I was disturbed at first by the magnitude of the noise and

vibration; it appeared that in a blimp there was no lift to waste on

 

The Blimp Trip 163

sound absorbing material, and the propellers were whirling just

outside the thin walls of the gondola. We flew down the coasts of

New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland until we passed well beyond the

station at Fenwick Island, while I made measurements timed to

coincide with shouts by a crew member whenever we passed over an

identifiable point. This was not quite as easy as I had hoped

because the aircraft's power supply was not very steady and induced

phase jumps that had to be corrected every few minutes. These did no

real harm, however, and I found myself thrilled to see one pulse

move with respect to the other as we progressed. I had, of course,

known that this would be so but to see it actually happen was very

exciting.

My original plan had been to fly inland from this most southern

point and see how far we could receive our pulses over land. We had

known that this range over land would be (for the groundwave pulses

we were using) far less than over water, and we wanted to see just

how bad this condition was. Unfortunately it was a windy day and I

soon became airsick. I found that a blimp at low altitude over land

can perform all the gyrations of a small boat in a choppy sea, plus

a curious motion of its own as the gondola swings like a pendulum

beneath the gas bag. After half or three quarters of an hour of

misery I was relieved when the Captain came back to inquire how

things were working. With some apparent hesitation he asked how

important this overland part of the trip was to the experiment. By

this time I was ready to admit that it was not at all necessary and

was happy to have him say, "I guess if you don't mind we will go

back and return by sea. The ship can take it but the crew can't."

Although we had never thought about the possibility before, I was

inspired at this point to invent homing along a Loran line of

position. While awaiting my chance to fly I had played with the

receiver until I thoroughly knew the reading to be expected at the

Lakehurst hangar. I realized that if we flew along the line having

that reading in the right direction we would be sure to get there

sooner or later. I therefore suggested to the Captain that I could

shut down the equipment for a while (thus getting some much needed

rest) and that he might fly well out to sea and "lose" me. I would

then start making measurements and see if I could guide him back to

Lakehurst. This sounded like fun to him, so he flew sixty or eighty

miles out to sea. I then set up the reading for Lakehurst on the

indicator and found, as expected, that the pulses were far apart on

the screen. I soon discovered which way to go to bring the pulses

together and, with some trial and error, found a heading that kept

the pulses nearly in coincidence. From then on it was only necessary

to shout "a little left" or "a little right" to the pilot from time

to time as we strayed from the line.

After an hour or more I saw that we were approaching the coast and

 

The Middle of the Hangar 164

that the hangar was easily visible, although not straight ahead

because we were, naturally, heading somewhat into the wind to keep

from drifting off the line. I paid no attention to our heading, as I

was satisfied to find that we were clearly approaching the hangar.

Finally the pilot broke away from my instructions to make his final

approach to the landing area in an upwind direction. Then there

was a long delay because a small engine, that was supposed to trim

the blimp's fore-and-aft balance, refused to start. We floated for

some time over the landing field, our nose pointing steeply

downward, with occasional bursts of engine power to bring us to a

lower altitude and keep us from drifting away from the field. After

this delay, the ship was brought into a horizontal attitude so that

the landing crew could catch our mooring ropes and bring us down.

When we landed I waited a few minutes until the Captain alighted. He

approached me in a state of some excitement and gave me Loran's

first official accolade, saying, "You know, boy, we weren't headed

for the hangar we were headed for the middle of the hangar!" He was

certainly correct, as the hangar was about a thousand feet long and

the precision of our groundwave pulses was such that we were

probably within a hundred yards of our line of position most of the

time, but it was a delight to have our system receive such an

endorsement.

After I had returned to Cambridge and had had time to calculate the

expected readings for the various places we had pinpointed, I found

that most of our measurements on this flight had been within 200

yards, and that the average of all of them was in exact agreement

with the calculations. I found out later that there were better

methods for computing the values on an oblate earth, but at such

short distances the difference would probably not have been great.

In any case, I was so happy with the agreement between calculation

and observation that I was careful never to recompute the readings

to be expected.

Within a couple of weeks we had a chance to use the same receiving

equipment in a B24 aircraft that belonged to the Royal Air Force and

happened to be in Boston to have some Rad Lab radar equipment

installed. I do not remember which of the boys in our group had the

fun of this trip, over the Gulf of Maine and Nova Scotia.

I should have explained that all of this work with the more powerful

transmitters and improved receivers was done at a frequency of 1.95

MHz. After the Bermuda trip, we had reduced the operating frequency

to 2.2 MHz in an effort to improve the nighttime reliability of E-

layer transmission. This was a successful change but unfortunately

our pulses at that frequency had begun triggering automatic distress

alarm systems on ships in the Great Lakes. Because the war had made

 

Other Early Tests of Loran 165

it necessary to forbid amateur radio operation, we found it

convenient to make a further move into the former amateur "160-meter

band" where Loran remained for many years.

Shortly after the blimp trip, Dave Davidson took another receiver-

indicator for a trip of several weeks' duration on a Coast Guard

weather ship in the North Atlantic. This trip was principally to

check out the skywave accuracy at night, but it also gave us the

first real proof of the distances we could achieve: about 700

nautical miles for the ground wave in the daytime and about twice

that distance for the sky wave at night. Dave's measurements thus

did much more than prove that Loran could provide useful service in

the Atlantic Ocean quite far from land.

The possibility remained that, by extra transmissions at higher

frequencies, we could extend the daytime range of usefulness to

equal that at night. This never would be done (although occasional

trials wore carried out both by the Rad Lab and the Coast Guard)

primarily because it always seemed more important to use new

transmitters for new areas to be served by Loran than for extension

of a useful daytime service area.

After these successful trials, Mr. Eastham called a large conference

of military officials. He had no difficulty in convincing them that

we had a new and useful device, and soon had an agreement that the

armed services (primarily the Navy) would pay for the receivers we

had ordered and would reimburse the Radiation Laboratory for all the

transmitters and timers we could construct while the military

purchasing people were setting up their own sources. Al Pote'

continued to make excellent transmitters and Dick Woodward began

construction of a second generation of transmitter timers in the

lab. Orders were placed for more of each with the Research

Construction Company, a modelshop manufacturing facility set up by

the Radiation Laboratory. This effort continued through even a third

generation of timers before these models were supplanted by Naval

supplies. We also arranged a contract with the General Electric

Company for a prototype airborne receiver. The model they produced

was probably the best receiver I saw during the war. Unfortunately,

the War Production Board decreed that Bridgeport, Connecticut where

GE proposed to build the receivers in quantity, was an overloaded

area and that the receivers would have to be built by Philco in

Philadelphia. This led to an unfortunate delay as Philco had to

redesign the receiver because they could not, naturally, use the GE

designs.

In the middle of 1942, we were joined by Professor Fletcher Watson,

an astronomer from Harvard, and also Henrietta Swope, whom Catherine

and I had known on the Russian expedition. These two took over the

calculation and plotting of the first charts and tables. They

 

Charting 166

brought professional expertise to this important part of the

program, which was very fortunate because none of us in the

electronic area knew enough to do the job well. This phase lasted

only a few months before these experts accepted commissions in the

Navy and moved the problems to New York, where they ultimately

collected a large force of computers, and sent the results to the

Hydrographic Office for the plotting and publication of Loran

charts. By "computers" I do not mean today's instruments but people

who thundered away by the hour on mechanical desktop comptometers,

aided by eight-place tables of the trigonometrical functions. I

believe that this force of about a hundred people was barely able to

keep up with the demand for new charts and tables as the system

expanded.

In August, 1942, as I have said, we began to receive the first

commercially-built receiver-indicators. This kept us busy with

testing and minor modifications for a long time. The first Naval

installations were on the battleships "New York" and

"Massachusetts". I had almost no connection with the installation

problems. They were handled by Dave Davidson until they were taken

over by a Naval group established for the purpose.

In early fall I was "sold down the river" by Mr. Eastham who

instructed me to accept a position as a contract employee with the

Bureau of Ships in Washington. My duty was to write the

specification for Naval production of receiver-indicators. It was

arranged that my contract salary was to be the same as my Rad Lab

salary had been, which I believe was $300 per month at this time,

but Mr. Eastham also kept me on at half-pay at the Rad Lab so that I

could keep a room in Washington and still maintain our apartment in

Cambridge. The Navy job was very painful, as I knew nothing of the

military way of doing things and I found myself continually in

trouble with one office or another. My chief difficulty lay in

trying to avoid a mountain of detailed specifications for every

component part of a radio receiver. These, when applied to a new and

more complicated device, made little or no sense. For example,

vacuum tube sockets were required to be at least two and a quarter

inches square. As our device needed nearly fifty miniature tubes,

this meant a tremendous waste of space. After months of effort, I

managed to get approval for a specification that really required not

much more than a certain accuracy of performance, with little said

about details of construction. This made very good sense to me, but

it ran counter to all naval tradition, which tended to specify all

details but had nothing to say about whether a device would work. or

not. I had to admit that this philosophy might be adequate in

building a ship or some other mechanism for which the Navy had long

(and no doubt painful) experience, and probably had more expertise

than the suppliers. In the case of an entirely new device, however,

the Navy had no way of knowing what it actually wanted and the

 

Charting 167

future (unknown) contractor could not be expected to know more.

Fortunately the Navy knew so little about what I was doing that I

could always obtain travel orders to go to Cambridge whenever I had

nothing pressing on me in Washington. I am sure that I spent at

least half of my Navy time at home. Whether in Washington or

Cambridge, I worked on a self-imposed project for producing

operating and maintenance instructions for the new receiver-

indicators now being installed. These had twenty or thirty adjusting

devices, all of which had to be correctly set. In fact, if two or

three were wrong at the same time it might be very difficult to tell

what to do to correct the situation. I worked out a logical order

for the adjustments (which were necessary to compensate for changes

in voltages, temperature, or the age of vacuum tubes) so that each

one to be tested and corrected would remain undisturbed by later

adjustments. I then tried to explain in writing where the

innumerable switches should be placed for each test, and what

visible effect should be produced on the oscilloscope screen as each

adjustment was made. I set down each of the many steps in simple

language and then tested the whole set of instructions with

volunteers who had never seen the instrument before. I watched

carefully and silently while each one tried to follow the written

instructions. Whenever one of my victims hesitated or made an error,

I noted just what happened and revised the rules to make them less

ambiguous. After several weeks and a hundred or more volunteers, the

instructions, having reached a point where errors were seldom or

never made, were reproduced and distributed. They were, in fact,

reproduced again and again, with minor modifications to match

various receiver models, and many of the paragraphs remained the

same for years.

This enterprise kept me from becoming totally disheartened during my

time with the Navy. After about six months, which seemed a long time

as there was a war to be fought and the Loran sets were needed, my

specifications were given what I took to be final approval and I was

allowed to resign and return to the Radiation Laboratory. By the

time a contract for Navy receivers was arranged, however, someone

had reIntroduced many of the cumbersome requirements into my

specifications. As a result, the General Electric Company, which won

the contract despite the War Production Boards earlier action, used

many of the techniques developed under the Rad Lab contract for the

airborne receiver and built an excellent but massive receiver that

might have served well as an anchor for a small ship. It weighed

about 230 pounds and was, I was told, too heavy to install on the

bridge of a destroyer that was already top-heavy with radar

antennas. The small production run of this DAS model was ultimately

given to the Coast Guard and used entirely in shore-based monitor

stations that continuously checked the performance of the Loran

stations. These receivers were certainly the best, from an

 

Serving Time at Buships 168

electrical point of view, produced before the end of the war.

In the meantime, the Radiation Laboratory had ordered more of the

FADA receivers. The same units were later reordered by the Navy and

several thousand were produced with no change except for a military

designation, DAS1. I do not think that the first true Navy

production sets were delivered in time to be of service during the

war.

In the winter of 1942-43, besides working on my specifications and

instruction books, I collected what data I could about the delay of

our skywave pulses behind their corresponding ground waves, and

tried to find a rule for predicting this delay more accurately so

that we could improve the corrections to be applied to navigational

readings when sky waves were used. I should explain that one of the

great merits of the pulse system was that the ground wave and the

various modes of skywave reflected pulses were all seen separately

on the oscilloscope. A navigator would always use the ground waves

(for maximum accuracy) when they could be seen, and could make a

deliberate change to the skywave mode when it was available at night

and at medium and long distances. We found that the sky wave was

always delayed at least 65 microseconds, which would shift the

apparent position by twenty miles or wore except that the sky wave

from the other station was also delayed, usually by a different

amount. These corrections were very important and attempts to

improve our rules for their prediction continued for a year or two,

although little further improvement was made after the first few

months.

On January 1, 1943, operation of the U.S. stations was turned over

to the Coast Guard, although Radiation Laboratory supervisors

remained in them and were effectively in charge for another six

months. I suppose that at the same time the two stations in Nova

Scotia were turned over to the Canadian Navy, although my memory is

not distinct on this point. At this time operation was maintained

for only sixteen hours a day, which gave us some time for

experimentation with various things. Realizing that we would soon

lose this facility, Walter Tierney found a convenient site at East

Brewster on Cape Cod and built us a fine transmitting station for

experimental purposes. An admirable feature of this station was the

Consodine House in Brewster where the owner, Mrs. Consodine, who was

then in her eighties, accomodated some of the permanent staff of the

station as well as the very variable number of experimenters from

Cambridge who worked there from time to time. Mrs. Consodine served

meals that were truly worthy of a New England inn, and it became

quite customary, when returning late after a hard evening's work, to

find a large piece of apple pie and a glass of milk waiting on the

table by one's bed. I have always been sure that Mrs. Consodine kept

the inn open throughout the war for our benefit, as she sold it as

 

East Brewster / Reorganization 169

soon as the war was over. If so, her kindness was a valuable but

unsung contribution to the war effort.

Soon after the Coast Guard and the Navy had effectively taken

control of the operating system, Mr. Eastham retired to his proper

responsibilities as the head of the General Radio Company, along

with many valuable committee and advisory contributions of his time.

Don Fink was made Division Head but, for some reason I never

understood, he apparently did not get on well with the higher

administration at the Radiation Laboratory. After about six months

he found it convenient to join the Office of the Secretary of War,

where he performed many useful services, some of them in the

interest of Loran. Dr. Street then became the Division Head, while

Al Pote' became the Group Leader in charge of the Laboratory and I

turned into the leader of a small group with uncertain, but

primarily propagational, duties called "Loran Operational Research",

which I don't think it ever really was. Walter Tierney remained the

head of what we called the Field Service Group.

A disadvantage of the hyperbolic systems is that, except near the

baseline between a pair of stations, lines of position diverge as

one goes farther from the baseline and farther from the centerline.

At large distances near the centerline the increase in errors is

nearly proportional to the distance divided by the length of the

baseline. For example, in our first Bermuda experiment the errors

(for a given accuracy of time measurement) at the range of about 720

miles were about three times those along the coast of New Jersey

near the 240-mile baseline. For the ground wave the relative

precision is somewhat worse than this factor because at the longer

distances the signals are weaker and the effects of random noise

reduce the accuracy of measurement. In Loran the skywave timing

errors are large at short distances and are somewhat reduced as

distance increases because fluctuations of the height of the E-layer

are less important for relatively flat angles of reflection. This

modifies the theoretical "geometrical accuracy", but it is still not

satisfying to have to operate at long distances. It was good Loran

practice to keep the baseline lengths at about 300 miles, although

occasional pairs were set up with twice that separation. This

usually required the, use of directional receiving antennas at the

stations to improve the signal-to-noise ratio and permit

satisfactory synchronization of the signals.

In April, 1943, soon after returning from Washington, I came to

realize that the greatly superior properties of a long baseline

might go far toward offsetting the inferior accuracy of our

skywaves. Because a new station had been built at Bonavista,

Newfoundland, but was not yet in service, I found it simple to make

a trial of this idea. This was, by long odds, the easiest and most

private experiment of my life. Without telling anyone what I had in

 

Birth of SS Loran 170

mind, I telephoned to ask Bonavista to be on the air during the

eight-hour silent period Loran observed at the time, and asked

Fenwick Island to synchronize itself with the skywave from

Newfoundland, 1150 nautical miles away. This, of course, was

possible only during the night, which I spent making measurements in

Cambridge. To my delight, I found that a long series of observations

had an average error of only one half mile in the line of position.

The next day I explained my experiment at the lab. It was obvious

that we had a new function for Loran that would work nearly as well

over land as over sea water, but with the great disadvantage that it

could only be used at night. Quick discussions with the Navy, Army,

and Army Air Force confirmed our opinion that a system with these

advantages and limitations would not be of value to the American

forces. The obvious area of interest was over Europe, where long

range, bombing sorties were a major activity. The American Army Air

Force did only daylight bombing, but the Royal Air Force made most

of its attacks at night and therefore seemed a potential customer

for our new scheme. This technique was soon called Skywave

Synchronized Loran, or, ordinarily, SS Loran.

Fortunately, during the time while I was in Washington, the British

Telecommunications Research Establishment, a rough equivalent of the

Radiation Laboratory, had sent Bob Dippy to Cambridge to help us. He

stayed for eight months and was a powerful force for good as he,

together with Jack Williams (our most versatile circuit designer),

brought new and far better techniques to the design of our third

generation transmitter timers. This development notwithstanding,

Bob's greatest achievement was in forcing the mechanical design of

the airborne Loran receivers into exact agreement with the British

Gee sets. When the new Loran sets became available, they could be

put into the shock-mounted racks of the Gee sets, and would even use

identical antenna and power connectors. It was then only a few

minutes work to take a Gee set out of an aircraft and substitute

Loran.

With knowledge of these two developments in hand, Don Fink took off

for England to sell the new Idea to the Royal Air Force. His effort

was so successful that it was decided to demonstrate SS Loran in the

United States as soon as possible, and a team of U.S. Navy, Army Air

Force, and Royal Air Force officers was designated to observe the

trials and decide whether this use of Loran would justify the

diversion of much needed equipment.

 

 

SS Loran Trials 171

During the summer, Walter Tierney performed miracles of organization

and built us two new stations at Key West, Florida, and Gooseberry

Falls, Minnesota. These, with the East Brewster experimental station

and Montauk Point (which had been replaced as an operating Loran

station by a new one at Siasconsett, Nantucket Island) gave us a

system of two separated pairs that promised good coverage of most of

the eastern third of the United States. Somehow all was ready in the

early fall, and the three military services prepared to make their

own trials in October.

The Radiation Laboratory took no part in these trials, except for

operating the ground stations, but I had the pleasure of making one

preliminary flight in a B-25 aircraft before the official trials

began. It happened that both pairs could not be well observed east

of the Hudson River, so the first part of the flight was devoted to

getting to the service area. Because the Loran equipment could

measure only one line at a time, I was interested to see how quickly

I could observe one line and then reset the switches and measure the

second line. As we moved across New York State in the darkness I was

busy practicing these observations (at about one minute intervals)

and recording the times and the readings. One of the British

Observers, Flying Officer Ben Halpern, was an unofficial guest on

this flight. While I was busy with my numbers, I was conscious that

he had taken the aeronautical chart on which we had plotted the

hyperbolic lines, and was making little x's to indicate our

successive positions. He presently nudged my elbow and pointed to

his latest x which was in the center of the yellow patch on the

chart that indicated the city of Buffalo. Lt. Halpern then pointed

to the window and I locked out to find the lights of the city all

around us. This was my second big thrill, in the course of the Loran

work, nearly comparable to seeing the pulses move during the blimp

trip.

Shortly before the official trials began, someone picked up a rumor

that the Navy intended to jam our SS Loran transmissions during the

trials. This was irritating as the Navy had exhibited great

opposition to the idea of giving up any of its pool of equipment to

anyone; perhaps least of all, to the Royal Air Force. As soon as I

heard the rumor I took the train to Washington and stormed into the

office of the Navy's Director of Communications to protest such a

dirty trick. Admiral Redman assured me that the Navy would not think

of such a thing, and said it so blandly that he fooled me

completely. Two days later the trials began and the Navy promptly

turned on its jammers. It was our great good fortune that our

equipment withstood the jamming better than we, or anyone else, had

expected that it could. As three weeks of trials all over the

eastern United States showed an average error between one and two

miles in spite of the jamming efforts, we had to conclude that the

Navy had inadvertently done us a favor.

 

SS Loran Trials 172

 

As could have been predicted, the Royal Air Force representatives at

the trials were in favor of using SS Loran in Europe, while the

officers from the American Navy were opposed to it. This left the

decision to the Army Air Force which voted in favor of its brother

airmen rather than with its sister service. The equipment was

promptly taken out of the experimental stations and shipped to

Europe and Africa. An original idea had hoped for a station near

Leningrad, but this was changed to a more practical plan of a

station near Aberdeen in Scotland forming a pair with one in

Bizerte, Tunisia, while a second pair extended from Oran Algeria, to

Apollonia in Libya. This network gave good coverage for high-flying

aircraft, roughly from central Spain to the border of the USSR and

from near the English Channel to Sicily and Northern Greece.

The Radiation Laboratory sent abroad a couple of engineers for each

station, to assist in construction and operation, and my secretary

and I were detailed to London to coordinate their activities. This

turned out to be a misnomer, as my duties in London became almost

entirely political; an area in which my abilities were, and are,

minimal.


173

 

14.

 

A Wartime Winter in England

 

My trip to England was on the "Queen Mary", where fortunately I was

given a bunk in the first class area. The ship was crowded with

17,000 American troops, of whom a third had to sleep on the decks.

Our first class cabin, that would normally hold two, had fourteen

people in double-deck bunks with barely room to move between and

around them. There was time to serve only two meals a day and I

never learned what they were named; I do however recall that somehow

the Queen Mary had the best kippers I ever ate, so one of the meals

must have been breakfast. Among the saddest sights I ever saw was

our old-time steward doing his best to give Cunard service under

these trying conditions. I found that from my cabin on the Main Deck

it took me three minutes or more to reach a lifeboat. I wondered

about the chances of the soldiers on the seventeen decks below us,

if we did ever have any trouble. The ship sailed unescorted, as was

the habit of the two Queens which trusted their speed and routes

intended to keep them away from any known concentrations of enemy

submarines.

We were, of course, told nothing about where we were at any time

but, for some reason I cannot imagine, the ship's clocks were

corrected in twenty-minute steps as our longitude changed. Since the

month was November, our northern latitude could be estimated with a

pocket slide-rule and a casual measurement of the length of the

daylight. It was thus not difficult to Judge our position within a

few degrees of arc. I am quite sure that we went southeast until we

passed well beyond Bermuda, up the center of the Atlantic to a point

very near Iceland, if not north of it, and then dropped down through

the Hebrides until we entered the river Clyde, where the ship had

been built. The trip, even at the Queen Mary's speed of 32 knots or

more, took almost a week. When we left her in a lighter, the sight

of the Queen, sitting up like a desert pyramid in the middle of a

landscape of green fields and cows, was extremely odd.

Unfortunately I caught the flu in the last day or two on the ship.

After shivering all night in a train to London, I had to settle in a

small hotel for a couple of weeks before I could attack my new

duties. The first of these was difficult and embarassing. We had

cabled to London all the latest information about skywave delay. As

the system did not use ground wave; these sky-wave corrections were

included in calculating the lines of position shown on the

navigators' charts. The standard delay values for the night-time E

layer corresponded to a layer height between 92 and 95 kilometers.

 

Charting Troubles 174

Professor Appleton, like all other ionospheric experts, knew little

about nighttime reflections but insisted that the E layer over

England was at a height of 110 kilometers, which was about the value

measured anywhere by vertical incidence sounding in daytime.

Professor Appleton's influence was so strong that the British charts

had been calculated on this basis and were seriously in error.

Almost my first appearance in public was in a large meeting where I

had to dispute this matter with Professor Appleton.

This was the first of many occasions when I came to respect, and

even admire, the English talent for making a foreigner's opinion

appear negligible. Professor Appleton and his surrounding assistants

insisted that they had experimental data to prove their case. I

suspected that these suffered, as had almost all ionospheric

measurements, from the differentiating effect of a strong groundwave

pulse, but I could not convince the meeting of the soundness of my

ideas.

Fortunately, a week or two later, I was able to induce Mr. Naismith,

one of Appleton's chief assistants, to make a measurement on a Loran

signal from Iceland (which had just begun to operate) where the

conditions were reversed and Naismith had to measure from a weak

ground-wave to a strong skywave. As his ionospheric equipment lacked

the gain-adjusting feature of the Loran receiver, he found the

differentiating effect reversed and deduced a layer height of 80

kilometers. I was then able to take a Loran receiver, with its

amplitude-balance control, and demonstrate our expected value of the

delay. This settled the controversy in my favor, but unhappily the

beautiful charts from His Majesty's Stationery Office had to be

scrapped. The new charts, when recomputed and redrawn, turned out to

be entirely satisfactory. Because other delays would be encountered,

the time lost in this episode was not to become important.

* * *

Winter in London, for a foreigner forced to live on the civilian

economy, was bleak. Hotels were supposed to keep a guest for only

five days, but many smaller ones put their prices up a bit and paid

little attention to this regulation. As I was often in London for,

only a week or so and then away on a short trip somewhere, I was not

greatly bothered. Either my hotel would keep me a few extra days or

the OSED staff would find me another place. I never really unpacked

my bags and, when I got home, found in them several useful things

that I had forgotten I had. Although the O.S.R.D. offices in Park

Street were relatively warm, as English buildings went, one got used

to never really being warm enough. Host fireplaces operated on a

supply of three or four hundred pounds of coal for the winter. I

never understood how an open fire could be maintained with a nucleus

of burning coal only about the size of a softball. Needless to say,

 

Charting Troubles 175

these gave out almost no detectable heat. It was sometimes possible

to draw enough water for a bath that would warm one to some extent,

but to do this it was necessary to disregard the signs recommending

conservation of hot water and to pay no attention to the water level

painted in the tub which silently recommended a depth that would

almost cover one's insteps when he got in.

Food was the worst problem. Although I was technically entitled to

eat in American Army messes, I almost never found myself near one at

mealtime. The rules said that no restaurant or hotel could charge

more than five shillings for a meal, except that oysters or coffee

could be supplied for a shilling or two extra. Breakfast usually

consisted of a reconstituted scrambled egg and a pair of bangers, or

sausages that were legally supposed to contain at least twenty

percent of meat. Everyone was entitled to get a fresh egg every

month, but in my four-month stay I only received mine on a single

occasion. Once when I managed to surmount my hesitation and invade

Claridge's Hotel, among the Maharajas and the generals, I was made

almost teary with sympathy for the pride with which the headwaiter

assured me that my omelet would be made with a real cracked egg. In

spite of my beat efforts to eat, I lost about twenty-five pounds

(weight) during my stay in England, and acquired a distaste for Spam

and brussels sprouts that has lasted, so far, for forty years.

I remember two or three flavorful exceptions to the general run of

unpleasant or tasteless food. A little hotel named Simonds (that had

disappeared completely when next I visited England) accomodated me

as often as any other. It had, adjacent to the bar in the basement,

a sort of lunch counter presided over by a genial man named George

who would on request concoct a salad. His only ingredients were very

good lettuce and some remarkably sturdy onions. These he drenched

with a throat-cutting vinegar that would bring out the perspiration

on one's forehead, no matter how cold he might be. There was a brief

period when George had a large tin of Argentine corned beef. During

this interval a corned beef sandwich and George's salad would

constitute a supper all components of which had flavor.

One day when passing through Paddington Station, I noticed a dusty

stack of tins in a shop window. A small, fly-specked, and

discouraged sign at the bottom of the window said plaintively, "This

is peanut butter. In America people feed it to their children". I

bought two of the large tins. One of them was rancid; the second was

excellent and brightened many of our teas at the O.S.R.D. offices.

There were, of course, occasional light-hearted occasions. One of

these was when the O.S.R.D. held an ordinary Christmas party for the

staff. Because of my illness and some errands outside of London, I

had met very few people at our headquarters. This fact inspired Sam

Goudsmit, my acquaintance from Ann Arbor, to propose a pleasant

 

Life in War-Time London 176

game. Whenever we found an unoccupied girl Sam would hold a piece of

mistletoe over her head and I would kiss her. I would then step

smartly back one pace so that Sam could introduce me. I was not told

what Sam was doing in England at this time. I suppose he was

primarily waiting for a chance to get on to the Continent to find

out how far Germany had progressed toward the atomic bomb, as

described in his book "Alsos". This work he performed very well,

many months later, but with meagre results as the fears that Hitler

might beat us to this goal proved to be completely unfounded,

Another happy moment came when I received an Army cablegram

addressed, as was routine, to General Eisenhower, that said, in

part, "Affirmative indications on CSP project". This was the news

that I had requested on my departure from Cambridge, confirming our

suspicion that Catherine was again pregnant. My elation lasted only

a few weeks, however, before I heard that another miscarriage had

taken place. This news, combined with the dreary weather and semi-

starvation, threw me Into my worst fit of depression since the death

of my mother. Fortunately, there was so much to be done that I could

not let this fact interfere much with my work.

My worst political troubles soon appeared. The Royal Navy was

determined that the SS Loran system should not be installed. The

pretext was that the pulses would interfere with the reception of

signals from small enemy ships in the North Sea, apparently an

important part of the naval intelligence network. I have always felt

that the British Navy was simply doing a favor for the American Navy

which, as I have said, wished to maintain control of the entire

Loran program. In any case, I suffered intensely through innumerable

meetings, enjoying (in a way) seeing how the naval officers could

somehow pass me a cup of tea with one hand and a plate of cakes with

the other and manage simultaneously to drive a knife in between my

kidneys. In all of this wrangle, the Royal Air Force was of only

moderate help, mostly because Group Captain Foss, who had the

primary responsibility for the defence, was apparently intimidated

by the forces the Navy could array against him. One of my few

cheering moments came when a friend, who was a senior officer at

T.R.E., said to me in disgust, "I have just spent the entire morning

trying to stiffen Group Captain Foss's weak knees!" I am sorry to

speak ill of the Group Captain, because he was a very charming man

who was later killed in an aircraft accident in India, but I am sure

that many of our troubles were seriously compounded by his

indecisive ways.

It was finally decided that Loran would stand or fall as a result of

communication trials conducted in the North Sea. These were finally

organized in February, 1944, and took the form of trying to copy

nonsense morse signals between a survey ship and a pair of trawlers.

These vessels spent several days at various distances from the Loran

 

Trials in the North Sea 177

station near Aberdeen and from each other, and interchanged signals

with and without Loran interference. I was invited to be a spectator

on the survey ship, where I was treated with the utmost deference.

The morning routine amused me especially. At seven, a sailor would

open my cabin door and announce the time. Thirty seconds later,

another sailor would appear with my morning tea. A third sailor

would presently arrive, bringing my boots that someone had polished;

to be followed by a fourth who brought my hot water for shaving. It

was also a pleasure to have access to a wardroom with a good supply

of whisky, as in London I had found that a pub would often open for

the evening with a supply of only one or two bottles. A "single"

there was completely lost in the soda, while a double might be as

much as a quarter-inch deep in a small glass. On the ship the ample

supplies came from naval stores at fictitiously low prices. This

vessel observed a simple and satisfactory custom under which, no

matter which officer ordered a round of drinks, the steward kept

track and charged them to the men who drank them. When I left the

ship, I paid a chit for less than three dollars covering all the

drinks I had cared to have in five days.

If my mood had been a little better, I would have recognized the

trials as being a comedy. They consisted in exchanging groups of

letters in morse code between, say, a vessel twenty miles from the

Loran station and one a hundred and fifty miles away, alternately

with and without the Loran station transmitting. The ships would

then move to other locations and try again. Fortunately for Loran,

the receivers they used (although new) were of the old "single

circuit" design that I had not seen since my amateur days about

1925. Their selectivity was very poor, which meant that they did not

"ring" under the impact of the Loran pulses as better receivers

might have done. The result was that the pulses were heard as an

annoying series of loud sharp clicks that failed to interfere

seriously with the sustained tones of the morse code signals. The

radio operators also seemed very poor and did, as a matter of fact,

succeed in reading correctly only about two-thirds of the nonsense

groups. This ratio was so poor that it was not detectably affected

by the presence or absence of the Loran pulses, even when the vessel

was within a mile of the interfering station.

At the conclusion of the trials, the captain of our ship, perhaps

not maliciously, led me into my worst political error by asking for

help in composing his report. He claimed to have no clear

understanding of what his orders required, and I was glad to help

him. I was not totally naive, so between us we concocted a report

that really drew no conclusions but exhibited the statistics of the

messages received in a way that clearly showed that the Loran

interference was not serious. I should, of course, have refused to

have anything to do with the report becausethe Admiralty promptly

seized upon my participation as an excuse for denouncing the entire

 

Delays and, Finally, Operation 178

test program. The issue was not resolved until after I had left

England, when the British Branch of the Radiation Laboratory, a

group that cooperated with the T.R.E. at Malvern in the introduction

and support of the new radar devices, helped the R.A.F. in demanding

and carrying out a second series of trials. These, I am happy to

say, also proved that the claim of Loran interference was not well

founded, and authorization to proceed with the Loran program was

finally received.

All of this shilly-shallying was not, as it happened, what actually

delayed the introduction of SS Loran in Europe. Our most crushing

blow was the discovery that the production run of airborne receivers

was hopelessly deficient, as the high-voltage power supplies and

leads burst out with coronal discharges (which created intolerable

radio interference) at altitudes above 4000 feet. By the time

better-insulated transformers and high-voltage leads were procured

and fitted into the sets, the spring season was so far advanced that

it was decided to wait until the long nights came again in the fall

before introducing the system.

As it turned out, SS Loran was then helpful because the Germans had

at last developed airborne direction-finding equipment that

permitted fighter planes to find and attack the bombers that were

using the H2S microwave radars. Soon after Loran was introduced, the

situation became so bad that the British aircraft were only allowed

to turn on their radars for the ten minutes before they were due to

reach their targets. The radars were thus useless as navigation

aids, and many confused aircraft bombed areas that, on radar,

superficially resembled the proper targets. As a final result, SS

Loran was used to some extent for area bombing as well as for en-

route navigation. We were pleased when we found that the accuracy of

the system was good enough so that Berlin, as a major example, could

be resolved into nearly a hundred districts. This was by no means

pinpoint bombing, but it resulted in fewer lost aircraft and aborted

missions. We were convinced that the system was useful when, a month

or two before the end of the European part of the war, we received

copies of intercepted messages ordering various German broadcast

stations to move to the Loran frequency and broadcast noise from

electric fans in an attempt to jam our signals.


In January or early February, I had a memorable ride from Yorkshire

to London. John (actually Clifford Charles Edward) Bellringer, Bob

Dippy's right hand man at T.R.E., and I had gone to a place called

Danby Beacon, on the moors in the North Riding, to inspect an

abortive effort to set up a Loran network for local use by aircraft

returning to England. My chief recollection there is of our stay in

the Fox and Hounds, an old stone inn that was fearfully cold and

 

A Winter Day 179

where I was sure the wind blew even harder indoors than outside.

When we left, we started for London in John's tiny automobile at

about five o'clock in the morning. Dawn began as we descended to a

lower elevation, and we drove into the worst freezing fog I

remember, even after a boyhood in Maine. It soon got so bad that we

could drive no more than a hundred yards before having to stop and

scrape the ice from the windshield. After fighting this weather for

an hour or so, we realized that these conditions prevailed only

below a certain height. As John had an excellent set of contour

maps, we used them to guide us up above the fog, and then worked our

way south by any roads that went in more or less the right direction

while remaining above the critical height. As the sun got higher it

began to dispel the fog and we were gradually able to go lower

until, in the middle of the morning, we got down near sea level and

bowled cheerily down the Great North Road in one of the winter's few

clear and sunny days.

All then went very pleasantly until about five in the afternoon

when, just as the light failed, we dipped down into the Thames

valley and into the worst pea-soup fog we had during that winter.

Our rate of progress promptly dropped nearly to zero. Fortunately we

had reached a region where the streets had curbs. We could drive for

one block at a time with John keeping his foot on the accelerator

barely enough to maintain a speed of four or five miles an hour,

while I (in the left-hand passengers seat) leaned out of the window

with a flashlight pointed at the curb and steered the car with my

right hand. As we were, in a very small car, I could bring the

flashlight within a foot of the curb so that I was able to see it.

This would work very well until we came to an intersection, when the

curb would swoop away into the darkness. We would then stop and get

out to explore the intersection to discover where we needed to go.

When John understood our position, I would walk slowly in front of

the car with the flashlight pointed at John (now in the drivers

seat) from a point nearly over the radiator. He could then tell

where to drive, following the flashlight until we cleared the

intersection and could start curb-following again. At some

intersections we would find other invisible travelers and would

engage in merry exchanges of opinion about where we were. At others

we would be reduced to climbing signposts with a flashlight to get

close enough to read the signs. By nine-thirty P.M., we had slowly

traversed nearly five miles in the outskirts of London and reached a

point where we could abandon the car in someone's driveway and walk

to an outlying Underground station. The train took us the rest of

the way to our hotels and John was, the next morning, able to go

back to find and retrieve his car.

It was routine, in London in a combination of blackout and fog, to

come up from the Underground, seeing nothing, to be picked up by a

mysterious little man or boy who would guide one to his destination.

 

Nightwear / The Little Blitz 180

It was an eerie experience thus to be guided by and to give a tip to

someone you never saw.

At some time during the winter I was the beneficiary of a curious

incident. A new man from the Radiation Laboratory, Raymond Webster,

arrived in England and for a single night he and I shared a room in

Simonds' Hotel before he went to a station in Shropshire. It

happened that we had a very noisy air raid that night and my

roommate woke me in excitement to say, "What do we do now?" As I was

an old hand by then I told him firmly, "Roll over and sleep",

leaving him astonished at my courage until he learned that there

wasn't really much else to be done. After he left London, and while

I was busy at the office, the hotel moved my gear to a single room.

When I returned I found not only my own bags but also the most

beautiful pair of broadcloth pajamas I ever saw and a fine wool

dressing gown. Assuming that these must be Webster's, I kept them

for three or four days as I happened soon to be going to visit

Webster's station. When I got there he denied ever having seen the

articles so I brought them back to Simonds', as examination had

shown that they had come from one of the finest English stores. By

that time no one at the hotel had the least idea who owned the

clothes, so I had no alternative but to keep them. I was so

delighted by the pajamas that I wore them out in a couple of years.

The dressing gown was a trifle too small to be comfortable for me,

so Catherine took it over. To this day she uses it when in New York

State and it is still in excellent condition.

* * *

In late January and February, 1944, London was subjected to what was

called either the "little blitz" or the "baby blitz". In the

preceding months the Germans had bombed London about once a week

with the relatively small force that could be mounted at that time.

In the little blitz the bombing attacks occurred almost nightly

except for perhaps one night a week when the weather was impossibly

bad. It did not happen that any bombs fell close enough to me to be

disturbing, but one got used to the noise and the rain of anti-

aircraft shell fragments that fell like heavy hail and broke an

occasional window. It was also entertaining to walk in Hyde Park at

night to see whether any of the searchlights could locate a German

bomber among the clouds.

In February it happened that John Bellringer and I had a morning

appointment with Air Vice Marshal Tait, the Director of Signals for

the Royal Air Force. We were so early that we had to wait for the

Air Vice Marshal to return from the morning staff meeting. He

arrived obviously disturbed because, among other things, the night's

damage had included the destruction of a Booth's gin factory; news

that had brought a simultaneous groan of despair from the entire

 

Nightwear / The Little Blitz 181

staff! Perhaps his emotion caused him to tell us more than he should

have disclosed about the situation.

News reports of the German air raids were always made to sound

innocuous. It was commonplace to read that bombs had fallen on a

park in southern England, a euphemism that often referred to Hyde

Park. Air Vice Marshal Tait told us that the situation was worse

than we had realized. The German force, fortunately of only about

150 aircraft, was successfully dropping bombs in the most sensitive

places. For example, one or two sticks of bombs might fall on

Whitehall; then with gaps of several miles, bombs would fall on

Eisenhower's and Montgomery's headquarters, or other places that

were best calculated to interfere with the invasion plans. The bombs

seldom seemed to fall more than a couple of hundred yards from the

intended targets, and the targets were well chosen. It was obvious

that both good espionage and some very accurate aid to blind bombing

were being employed. Air Vice Marshall Tait concluded this report

with the facetious remark that the Germans must be using something

like Loran.

After concluding our business, John and I went back to my office and

discussed what we had heard. We thought that we knew at least the

general characteristics of both Allied and German radio aids to

navigation. The Germans, we felt sure, had not changed from their

primary dependence upon directional systems. Some of these were very

well instrumented and fairly accurate, but we believed that they

could not, from bases across the English Channel, yield the

precision that Air Vice Marshal Tait had reported. Gee itself was

the only passive British system that would have the accuracy

claimed; "passive" means not requiring radio transmission from the

air craft being guided. By the end of the day, John and I had pretty

well convinced ourselves that the Germans must be using Gee at least

in their pathfinder aircraft.

Use of enemy aids to navigation was by no means unknown. Throughout

most of the war, the British made excellent use of a German

directional system, Sonne, called Consol by the British and further

disguised as Consolan when it was later tried out experimentally in

the United States. This was an accurate medium-range system that was

very easy to use. The Germans had operated it for blind bombing over

much of the British Isles until its usefulness was destroyed by

meaconing, a subtle form of jamming that was hard to detect but

which ruined the accuracy of the system. At the same time, the

British had found Sonne to be very useful in the seas around the

British Isles and in the Bay of Biscay, and they meaconed the system

very gently so that it would be untrustworthy over land but still

good at sea. In fact the utility of Sonne to the allies was so great

that in the latter stages of the war, when some of the Sonne

stations were captured, British crews were assigned to keep them in

 

Sonne 182

operation.

There were two stories, possibly both apochryphal, current in

England about the meaconing of Sonne's predecessor system, Elektra.

The best known was that once the German beams were bent so that a

large raid aimed at one of the Midland cities actually attacked

Dublin. It was of course claimed that the Irish believed the

English, in this case, to have known exactly what they were doing.

Such delicate misadjustment of an enemy system was not technically

feasible, as was proved by the second tale which I happened to hear

by fortuitously being at the right place at the right time. This

tale neutralized the other by stating that a massive German raid had

been diverted from its target but accidentally guided so that it

destroyed one of the biggest ammunition dumps in England.

In the case of Gee, which had been in use as far as the Ruhr since

1942, the Germans had found it possible to jam the signals over

Germany and the occupied territories in the west. The system was

maintained thereafter primarily because it provided highly-reliable

guidance for British bombers returning from raids over Europe,

making operations safe in weather that would otherwise have made

navigation impossible. In 1944 the system was magnificent over

England although of relatively little use elsewhere.

John knew that more than 2,000 aircraft equipped with Gee had been

shot down over the continent. It seemed likely that at least one or

two percent of these sets might have come down in repairable condi

tion. If this had happened, it appeared possible that the Germans

might have installed some in their bombers (or pathfinders) in the

hope that serious damage might be done before the trick could be

discovered. This argument, coupled with the fact that we knew of

nothing else (except certain active systems whose use would have

been revealed by their signals) that could give the observed

accuracy over England, quite convinced us that this use of Gee must

explain the recent flurry of German bomber activity.

Our feeling that we ought to do something useful with this idea was

somewhat dampened by John's recognition of his position. The Tele

communications Research Establishment operated in a quasi-military

mode in which John was, if my memory can be trusted, an equivalent

Flight Lieutenant. He could foresee dreadful consequences if he did

more than report our hypothesis to his immediate superior. I was, on

the other hand, loosely attached to the American Embassy and had no

direct superior in England who could forbid my doing anything that

seemed to me to be useful. The results of these realizations were

that John went back to his proper duties in Malvern while I prepared

to see if I could convince the Royal Air Force that they ought to do

something about the situation.

 

 

German Use of Gee 183

I spent the following day, Wednesday, February 23rd, making myself

obnoxious in every office in the Air Ministry that I could reach. My

object was to beg the authorities to shut down the Gee system for an

hour or two during the next German raid, unless a major British

force happened to be returning at the same time. I reasoned that the

pattern of the fall of bombs would immediately reveal whether or not

Gee had been guiding the German aircraft. I met, of course, with

unhesitating refusal on every attempt. The attitude was usually one

of contempt based on the idea that "We would know if they were

trying anything like that". I would answer, "Why, you [expletives

suppressed]! Have you recently shot down a German pathfinder?" This

would bring the answer, "Well, no, we haven't; but we'd know, we'd

know". My only satisfaction during the entire day was to sit beside

the Group Captain in charge of the wreckage of German aircraft while

he, at my insistence, called all of his depots to order an

especially careful search for anything that might have been a Gee

receiver. I returned to my office with the feeling of total defeat

that often followed upon a conference with our British allies.

The next day happened to be the one on which I left for Edinburgh

and Rosyth Halt to join the survey ship for the Loran trials I have

already mentioned. I was therefore out of touch with affairs for a

week or more. On my return to London I found a number of urgent

messages calling me to the Air Ministry. When I visited Air Vice

Marshal Tait the next morning I received a greeting that was unique

in its warmth. It was disclosed that on Thursday, February 24th, the

day following my bad time in Whitehall, a German bomber containing a

Gee receiver had been shot down. I doubt that I ever again had such

a prompt and satisfying fulfillment of a prediction. Before my

return to London, the coding delays (which controlled the geographic

locations of the numbered lines of position in the Gee system) had

been changed, showing the Germans that the British had discovered

their trick; and the baby blitz had already come to a quick end as

the frequency of German raids fell back to the earlier pattern.

Air Vice Marshal Tait rewarded me with an excellent luncheon with

some of the high brass in the Air Force, but he carefully refrained

from giving me any written evidence of this episode. Some months

later, John Bellringer found a chance to clip out one of the

electronic components of this first twice-shot-down Gee set so that

he could send me what has remained one of my favorite souvenirs.

I have always been pleased at the recollection of this event because

the raids had been killing from 100 to 200 people each night. I

reasoned that my interference had presumably advanced the end of the

little blitz by at least a few days, and that I could enjoy the warm

feeling that a few hundred threatened people were still alive.


Gee / The Eagle Project 184

 

On one of the rare bright mornings in London in early March I

happened to be on Oxford Street just before nine o'clock. As the

sound of aircraft grew to unprecedented proportions, at least for

me,. I looked up to see the beginning of a flight of fully a

thousand American bombers moving steadily eastward with its center

precisely overhead; no doubt by design. I was duly impressed by the

sight of more aircraft than I had ever seen in one mass, even in a

newsreel.

What moved me, and made the occasion truly memorable, was to look

around and discover the looks of joy, and even glee, on every face

in the street. It was all too clear that every thought had to be,

"Thank heaven, `Jerry' is going to get what he deserves!"

* * *

At about this same time, pursuant upon a visit to the London Zoo, my

secretary and I conceived a scheme that amused us. Although the

project never came to fruition, the memorandum we drafted may be

worth quoting as it somehow helps to indicate our sentiments on

being confined in London in the wartime winter:

"From: Betty Cooper, OSRD London Mission

To: All Americans connected (however remotely) with the Embassy

1. It has been observed, with keen regret and dismay, that, whereas

many or most of the animals, birds, and reptiles in the London

Zoological Park have been adopted for the duration of the War by

various public-spirited individuals and groups, there is a single

and magnificent specimen of the American Bald Eagle which is,

even at this late date, apparently an orphan.

2. It has been determined that a necessary component of the act of

adoption, in this connection, is the payment of the sum of _____

Pounds to ______ , or of the guarantee of the payment of _____

Pounds at ______ intervals.

3. Consummation of the act of adoption is indicated by the

attachment, to the enclosure containing the animal, bird,

reptile, or, in this case, Emblem in question, of a small sign,

usually inscribed in the English language, indicating the fact of

adoption and designating the foster parent, parents, guardian, or

guardians, as the case may be.

4. It is believed that official members of the American colony in

London cannot stand idly by while so great an Emblem of our

national being is allowed to exist in a state of shame and

degradation, being fed) no doubt, upon scraps and remnants

 

The Eagle / Promotion 185

considered unfit for the consumption of his already-adopted

neighbors, among whom may be observed the lowly vulture, condor,

and sea-eagle.

5. It is therefore proposed that each of those who feel the need for

action in this matter should contribute a sum, proportionate to

the depth of his emotion, toward the adoption of this noble

Emblem of our Freedom who finds himself, like so many of us,

constrained to dwell, through no fault of his own, in an allied,

yet alien, land.

We might have carried forward the Eagle Project except that just

then Dr. DuBridge, the Director of the Radiation Laboratory, and Dr.

Compton, the President of M.I.T., passed through London on a trip to

visit various laboratories and authorities in England. They brought

the news that Curry Street was about to come to England as the new

head of the BBRL, the British Branch of the Radiation Laboratory,

while I was to become the head of the Loran Division. This meant

that my first duty was to get home, a very welcome idea, so that I

could confer with Curry for at least a few days before he moved to

England.

I felt that I would at first be good for little if I flew home in

the tail of a military aircraft, the usual way for Rad Lab people to

travel, so I insisted that Betty and I should be treated to a

commercial flight on one of the old Pan Am flying boats. To my

surprise, no one objected to this plan which would cost, I remember,

209 pounds 16 shillings (about $850) each for the one-way fare. It

still being the winter season when the flying boats could not carry

enough fuel for safety on the North Atlantic direct route, we

would fly south to Dakar and across the shortest stretch between

Africa and Brazil. Almost everything about this trip turned out to

be pleasant or amusing.

The first curious happening was an introduction to my most unusual

banking transaction. I had arranged by telephone for BBRL, which

disbursed my expense money, to send me a check to cover the two

airplane fares. When the check did not arrive in the first mail the

next morning (the British Post Office being, then at least, uniquely

efficient), I telephoned to Malvern to find out what was wrong. It

as explained that the Lab had changed its mind and simply told the

Malvern branch of the Midland Bank to have a London office give me

the money in cash. This sounded odd to me but there was no

alternative in the time available, so I walked a couple of blocks to

the branch bank in Oxford Street. Not knowing what to try first, I

simply went to the nearest teller and began negotiations, saying,

"My name is Pierce - ". "Oh, yes, Mr. Pierce", said the teller and

immediately began counting out a pile of five-pound notes about an

inch thick. At the end he tossed a few pound notes and some silver

 

The Homeward Trip 186

on top and pushed it toward me, saying, "Thank you, sir" and turned

to go about some other duty. As he did not seem interested in having

me sign a receipt, I took the money and went to the Pan American

office and bought our tickets.

We left London early on a Sunday morning in March on a flight that

brought us to Shannon in Ireland in good time for lunch at the

airport restaurant. This was the first of three meals that were

highly memorable after the terrible diet in London. Shannon provided

a magnificent platter of sliced cold turkey and ham with a delicious

salad and other goodies we had not had for months. After lunch we

were driven thirty or forty miles through Limerick to Foynes, a

village on the south side of the Shannon where the river was several

miles wide and provided an excellent sheltered landing place for the

flying boats. Here we had to wait several hours before leaving for

Lisbon, because Pan American had had an aircraft shot down on that

route a few weeks before. As a consequence, the flights then left

Foynes only after dark.

We promptly met three other passengers for New York. With them we

made a walking tour of the village, an enterprise that took only a

few minutes. Observing that nearly half of the buildings were pubs,

we decided to investigate what was reputed to keep the Irish poor

and selected one for examination. The fact that the wall behind the

bar was completely covered by shelves full of bottles of John

Jamison's failed to make me realize that I was no longer in England,

so I automatically asked for a double whisky. The bartender

selected a sixteen-ounce glass and filled it with whisky to within

an inch of the top. He added a splash of soda and then handed it to

me. I nursed this noble drink for the balance of the afternoon and

managed to maintain consciousness until it was time to report to the

aircraft.

We found that the five who had assembled at Foynes were the only

passengers on the aircraft until we reached Puerto Rico, after which

it was crowded. As a result, for most of the trip the plane had

almost the spacious atmosphere of a ship and we could doze or read

without discomfort or walk about freely when we wished. Soon after

we reached cruising altitude the steward produced excellent steaks

and even baked potatoes, to the great satisfaction of all

passengers. We reached the Tagus River at about one in the morning.

Although it took two hours or more to get the plane ready for the

next leg of the trip, there was not time to go to Lisbon itself. We

were taken to a small restaurant building for what I suppose must

have been regarded as breakfast. We distributed ourselves around a

table that would have accomodated a full set of passengers and

started to sample thousands of olives and a few bottles of rather

sour red wine. As soon as the waitress saw us seated, she brought in

a platter that could have held a large turkey but was piled high

 

The Homeward Trip, continued 187

with scrambled eggs and bacon. Because none of us had seen such a

beautiful sight for a long time, we five managed to empty the

platter quite quickly. When the waitress next came in she looked a

bit surprised but took away the platter and brought another equally

loaded with scrambled eggs, but this time fully decorated with

sausages. We eventually got back into the plane well distended and

ready to sleep.

When we awoke we were flying across the western part of the Spanish

Sahara. It was, in fact, remarkably beautiful but we were very

conscious of the hope that we might not have trouble and need to

come down there. The middle of the day brought us to Dakar where we

were given lunch in an American Naval mess. This broke the series of

enjoyable meals. It was the worst I ever ate in a military

establishment; about as bad as a few of those in Ak-Bulak. After a

sight-seeing drive around Dakar in the afternoon, where it was

interesting to see the Arabian costumes in a city where the signs

were in French, we left for Brazil in the evening. In this case, I

think, the late departure was primarily so that we could use the

stars for navigation, Loran not having penetrated into that part of

the world. After breakfast in Natal we flew to Belem, this leg of

the trip taking us over the tropical jungle. This reminded us of the

Sahara as it also was beautiful but by no means a place where we

would wish to land. The heat and steady rain in Belem discouraged us

from trying to do anything except wait for the plane to be ready to

fly.

After leaving Belem we passed over the mouth of the Amazon where we

were, for some time, out of sight of land. Arriving in Port of

Spain, Trinidad, in the evening we were greeted with trays of

Planter's Punch and taken to the Queen's Park Hotel (where I had

bought Catherine's cologne three years before) for baths and a

night's sleep in a real bed. The bed was satisfactory although I

slept with a mosquito obligato from the insects trying to find a

hole in the netting; but the bath turned out to be imaginary as

there was a water shortage and the service had been discontinued

just as we arrived. I still wonder how turning off the water in the

middle of the night could be supposed to be much of a conservation

measure.

I was amused at the antics of our flying boat in trying to get off

the water in the Dragon's Mouth. We left Port of Spain downwind and

needed to turn before takeoff. A strong wind was against us as we

turned and the downwind wing tried to droop into the water. The

pilot made several unsuccessful variations of the maneuver,

sometimes trying to go very slowly to turn before the wind noticed

him, and at other times trying at high speed, so that the ailerons

would give him more lateral control. We began to worry a little, as

each trial seemed to use up a half mile of distance and the crags of

 

The Homeward Trip, continued 188

Venezuela were getting closer. Finally, at what I guessed was a half

mile from the rocks, the turn was completed successfully and we were

off across the Caribbean.

At San Juan the plane filled up with Puerto Ricans and, in the

latter part of the night, brought us to Bermuda. We landed in New

York on Thursday, a few hours more than four days after leaving

London. I finally reached home with a serious problem for Catherine,

as I think I had amassed twenty-six dirty shirts and the wartime

problems had just made our laundry cross us off their list of

customers. Even with this and other minor difficulties, it was a

delight to be home again.

Our trip had covered more than 10,000 miles at a speed of about 120

knots. Later I calculated that, in terms of the airline distance

from London to Boston, we had averaged thirty-one miles per hour

toward home!

 


 

189

15.

Variants of Loran

My transition to Division Head was made easily, because everyone in

the Loran work had settled into whatever job he could do best, and

because the division's administrative assistant, John Halford (a

business man and wool expert), had all our affairs under good

control. John always seemed to know what would be needed and

maintained beautiful files that answered almost all questions at

once - a talent that I lacked and sorely needed. The division had by

this time reached its stable maximum size of about seventy-five

people. Although I have nothing but respect for the abilities of

physicists, I have always thought that the success of Division 11

(and perhaps especially the speed at which it was able to operate)

was due to the mixture of the many talents of its members. The radar

development and the search for the atomic bomb had drawn off the

most talented physicists. Division 11, because it was organized a

few months later than those efforts, and also because Melville

Eastham was an intensely practical man, called heavily upon the

skills of various kinds of engineers and other sorts of experts. As

a result, whenever a problem arose there always seemed to be someone

in the group who could deal with it.

The first few months after my return were devoted largely to a crash

program that did not have my complete sympathy. The Army Air Force

had convinced the division that it should develop a tactical form

called Air-Transportable Loran that could be installed quickly in

the field and, when necessary, could have its stations moved from

time to time. This was wanted primarily for the China-Burma-India

region. This effort required three main developments: new and semi-

automatic synchronizing devices, light-weight transmitters, and

simplified methods for calculating lines of position and plotting

them on charts.

The synchronization was established, mostly by Jack Williams and

Glenn Musselman (who had come to us after experience helping Major

Armstrong in the development of wideband FM), by adding automatic

control circuits to navigational receivers. These circuits, with

some modifications to improve accuracy and stability, made it

possible for a slave station to maintain its phase with relatively

little operator attention. Al Pote' and Dick Lawrence designed and

built very pretty transmitters of about one-tenth the size and

weight of the standard ones. Unfortunately, the power was reduced to

half or a little less, with the result that these transmitters were

never used in the field as the Army Air Force decided to fly in

standard transmitters for the sake of the extra power. So far as

equipment went, the Rad Lab might as well have saved its efforts

 

190

because standard transmitter timers could have been used instead of

the air-transportable ones with little extra effort on the part of

the Air Force.

The real success of the AT program was in the development of simple

calculating methods and in the training of dozens of young Air Force

officers for the field production of charts. This effort made

possible the use in Asia of ten or a dozen Loran stations under

circumstances that did not often permit time for the production of

the regular Hydrographic Office charts. As an additional benefit,

the Army Air Force could have Loran lines on its normal aeronautical

charts that were drawn in a different scale and style from the Navy

charts.

These achievements, and others, must be credited entirely to

Professor Bancroft W. Sitterly, an astronomer who had come to us

from Wesleyan University. Dr. Sitterly was not only an able

astronomer and mathematician but also probably the best teacher I

ever knew. I have always felt that he could be trusted to teach

anything to anyone. During the time when I was in England, Banny had

completed a short text called The Elements of Loran. This has never

been equalled as an introduction to the theory and practice of the

new system. It was published as a Rad Lab report in March, 1944, and

republished within a month by the U.S. Navy which distributed

thousands of copies. In late 1944 Catherine and I gave our son the

middle name of Bancroft, largely in Banny's honor.

A difficulty with Loran resulted from the normal errors of celestial

methods for determining the geographic positions of transmitters and

the general inaccuracy of charts, particularly in the higher

latitudes. The combination of these troubles sometimes resulted in

errors of a mile or two (or occasionally half a dozen miles in the

Arctic). It remained a nagging problem how to correct the Loran

lines to agree with charts that were known to be inaccurate. The

dilemma had to be resolved in favor of forcing agreement with the

standard charts because the overriding requirement was to bring the

navigator to the place he was trying to find. These difficulties

were increased in the AT Loran operation because the baselines, were

generally very short and so the geometrical contributions to errors

were large. Banny made a very thorough study of these effects, with

the result that a few observations of discrepancies between the

chart and the terrain could be used to deduce approximate

corrections for the entire coverage area of a group of stations.

These methods became a part of the AT Loran charting program, and

Banny taught them to many Air Force officers who used them to great

advantage in the last year of the war against Japan.


 

AT Loran 191

For some time I had been wondering whether the Loran technique could

be used at a lower radio frequency. This possibility appeared

important because of the large distances between some of the island

groups in the Pacific Ocean. It seemed likely that an attack on the

Japanese homeland, which it was generally thought would be

necessary, could not be well served by Loran when operated at a

frequency of two megahertz. At a lower frequency the measurement of

time difference could not be as good, but the experienoe with SS

Loran had taught us the advantages of a longer baseline, which might

go far toward making up for decreased accuracy of measurement. Of

primary importance was the expectation that we might be able to

double the distances served by Loran.

My new position gave me a seat on the Steering Committee of the

Radiation Laboratory. I could, of course, contribute little to the

discussions and decisions about problems and proposals for microwave

radar systems. On the other hand, no one else on the Steering

Committee had much understanding of Loran. It was therefore

relatively easy to get approval for anything in which I believed

strongly. I soon secured an allocation of about two million dollars

for the work on Low Frequency Loran. I found that my efforts to

spend this money wisely, in spite of the need for speed, made this

the hardest administrative job I could imagine. It did, in fact,

give me a permanent distaste for the business side of research.

By the autumn of 1944 our commitments to AT Loran were largely

completed and I could get more and more people into the LF work. We

were able to use somewhat more professional methods than time had

permitted in the original Loran design. For example, the standard

Loran transmitters were simple high-powered oscillators, turned on

or "modulated" by short driving pulses at the right instants. This

caused no trouble because the radio-frequency period was only about

half a microsecond while the typical measurement error was about

twice that value. The phase of the radio frequency was therefore of

no importance. At the low frequency we ultimately decided on, 180

kilohertz, the period was about five and a half microseconds or

considerably more than we hoped the the normal error would be. It

was therefore necessary, or at least advisable, to use a crystal

controlled source of' the radio frequency that would be coherent

with the pulse repetition frequency, so that each radio-frequency

cycle could have its standard position within the pulse envelope.

This would have been good engineering practice in standard Loran but

could be neglected without harm in that case. The use of this

technique required a development of new methods for deriving and

modulating the carrier frequency.

This "phase coherence" also made it possible to make more accurate

measurements by comparing the timing of individual radio-frequency

cycles as well as the time of arrival of the pulse envelope. Thus we

 

LF Loran 192

could have a coarse and a fine measurement because the pulse

envelope would, we hoped, be stable enough to identify a particular

radio-frequency cycle (as, for example, the third or fourth visible

one, or perhaps one at a certain fraction of the maximum height of

the pulse) while the exact reading was made on the rf cycle itself.

This technique turned out to be difficult to handle with high

reliability in a navigator's receiver, but it was used successfully

from the first in holding synchronism between the transmitting

stations. We believed that we were able to maintain the relative

timing to about a tenth of a microsecond.

We also made a number of other improvements in technique, such as

elegant attenuators for the transmitting stations, to reduce the

over-powering local signal in the receivers. These gave very great

attenuation at the right instants without incurring noticeable phase

shifts on the distant signals. Another important device for

preventing interference from the locally-generated carrier was a

modulation system that guaranteed the total absence of the carrier

between pulses.

The problem of receivers for the Low Frequency Loran system was

temporarily solved by the construction of small converters that

would translate the low-frequency signals to one of the Standard

Loran frequencies so that existing receiver-indicators could be

used. This technique was possible because all of the timing

characteristics were the same at the two frequencies except that, at

the low frequency it would be possible to have one master and two or

even more slave stations operate at each recurrence rate. The

converters were unfortunately manufactured with too narrow a

bandwidth, which turned out to be a limiting factor in the accuracy

that could be achieved.

Transmitting antennas for the low frequency constituted a major

problem. We designed and ordered for use in the Pacific three 625-

foot lattice towers to be used in an "umbrella" configuration with

heavy toploading cables. These could not be produced quickly so we

settled for balloon-supported wires for the experimental stations

set up in the United States. The balloons were little "VLA" (very

low altitude) models about 35 feet in length and with a diameter of

114 feet. They had stabilizing fins so that the kite effect gave

them some additional lift from the prevailing winds. Each balloon

supported an antenna of about 1300 feet of copperweld wire with

large insulators at the top and bottom. The Army Air Force provided

the balloons and helium to fill them, and also assigned small crews

to fly them for us. We had three stations at East Brewster,

Massachusetts; Cape Fear, North Carolina; and Key Largo, Florida.

The balloons flew more reliably than we had dared to hope but, of

course, were less than perfect. They had a maximum load-carrying

 

LF Loran Techniques 193

capacity (in still air) of 58 pounds while our antenna wire and

insulators weighed 48 pounds. It was therefore essential to keep the

balloons well inflated. It surprised me that, even with the balloons

flying in three quite different weather patterns, all three of them

were in the air for more than ninety percent of the time. This would

not have been satisfactory for operational use, where absolute

reliability of the signals is highly desirable, but it was adequate

for the experimental work.

Our continuing attempts to keep the balloons flying as much as we

could led us into interesting quandaries. It was impossible to reel

in a balloon and land it safely at a wind speed of more than 20 or

25 miles per hour, but the strength of our antenna wire was adequate

to permit the balloons to fly in winds up to 140 or 50 miles per

hour. Whenever a high wind was predicted we had to guess how extreme

it might become and try to get the balloon down, if necessary, at

the last possible moment. If we guessed wrong and the balloon

carried away it became embarrassing because we had to alert the Air

Force to get out planes to shoot the balloon down before it became

too much of a hazard to aviation. There was also the risk that a

trailing piece of antenna wire might short-circuit electric

transmission lines in the neighborhood but, so far as I know, this

never happened. We lost several balloons in the months the trial

system lasted, but none of them caused serious trouble.

One night the balloon at East Brewster was reported to have broken

loose in a high wind at about one o'clock in the morning. I happened

to be staying at Mrs. Consodine's that night. While driving out to

the station at about eight o'clock in the morning, I was amazed to

see the missing balloon floating peacefully within a couple of miles

of the station at what I guessed was a five or six thousand foot

altitude. It was inconceivable that the wind could have shifted to

bring the balloon back so accurately after seven hours, but the

anomaly was never explained. I can only suppose that whatever

antenna wire was torn loose with the balloon must have caught in a

tree until the rising sun heated the helium and increased the lift

enough to let the balloon break free.

On another occasion the balloon at East Brewster gave me an eerie

sensation that all the laws of physics were being flouted. It was

late on a dark night when I walked out to the balloon's tie point to

make some change in the antenna coupling network. As the 1300-foot

antenna could accumulate enormous static charges, the first duty in

making such an adjustment was to ground the antenna above the bottom

insulator through a length of copper braid attached to a hook with

an insulated handle. The insulator at the bottom of the antenna was

suspended at a height of four or five feet. When I attached the hook

and ground strap, which together probably weighed a pound or two,

the whole structure of balloon, wire, and ground strap slowly

 

Balloon Anecdotes 194

settled down until the insulator rested on the ground. At this point

I realized that it was a perfectly still night with no wind strain

on the antenna. I made a mental note that there seemed to be no

excess lift and that we would have to add helium in the morning, and

then went on to make the necessary change in the coupling network.

After finishing this I removed the ground strap and, to my surprise,

found that the insulator continued to rest on the ground. In a pure

spirit of fun I grasped the long insulator by the safe end and

hoisted it up to its normal position where, to my complete

amazement, it remained. This behavior seemed totally unreal as the

balloon could not possibly be in such exact neutral buoyancy, and I

actually felt the hair rise on the nape of my neck. Upon later

consideration I decided that just as I raised the insulator a faint

breeze must have caught the balloon so that the kiting effect

increased the lift by at least the weight of the insulator; but at

the time I surely felt that some unknown power must be at work.

The Brewster low frequency station operated from late 1944 for

trials of developing equipment, but the three-station network was

available only from April to September, 1945. We made fixed-station

observations during this period at various points between Minnesota

and Trinidad and the Azores with fair success, although the accuracy

of the system was not as good as we had hoped that it would be. The

Signal Corps also made even more extensive observations at a number

of places. By the time the trials ended we believed that our steel

towers would be delivered and all necessary equipment ready to ship

within two months, when the end of the war brought the whole project

to a quick stop.

I had a pleasant but unsuccessful idea in July of 1945. A total

solar eclipse was to cross western Canada and I thought it would be

great fun to walk unannounced into the camp of Don Menzel who had

led the 1936 expedition and who, I had heard, was to observe the

1945 eclipse at a small town in Saskatchewan. It happened that we

wanted to test the LF Loran signals in an airplane at about that

distance from the east coast, so I timed the trip to accomplish both

objectives. At Regina I talked some RCAF officers into taking a

staff car a hundred miles or so to the town of Bradenbury, where we

would spend the night as the eclipse would pass early in the

morning. My timing was perfect and I called on Don in the evening

before the event but, as I should have predicted, he was so busy

that he hardly noticed my being there. In the morning we rose to

find a patch of cloud, about twenty miles across, neatly centered

above the camp. The clouds remained between us and the sun until

after the end of the eclipse. We nevertheless were treated to a most

beautiful sight as there was a brilliant orange light all around the

horizon during the eclipse. This light reflected from the bottoms of

the clouds, turning the parts between the bright spots a deep purple

by contrast. The effect was rather like golden moonlight on purple

 

The First Cycle Matching 195

water, but upside down. Our disappointment was accentuated when we

found later that we had been under the only patch of clouds along

the eclipse track; if we had chosen any other place we could have

seen it perfectly. Fortunately, the LF Loran experiment on the

flight was entirely successful.

We had had no hope of getting special "cycle-matching" receivers

into production and use for many months, but Glenn Musselman and I

had been working on such a device for some time and had, before the

end of the war, built two or three models. These receivers were

intended to make very accurate measurements at distances short

enough so that the groundwave pulse was usable in the few cycles

that arrived before being jammed by the stronger and later-arriving

sky waves. It was uncertain whether the correct cycle could be

recognized among its very similar neighbors, a matter that could be

settled only by experiment. We took one of these receivers to

Bermuda for tests just at the end of the war; in fact, the news of

the first atomic bomb reached us as we passed through South Station

on our way to New Jersey to catch an Air Force plane to Bermuda. We

set up our gear quickly and made observations for a week before the

Japanese surrendered and it became our obvious duty to get home

again. These experiments were fairly successful. The station at Key

Largo was about a thousand miles away and yielded very uncertain

cycle identification, but the pair connecting Cape Fear with East

Brewster was much better and we could choose the right cycle about

eighty percent of the time. The accuracy within the cycles was, as

we had expected, about a tenth of a microsecond which gave us a

probable error of about 160 feet in the line of position through our

site in Bermuda. The average position, however, disagreed with the

chart by about 1200 feet. At the time it was uncertain whether this

discrepancy was caused by a calibration error somewhere in our

equipment or a mistake in the charted position of Bermuda. A year or

two later, the question was settled in our favor, as the

Hydrographic Office decided to move Bermuda about a quarter of a

mile on its charts.

The whole experiment indicated that high-precision measurements were

indeed possible but that, as we had expected, the problem of cycle

identification would require more work and especially careful

instrumentation. A dozen years later, this low-frequency system came

back into existence as Loran C, which has now become the normal form

of Loran. Loran C differs from our experiment chiefly in using

multiple pulses from each station and up to 140 times as much power

as we had. These changes operate strongly to bring the weak ground

wave up above the ambient noise to improve the reliability of cycle

identification. This is also aided by the use of a lower carrier

frequency (100 kilohertz) with longer cycles. I regret that in our

reports at the end of the war we did not emphasize the low-frequency

work, preferring to concentrate on the proven performance of

 

The First Cycle Matching, continued 196

Standard Loran, later known as Loran A. As a result, almost no one

today knows that the Radiation Laboratory came very close to

bringing cycle-matching to the status of a useful method, and it is

often thought that Loran C was invented by the Coast Guard or

perhaps by the Bureau of Standards, which tried hard to stimulate

interest in that system. Actually, the unique and important

distinguishing features of Loran C were devised by Winslow Palmer, a

very clever engineer from Sperry, who had worked closely with the

Radiation Laboratory people during the war, and who continued for

some years to suggest and experiment with ingenious ways to make

cycle-matching reliable.

On this last trip to Bermuda, we had slept, for some reason, at the

V.I.P. guest house at Kindley Field. Before that airport had been

dredged up from the bottom of the sea this house had been a pleasant

mansion on an island. When the airport had been finished, the house

found itself on a rocky nubbin close to the intersection of the two

major runways. At the time of our visit, there were aircraft

arriving and leaving at five-minute intervals, bringing soldiers

back from Europe for transfer to the Pacific. When departing, these

four-engined transports usually rose to just a little more than the

height of the guest house and thundered past at what seemed to be a

distance of a hundred yards or so. This racket never subsided during

the night, and I was sure that the vibration would soon reduce the

house to rubble. The situation had one minor advantage, however,

because the activity of the aircraft made it easier for us to work

long hours in the hope that we might get tired enough to sleep.

* * *

On my return to Cambridge I found that there were only three duties

left: to terminate all work as quickly as possible; to find jobs for

everyone; and to help write a complete account of the achievements

of the Radiation Laboratory. This last effort resulted in the

publication of the Radiation Laboratory Series of twenty-eight

volumes that recorded the many wartime developments, chiefly in

microwave theory and practice. Dick Woodward and Alexander McKenzie

(whom I had known, at least by radio, since the mountaintop days in

Maine, and who had headed our divisional publications office) and I

were designated the editors of the Loran book, which appeared as

Volume 14 of the series. Until the formal end of the Radiation

Laboratory on December 31st, everyone who could write and who had

not left for other work was kept busy composing this account. As far

as possible, the chapters were written by those most expert in the

various subjects, but a few sections were ghost-written by the

editors in an effort to give credit where it was due in the case of

important contributors to the program who could not or would not

write. The editors were kept on the Rad Lab payroll at half rate for

the first months of 1946 to carry this work forward.

 

The First Cycle Matching, continued 197

 

As part of the program for finding jobs for people (and particularly

for myself) I conceived the idea that perhaps the Navy might

subsidize our efforts if I brought a number of our Radiation

Laboratoy people to Harvard to use some of our powerful new

techniques in investigation of the physics of the ionosphere. As a

first step in the negotiations I secured an appointment with Admiral

Furer, the head of the Navy's Office of Research and Inventions. I

was greatly surprised to meet, in the admiral's waiting room,

Professor E. L. Chaffee, who had become director of Cruft Laboratory

upon the retirement of Professor G. W. Pierce. Professor Chaffee was

there on much the same mission, but with ideas further matured than

mine. After some three-way discussion, and at Admiral Furer's

suggestion, I fitted myself into Professor Chaffee's proposal for

one of the first university research contracts with the organization

that became, after Admiral Furer had retired, the Office of Naval

Research.

 


198

 

16.

 

Return to Harvard

 

These negotiations secured a place for me at Harvard which, in

accordance with its normal policy, had not renewed my annual

appointments after I had been on leave for two years. On January 1,

1946, about ten of the Rad Lab people came to Cruft Laboratory. They

were more or less equally divided between full-time research

fellows, students who would work half-time and pursue graduate

degrees, and technicians or research assistants.

In the last months of the Radiation Laboratory we had compiled a

long report on the status of Low Frequency Loran. This was intended

to record all details of design so that other people, if they

wished, could resume the work without any great loss of information.

For some reason the Radiation Laboratory had closed without

publishing this report. One of my first actions at Harvard,

therefore, was to induce the Navy to subsidize the printing of this

report, which was issued from Cruft Laboratory under the curious

title of Radiation Laboratory Report Number 1061 because the Rad Lab

had at least gotten as far as giving it a number that was mentioned

in other publications. The report was unusual because it was the

only technical report in my experience that was printed from hand

set type (possibly because the low bidder was the company that

printed the Boston telephone directories) and was bound in hard

covers.

The completed LF Loran equipment was taken over by the Army Air

Force and our test stations were promptly set up again in southern

Canada. This was, I suppose, primarily an experiment to help

determine the utility of the system. The excuse for the location was

that it would support a military exercise called the MuskOx Project.

This was basically a Canadian test of living and working in the

arctic winter, but it was assisted to some extent by British and

American participants or observers. A group of 50 or 60 people was

to set out from Churchill, on the western side of Hudson's Bay, and

drive north as far as possible and then west along the coast of the

Arctic Ocean to Coppermine and Norman Wells, and thence south to

finish the trip at Edmonton. I believe that two or three kinds of

treaded vehicles were to be used, dragging sleds with supplies of

gasoline and food. There were also some emergency arrangements to

drop additional supplies from aircraft, but it was hoped that the

expedition would be self-sufficient. The trip was to begin in the

middle of February and last nearly three months, covering more than

3,000 miles.

 

199

 

Someone apparently thought that LF Loran might help the MuskOx

people with their navigation, so the Rad Lab test transmitters,

complete with balloons, were set up in southern Canada. This

subsidiary effort was called, obviously, Musk Calf. Our group had

barely settled at Harvard when we received a last-minute request to

visit the transmitting stations to see that all was in order,

although there was hardly time to do anything in case trouble should

be encountered. As a result, Dave Davidson, Dick Woodward, and I,

supported by one technician, Angelo Pannesi, made a quick start for

Canada, equipped with complete sets of arctic clothing by the Air

Force. Dave and Dick went to the two western stations while Angie

and I settled at Gimli, Manitoba, on Lake Winnipeg. I do not

remember that we found much wrong with the installations, but I am

sure we gave the operators confidence and helped them to get the

signals on the air before the middle of February. I was surprised

and pleased to find that many of the local people were Finns, so

that one or two evenings at a local restaurant and dancehall had

much of the flavor of nights at cabarets in their old country.

While preparing for the trip I had done my best to calculate the sky

wave corrections needed to improve the accuracy of LF Loran in the

north country. These data were extremely doubtful as all I really

knew was that the permanently frozen ground in the arctic would

greatly reduce the strengths of the ground waves, leaving the

effective time of arrival of the composite pulses uncertain. I did

the best I could, however, and prepared tables of the estimated

corrections for various latitudes and longitudes in the area to be

traversed by the MuskOx people. On the day before the expedition was

to leave Churchill I found an airplane that would take me there,

where I could try to find whoever was to operate the Loran receiver

that was being taken along.

At about sunset on St. Valentine's day I found myself, with about

twenty other strays, in the tail end of a DC3 full of wooden boxes,

starting the four-hour flight to Churchill. This was the only

aircraft I ever encountered in the arctic in which the heaters were

out of order. The passengers were sitting in various strained

attitudes on the boxes of freight with no opportunity to move

around. In spite of proper arctic clothing, I was colder than ever

before, and the other passengers were no better off. By the time we

reached Churchill, where the temperature when we landed was minus

fifty-four degrees Fahrenheit, it was not possible to move without

great effort and many of us were surprised that we were still semi

conscious. The pilot had obviously radioed ahead, as we found a

truck waiting to rush us to a messhall where plenty of hot coffee

was ready. There we found that we could not hold mugs of coffee, but

even this was provided for. One of the permanent residents sat with

each of the arriving passengers and poured the first two or three

 

The Musk-Calf Project 200

mugsfull into him. At the end of a half hour my shivering was so far

reduced that I could handle my own coffee and even eat a little.

By eleven o'clock or so I was able to find the young officer who was

to operate the Loran receiver and I kept him out of bed long enough

to give him a very short explanation of the use of my correction

tables. To my surprise, I never heard any news about whether my set

of tables, or even the LF Loran system itself, was ever used. I

suspect that the receiver was probably abandoned as excess baggage

somewhere in the arctic.

The next morning was beautiful. I was up soon after five o'clock to

see the expedition start off, and was delighted by first view of the

arctic. I could see why some people fall in love with it. Every

thing was pure white, glittering as the sun rose, except for the

occasional top of a small fir tree. The infinite expanse of uniform

scenery had much of the fascination of a similar expanse of ocean.

I was told that only one press camera in Churchill worked that

morning. One photographer had had experience in such a temperature

and had, the night before, disassembled his camera and cleaned out

all lubricants. By operating the mechanism completely dry, he was

able to get pictures. It was certainly true that none of the many

accounts I read later was accompanied by pictures taken that cold

morning.

As soon as the expedition left in the direction of Baker Lake, I

hurried to the biggest hangar to try to find a plane to take me back

to Winnipeg. Fortunately I made friends with a pilot who assured me

that I could find room on his plane in an hour or two. I did not

realize until later that this was the plane that had brought the

Canadian Joint Chiefs of Staff and various other dignitaries who had

wished to see the expedition leave. I knew that there were a couple

of hundred reporters who were as anxious as I to leave

Churchill, and I was happy to have beaten them to the first aircraft

to go. Later I was even more pleased as, after our plane had flown

north to show us the caravan plodding forward and had turned toward

Winnipeg, a storm with a complete whiteout blew up and we flew along

at a very low altitude, with the ground barely visible and with the

aircraft lurching and rocking heavily as the gusts reached us. My

only comfort was the realization that the pilot flying all the top

brass of the Canadian military, with some guests from abroad, was

not going to let the plane crash if he could help it.

After catching a small plane to Gimli, I walked a mile or more to

the barracks. Having been warm in the aircraft and somewhat heated

by the walk, I ended by strolling along with my coats unbuttoned

and, I think, even with my mittens off. I happened to meet Angie

Pannosi near the barracks. He never thereafter allowed me to forget

 

The End of LF Loran, for a While 201

how I arrived practically in my shirt sleeves although the

temperature in Gimli was twenty-six degrees below zero. I never

encountered another situation when such a temperature seemed so

relatively warm.

The LF Loran work in southern Canada was carried out by an Air Force

research branch known as Watson Laboratories, but the technical

studies were delegated to a small consulting firm in Needham called

Pickard and Burns. This had been organized by Greenleaf W. Pickard,

who was a famous radio pioneer and at least one of the inventors of

radio direction finding at about the time when I was born, and

Harold Burns, a young business man. Their people, made some kind of

an error, of a nature I now forget, in interpreting the data from

the Musk-Calf project. It seemed necessary to me to write the Watson

Labs to straighten out the mistake. This had a most unexpected

result. Although Pickard and Burns were fairly appreciative of my

correction, the Air Force apparently felt very hurt by my

interference in their affairs, or perhaps by the way I reported the

error. In any case, there resulted a period of two or three years

in which Watson Labs declined to take any notice of my existence,

and I had no further contact with the LF Loran work until 1949.

This, at the very least, permitted me to clear my mind and settle

down to the different kind of work we were attempting to get

organized at Harvard. Probably the change was, as they say, as good

as a vacation. It certainly gave me the leisure to reconsider my

ideas about (in the words of the title of one of my last reports at

the Radiation Laboratory) The Future of Hyperbolic Navigation.


My Speech in Duplicate 202

 

At the end of the war professional societies were eager to publish

new material just released from military classification. One effort

to satisfy this demand led to my writing (among the other works that

occupied the latter part of 1945) a relatively detailed account of

Loran for the Proceedings of the Institute of Radio Engineers. A

short form of this paper was given orally at the national convention

of the Institute in the spring of 1946. This was an exciting

occasion as it was, I believe, the first time a paper was read

before that Institute and simultaneously presented in England at a

meeting of the Institution of Electrical Engineers. This trick was

performed through the combined facilities of recording and radio. I

first read the paper onto phonograph records which were sent to

London and played at an evening meeting of the I.E.E. while I was

speaking the same words at an afternoon session of the I.R.E. in New

York. Things were timed well enough so that the readings ended

simultaneously, whereupon a transatlantic telephone circuit was

opened up so that the discussions of the paper could be heard

through loudspeakers in both halls.

The double presentation went very well, except that one part of the

discussion from England embarrassed me. One of the great British

radio pioneers, among whose papers is one that I have consistently

recommended to students as an outstanding example of a research

report, had unfortunately begun to lose his mental faculties. He-

chose to criticize my claims for hyperbolic navigation on the

grounds that the principles of relativity prevented a navigator from

knowing the time at the distant transmitting stations. He went so

far as to say that the errors of the system had to be as large as

the times of transmission from the stations; an obvious mistake as

the whole history of Loran proved that the relativistic errors were

thousands of times smaller than that magnitude. I had a few

extremely bad minutes while considering my answer to this charge,

knowing the great reputation of the man and also being sure that

many friends and acquaintances on both sides of the Atlantic were

listening for my response. I think I worked my way out of the

difficulty sufficiently well by suggesting that the relativistic

effects were limited to the square of the ratio of the speed of the

vehicle divided by the velocity of light. In other respects the

British discussions were not difficult to answer, although many of

them showed a tendency to belittle American achievements - a trend

that no longer surprised me. There was, curiously, almost no

discussion of the paper from the western side of the Atlantic.

* * *

In May, 1946, I was visited by I. Bernard Cohen, later Professor of

the History of Science but then Instructor in Physics at Harvard.

Mr. Cohen was inquiring into the story of some letters exchanged

 

My Speech in Duplicate 203

before World War I between Lee de Forest and Professor G. W. Pierce,

later Rumford Professor of Physics and Director of Cruft Laboratory.

I had seen a reference or two to this correspondence in the

scientific literature, suggesting that it was the first attribution

of radio fading to a change from constructive to destructive

interference between a sky-wave and a ground-wave. Beyond this vague

information I could not help Mr. Cohen.

Professor Pierce had retired in 1940 and in his later years divided

his time between a summer home in New Hampshire and a winter home in

Florida with stops of a few weeks in Cambridge in spring and fall.

It happened that Mr. Cohen's visit came during one of these

Cambridge intervals, so I suggested that we go and ask about the

correspondence. We found G.W., as usual, receiving visitors in his

well-worn leather armchair while smoking his customary Upman cigar.

It was easy to induce him to look up the original letters.

Beginning in 1910, Dr. de Forest had been operating a wireless

circuit between Los Angeles and San Francisco at a wavelength of

about 3,000 meters. He was using arc transmitters that, had the

advantage of producing quite a pure tone but could, not be turned on

and off fast enough to respond to morse code. The telegrapher's key,

therefore, operated a relay that changed the frequency of the

emission, so that the dots and dashes appeared at one frequency

while the spaces between them were transmitted at a second frequency

far enough removed from the first so that the receiver selectivity

made the compensation wave inaudible. Dr. de Forest's operators had

observed that whenever the signal faded to inaudibility the

compensation wave was always strong. Being practical men, they

reversed the sense of the keying relay at such a time and continued

to transmit information at the secondary frequency until that, in

turn, faded away, when they would return to the original conditions.

It was a fortunate fact that, at that wavelength, fading was so slow

as to make these adjustments easily possible.

This characteristic behavior interested de Forest who wrote Pro

fessor Pierce about it, probably because G.W. had recently published

a well-known book, The Principles of Wireless Telegraphy, in which

he had suggested interference as a source of fading. G.W. eagerly

seized this chance to calculate the height of the ionized reflecting

layer in the atmosphere, whose existence had been postulated as soon

as Marconi had succeeded in receiving trans-Atlantic signals. By

1912, "G.W." had obtained all the needed information; principally

the distance and the amount of change in frequency. He then made the

somewhat optimistic assumption that when the layer height was such

that the sky and ground paths at one frequency differed in effective

length by exactly an integral number of wavelengths, the sky

wave/ground wave difference at the second frequency was exactly half

a wavelength greater or less. Upon this assumption it was easy to

 

G. W. Pierce and the Height of the E Layer 204

calculate the apparent height of reflection, which he found to be

about 200 miles.

The correspondence came to a halt after the letter in which G.W.

reported this result. While it was not actually said, one may

reasonably infer that neither gentleman really believed that there

was enough atmosphere at such a height. This is not surprising, as

the large increase in temperature in the upper atmosphere was not

known in those days, and it was generally supposed that there was an

almost perfect vacuum above a height of forty miles or so.

To return to the day in 1946, "G.W." was sitting at his desk turning

the pages of the correspondence while Mr. Cohen and I read it over

his shoulders. After going through it once rather quickly, "G.W."

settled down to a more leisurely perusal. It happened that I then

moved to a position at the end of the desk. I was therefore able to

see that, as he read the letter reporting his calculations, a more

and more sour look was appearing on G.W.'s face. He presently picked

up the slide rule that always lay on his desk and began using it,

looking from the letter to the slide-rule again and again. At the

conclusion of his comparisons he turned toward me and said, "You

know, that answer should have been 62 miles". At this mention of

essentially the accepted height of the E layer, Cohen and I came

awake with a start. We carefully watched "G.W." backtrack through

the calculations and come to the conclusion that, in 1912, he had

taken the answer from the wrong end of the slide rule.

Professor Pierce was kind enough to inscribe and initial the

correction in the margin of his carbon copy of the erring letter and

give it to me as a souvenir, with permission to publish an account

of the happening "some time when de Forest and I are both dead". I

kept this copy as a favorite souvenir until after my retirement,

when I did publish nearly this same account of the incident in the

American Journal of Physics. At that time I thought it appropriate

to give the letter, with my description, to the Harvard Archives.

A result of this error was that the world waited a dozen years for

Professor Appleton to measure the height of the Kennelly-Heaviside

layer or E layer, as it was named by Appleton. His method was

essentially that of 1912, but with better scientific control of the

variables. It is an interesting footnote that both Appleton's paper

in 1924 and the paper by Breit and Tuve, that reported the first

pulse measurements of layer height in 1925, were both titled as

"proofs of the existence" of an ionized layer.


It was probably at about the end of the war that I received my

favorite memento of Professor Pierce. "G.W." was an amateur painter

 

Souvenirs of "G.W." 205

of no great merit. In his later years, his office was decorated by a

dozen magnified pictures of some of the kinds of insects he studied

in his work on insect sounds. These paintings were dominated, and

probably preceded, by his locally-famous picture of The Dodo. This

was imitated from Tenniel's dodo in an illustration for Alice in

Wonderland, except that the bird was shown pointing a finger rather

than holding a ring. I have been told that G.W.'s painting was

inspired by a drawing made by Miss Ida Cannon, who was the head of

the Social Service Department of the Massachusetts General Hospital

and a daughter of the famous Doctor Walter B. Cannon, who was

perhaps G.W.'s closest friend. Whatever the origin of the idea, the

painting had much of its background filled by a quotation from Lewis

Carrol: "Why", said the Dodo, "The best way to explain it is to do

it". In his later years, G.W. spent most of his time in his office

sitting in his red leather armchair with The Dodo hanging above him.

He was always available to supply advice and sympathy in one's

research problems, and probably no student or staff member failed to

have at least one discussion that ended with G.W. giving his silent

advice by gesturing toward The Dodo with his cigar.

I suspect that there was no staff member who did not covet this

picture. My first move in this contest came in 1939 when Catherine

and I made our first Sunday afternoon call on Professor and Mrs.

Pierce, shortly after Catherine's arrival in Cambridge. G.W.

inquired what we would like for a wedding present and I promptly

piped up, "The Dodo, of course". He seemed to shudder a little, but

turned the conversation by saying, "Well, maybe some day", and

introducing a new subject. The Pierces quickly sent us another gift;

a luncheon set, I believe. I nevertheless took the maybe as

encouragement and thereafter at least once a year I brought up the

subject of The Dodo under similar circumstances. After five or six

years of this persistence, there finally came a Sunday when G.W.

said, "Oh, well, come to the office in the morning and you may have

it". Catherine insists that on that Monday I got to the laboratory

before the janitor. The painting still occupies an honored position

in our home. Years later, our daughter painted a copy of The Dodo

for me so that for my last decade at Harvard I could have a dodo in

my office as well as one at home.

The red leather chair ultimately followed the Dodo. After the death

of Professor Pierce, his office was inherited by Professor Harvey

Brooks. He presently passed it on to Professor Edward M. Purcell,

who later won the Nobel Prize. When he decided to redecorate, my

quarters were in Pierce Hall, but one of my spies kept my wishes in

mind and advised me that the time had come when I might get the

chair, which was by then in fairly decrepit condition with at least

two large holes worn through the covering. Ed released the chair

with apparent pleasure. I then visited Teddy Nahabedian, an

upholsterer in Arlington who had done many things for us, to say

 

G.W. / Our New House 206

that I wished the chair recovered in top-grain cowhide. "I won't do

it", said Teddy, "No old chair is worth what that would cost". I

said little, but a day or two later had the chair delivered to the

Nahabedian shop. That evening Teddy called to say, "I've stripped it

down and it's a good strong chair. You may have your cowhide.

Naturally it cost a pretty penny, but we now have a beautiful and

sturdy chair to which I have a strong sentimental attachment.

Early in the fall of 1946, MIT inaugurated the first Arthur Dehon

Little Memorial Lecture, to honor the founder of the Arm of that

name, who was a generous alumnus of Tech. For this occasion, they

reached across the sea for the speaker and chose my old

acquaintance, Sir Edward Appleton, who had been knighted for his

ionospheric research and perhaps for his services as Secretary of

the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research during the war.

To get this lecture series off to a good start, MIT decided to dress

up the house. To this end, President Compton invited some five

hundred couples to a black tie buffet supper at the president's

house before the meeting. I do not know why this group included

Catherine and me, as surely there must have been enough more eminent

couples who owned evening dress in Cambridge. It may have been an

after-effect of my having been a Division Head at the Radiation

Laboratory.

Two things about this evening greatly amused me. The first was the

succession of scenes visible in the men's dressing room. It had

apparently occurred to very few guests to replace their evening

trousers after the war, and for many this was obviously the first

occasion when such costumes had been needed in a long time. I

hesitate to estimate the number of wives who had been called upon at

the last moment to insert gores in the backs of their husbands'

trousers. Many of those who had thought that they needed no such

assistance were unusually red of face and clearly found it difficult

to take a full breath.

When all hands had been washed and last minute adjustments made, we

assembled to run the gauntlet of the receiving line. I hoped on this

occasion to be able to discover whether President Compton could or

could not identify me. He had attended many meetings of the dozen or

fifteen members of the Rad Lab steering committee, but I was in

grave doubt that he knew me by name. I therefore somewhat

maliciously refrained from giving our name to his chief of protocol

and waited to see what would happen. Sir Edward foiled this plot. As

I approached President Compton, the guest of honor reached across in

front of his host to shake my hand and say, "Hello, Jack". My

opportunity was gone, forever as it turned out.

I am sorry to report that after all this effort on the part of MIT,

 

A Party at MIT 207

Sir Edward gave about the worst lecture I ever heard. It was the

only time I ever saw him appear to disadvantage in public.

The only other belted knight with whom I was ever on anything like

first-name terms was Sir Robert Watson-Watt, who carefully cultiva

ted the (British) title of the "father of radar". I have remarked

above in recounting my first visits to England in 1936, about my

doubts of the legitimacy of this epithet. During the war, Sir Robert

appeared from time to time at the Radiation Laboratory and once at

least joined a meeting of the steering committee. On that occasion

he was feeling unusually mellow and insisted that all of us should

address him as Bob. The only time I ever took advantage of this

permission was years later when my son Bob and I met Sir Robert in,

of all places, one of the corridors in the Boston Garden. I could

not resist trying to impress my boy by calling the distinguished

visitor "Bob" as I introduced my son to him.

* * *

At the laboratory, 1946 was largely spent in planning the general

lines of our new research program and designing and building

equipment for it. Our first requirement was for a number of

oscilloscopes with cameras for making continuous records of

ionospheric reflection variations as a function of time. At that

date we could find no commercially produced oscilloscopes that were

satisfactory. We required unusually linear sweep circuits and

accurate arrangements for establishing the starting points of the

sweeps, neither of which was done particularly well in any scopes we

could buy. It was equally serious that we found no production scopes

that would stand up well. After a few weeks of 24-hour operation

each day, small components would fail at an alarming rate so the

devices were out of service, while being repaired, for a large

fraction of the time.

Jack Williams, to whose talents as an instrument maker I have

already testified, took over this problem and planned and built a

dozen or more very superior oscilloscopes. These weighed a

forbidding amount but were highly reliable. In fact they were all

still working well when I retired more than twenty-five years later,

having required only occasional replacement of parts (with the

exception of vacuum tubes) in the intervening decades.

We designed and built a special kind of camera to use with these

scopes. These were necessary because I had become addicted to a kind

of record initiated by Professor Mimno and used by him and by me

with a glow-lamp technique until 1941. These were made on long rolls

of 3-3/8 inch wide bromide paper rather than film, and the records

were made continuous in the time dimension by drawing the paper

slowly past the image of the oscilloscope sweep. This form of record

 

Tooling Up 208

was advantageous because the photographic development was fast and

easy, while the records were large enough to be scaled, drawn upon,

or otherwise worked over without optical projection equipment. The

new cameras accomodated 250-foot rolls of paper and, except for the

lenses, were entirely made in our machine shop. These cameras, like

the new oscilloscopes, lasted indefinitely.

Our requirements for accurate timing were satisfied by the best

crystal oscillators available at the time, together with frequency-

dividing circuits and various modulating devices we made ourselves.

We were often lucky to be able to borrow good oscillators on

indefinite loan from the military services, and we made some in the

laboratory. Our efforts to improve these or replace them with more

stable oscillators continued for many years until such devices were

finally superseded by cesium-controlled or other kinds of atomic

frequency sources, also generally supplied as grants from interested

military laboratories.

Our needs for supporting equipment were amply satisfied by a friend

in the Air Force who had become the head of the Cambridge Field

Station, which had taken over much of the equipment of the Radiation

Laboratory, including essentially everything that the Division 11

had left behind. Major Marchetti allowed me to walk through his

large Cambridge warehouse and choose what I pleased. He then sent to

Harvard several large trucks with about a quarter of a million

dollars worth of essential gear, even when assessed at 1946 second-

hand prices. This lot included a number of lathes and milling

machines, and quantities of electronic test equipment. This generous

gift, added to equipment and supplies left over from various war

time projects at Harvard, set us up in business very well.

It was our intention, at first, to apply improved techniques to

standard propagational problems at the usual radio frequencies. Our

wartime experience had taught us something that remained true for

many years: that there was a lack of the data and background theory

needed for the solution of practical communication problems. It is

usually assumed that scientists discover new principles and

engineers then use them to produce useful devices. In the case of

radio wave propagation, however, the demand for improved

communication systems has usually been so great that the engineers

have had to start with only their own best guesses and make tests

with actual operating devices to find out how well they would work.

We had learned that in the case of hyperbolic navigation the

"engineers" were far ahead of the "scientists" and that, in

principle, great efforts ought to be made to increase the pool of

scientific knowledge useful for the design of devices not yet

invented.

Harvard's was one of the first of many "three-service" contracts

 

Organization of the Work at Harvard 209

between a university and the Army, the Navy, and (later) the Air

Force. Administration of this contract was delegated to what became

the Navy's Office of Research and Development, while the costs of

the basic contract were equally divided between the military

services. Guidance was in principle provided by a Technical Advisory

Committee consisting of research directors of various military

research offices and laboratories. It always seemed to me that this

guidance was quite nominal. The TAC members visited the Harvard

laboratories for a day once or twice a year and heard discussions of

the research in progress or proposed. The members could, of course,

show more interest in one program than another, but the chief duty

of the Committee seemed to be to tell Harvard how much money would

be available for the next year's extension. Harvard, in the person

of the Dean of the Division of Engineering and Applied Physics,

disbursed the funds granted under separate task orders to principal

investigators who prepared contract extension proposals carefully

tailored to require the exact amount of money that had been offered.

At least in my case, there never was any suggestion from either the

Dean or the Military about what I should be doing except that, in

the early days, one official in the Navy kept urging me to get into

low-frequency wave propagation before I could think of any practical

way to do so.

In the first years of the contract all research in wave propagation

was lumped into one task order under the direction of Professor

Mimno. This brought me back into the happy position where Harry did

the worrying about the budget, exactly as he had done before the war

except that there was now much more money. He continued one or two

projects of his own while most of the effort of the group was under

my day-to-day direction, assisted by Harry's usual intelligent

advice and political guidance. After some years, when we had worked

out ways of experimenting at the low frequencies, the military

rather insisted upon a separate task order for this work and I had

to learn how to devise and operate under somewhat fictitious budget

proposals. Until then, however, the radio work was all done in one

happy family in which there was no very evident allocation of duty.

Harry was, of course, responsible for the academic affairs of the

students who were working part time and studying for master's

degrees and doctorates, while I guided those research projects of

the group that were distinct from individual thesis research.

* * **

A fulltime graduate student who did his research in our group was

Alan Waterman, Jr., the son of the man who had become the principal

scientist in the Office of Naval Research. This coincidence no doubt

caused us to be informally inspected more often than would normally

have been the case, but it probably did us no harm when the time

came for contract renewals. Alan found the right mathematical

 

Organization of the Work at Harvard 210

treatment for a problem that had been nagging at me. It had seemed

for some time that using pulses for navigational aid, which required

only a very slow rate of transmission of information, was a very

inefficient use of the radio spectrum. Alan and I were able to show

that, at least at the low radio frequencies, a continuous train of

waves with a low modulation frequency could probably have its time

of arrival measured with about as much precision as the long pulses

of Low Frequency Loran; and would occupy far less of the spectrum.

The most important idea was that the "relative information

bandwidth" for a time-measuring aid to navigation is proportional to

the speed of the vehicle divided by the velocity of light. Even at

aircraft speed, a low-frequency signal would need a bandwidth of

only a few hundredths of a cycle per second. We knew that the

receiver bandwidth for a useful pulsed system, such as LF Loran,

should be 20,000 cycles per second or more; a million times greater

than the theoretically-needed bandwidth. We could not, in 1946,

conceive how to build a receiver with no more than the theoretical

bandwidth for our proposed signal, but it was easy to show that one

could be built with an effective bandwidth of no more than about

five cycles per second. Such a receiver would pass several thousand

times less noise energy than would a receiver for Low Frequency

Loran. This would mean that we could either work with smaller

required transmitter power or use signals at greater distances, or

both. With these ideas in hand, and supported by what I knew or

could find out about low-frequency propagation and the ambient noise

levels, I proposed a new kind of aid to navigation which I named

Radux. This would operate with several stations sharing time at a

common frequency; each one would transmit a burst of signal lasting

a large fraction of a second. Slight differences in the lengths of

the bursts would identify each of the stations. The navigational

information in each signal would reside in a train of modulation at

200 Hertz, with coherence maintained from burst to burst. Such a

signal could be radiated from a practical, though large, antenna at

a frequency as low as 40 or 50 kHz. I calculated that, under normal

noise conditions, a few kilowatts of power should provide signals

useful up to a distance of 3,000 nautical miles, and estimated that

the average errors might be no more than three miles, or about the

same as the usual errors of celestial navigation on shipboard.

Because one cycle in a long train of sinusoids is indistinguishable

from another, Radux readings would be ambiguous in units of 2,500

millionths of a second, or about 400 nautical miles or more in

position. It was to be expected that no navigator would ever be lost

by as much as 200 miles (especially with a continuously-running aid

to navigation), so this ambiguity was judged to be unimportant in an

operational sense.

These ideas were disclosed in a report that was published in 1947 in

classified form although, in principle, Harvard would not permit

 

Organization of the Work at Harvard 211

research to be done under conditions of military security. How I

managed this feat I do not really understand. One of the

inconveniences was that Professor Chaffee insisted upon sequestering

the manuscript and spare copies of the report in his own safe. The

difficulties in disseminating a classified idea from Harvard,

together with a wish to get on with our unrestricted research

program, resulted in my circulating the Radux report in military

circles and then paying no further attention to the idea for about

three years. At the end of that interval, the Navy had decided that

the idea should be tested and I came back into the navigation field,

as will be described later.


Just after World War II all ionospheric sounding, as distinct from

measurements of the strength of radio signals, was done at vertical

incidence. This means that signals, usually pulses, were sent upward

and the reflections from the ionized layers were received at a point

not far from the transmitter. This technique made it possible to

compare the times of emission of the signal and the reception of the

echoes and thus measure the effective height of the layers. The

effect on practical radio reception at a distance from the

transmitter (or at oblique incidence) were deduced from the

conditions measured overhead through theoretical considerations. We

thought that the conditions at actual reflection points were

presumably different from those over the transmitter or receiver,

and we had some doubts about the accuracy of the theoretical

deductions as it was not easy to account for effects due to the

curvature of the ionized layers, which are more or less concentric

with the earth. Such a calculation, we felt, was rather like trying

to compute the details of reflections from the distorting mirrors in

an amusement park.

Our techniques of fairly accurate timekeeping made it possible to

set up a series of actual experiments at long distances, which we

continued for several years. The backbone of these studies was a

path from North Carolina to Massachusetts. The transmitting site was

selected so that the center of the path to Cambridge was at the

ionospheric station then maintained by the National Bureau of

Standards near Washington. We could thus make direct comparisons

between what we observed at oblique incidence and the observations

of the Bureau made at the center of the path. These eventually

showed that our doubts about the accuracy of the theory were not too

well founded, as the random fluctuations at a reflection point were

usually nearly as large as the errors of the theory. It took us a

long time, however, to become fully convinced of this fact.

In the mean time, we extended the long baseline experiments with a

temporary transmitting station in New Mexico and some collaborative

 

Oblique Incidence Studies 212

experiments in which stable transmissions (that is, pulsed with

crystal-controlled timing) were made for us by experimenters in

Germany and at Slough in England. The pulse patterns received over

these long distances were remarkably complex. In the case of Lindau,

Hartz, at a distance of 6,000 kilometers, the experiments continued

for nearly a year before we could become fully confident that we had

even correctly identified the mode of propagation for each of the

several recorded pulses. Accurate prediction of the details of the

signals received at these trans-Atlantic distances proved to be

totally impossible, to our great disappointment.

Immediately after the war, Professor Mimno had managed to get

approval for the purchase of a permanent field station in Concord,

Massachusetts, to replace the borrowed locations we had used from

time to time before the war. This consisted of 130 acres of

abandoned pig-farm lying on the Concord-Acton town line, which he

bought for the modest price of $6,500, about a third of which

represented the surplus funds of the 1940 eclipse expedition. We

maintained this site for many year; setting up various experiments

in trailers left over from Harry's wartime work in radio direction

finding, or in decrepit buildings left over from the days of the

pigs. Unhappily, we were never able to promote funds for a permanent

building so all of our work there was done on a commuting basis. As

no one was in attendance at night, the installation was subject to a

great deal of vandalism and, over many years, we lost nearly

everything that was used or stored there. This problem gave us lots

of exercise in developing burglar alarms that were supposed to bring

the police in case anything was broken into, but most of the alarms

were false or else it took the police too long to get to our remote

site. So far as I know, no one was ever arrested. While this station

was active for automatic transmitting, Dave Davidson did some

excellent work in three dimensional recording of moving clouds of

ionization, using several receivers at distances of forty miles or

less in various parts of Massachusetts.


My reception of minor honors for the wartime work we had done began

in 1947. The new Institute of Navigation gave me its Thurlow award,

and the Institute of Radio Engineers made me a Fellow although I had

been a member only since 1945. These were followed in 1948 by the

receipt of a Presidential Certificate of Merit, which entitled me to

wear a little rosette in my buttonhole. Unfortunately, no one knows

what this represents, but I still wear it on rare occasions.

By the next year I was spending a fair amount of time on IRE

technical committees, defining terms and otherwise trying to bring

order into the studies of wave propagation and navigation. This led

to a few interesting months investigating the state of the country's

 

The Parmenter School Addition 213

studies for the federal Research and Development Board which needed

advice in the allocation of government research funds. In this

connection I was given a book of government transportation request

forms so that I could write my own tickets for any trips I felt I

needed to make. My official duties were to visit institutions

thought to be doing serious work in this field and to report on the

merits of their programs. It was never said, at least in writing,

that one of the desired ends of this study was to provide evidence

of the falsity of the idea, then strongly propounded by the Bureau

of Standards, that all worthwhile research of this kind was being

done at the Bureau's Central Radio Propagation Laboratory. After

visiting university and government institutions over much of the

country, I was able to demonstrate (I think) that not more than a

quarter or a third of the most promising research was being done at

the CRPL. This did not increase my popularity with the Bureau, but

it was work that needed to be done in the national interest.

As part of this work I made my first trip to California, primarily

to see the work at Stanford and at the Navy Electronics Laboratory

in San Diego, and had one of my finest small world experiences. For

some reason connected with scheduling, I flew to Los Angeles and

changed to a connecting flight to San Francisco. When I went out to

the Frisco plane I found an elderly woman who had been taken to the

steps to the plane in a wheelchair. I handed my briefcase to a young

woman who was with the elderly one and helped the latter up the

steps and into a seat. When I retrieved the briefcase the young

woman smiled sweetly and said, Thank you, Dr. Pierce. Because I was

a couple of thousand miles further west than I had been since I was

a baby, I was astonished. It turned out that the young woman was

a secretary (whom I had never noticed) at the IRE headquarters in

New York, who had seen me arrive for some of my many committee

meetings. This episode taught me that it was better never to rely

upon anonimity wherever I might be, a lesson that I believe to have

been useful.


Our long-baseline work at the laboratory required more and more

effort to achieve precision in our crystal oscillators. We had come

to realize that these, poor as they were by today's standards, could

perform surprisingly well if they were completely protected from

changes in the ambient temperature and in the various supply

voltages. This meant several years of work in gradually learning how

to make better enclosures and in building power supplies that were

unusually constant. Jack Williams finally designed for us several

power supplies that had no less than four stages of voltage

regulation of various kinds. His attention to detail is shown by the

use of the average of several voltage-reference tubes (to guard

against occasional small sporadic fluctuations in individual ones)

 

Care of Oscillators 214

that were themselves enclosed in a special temperature-controlled

oven. We were quite sure that the 135-volt output from these

supplies never varied more than a few thousandths of a volt, even

over years of operation.

We attained excellent constancy of the ambient temperature for our

oscillators by enclosing the top and front of an old transformer

vault in the Cruft basement with a very well insulated wall and

roof, and allowing the temperature of the space to be established by

that of the earth several feet below ground level. This gave us a

small room whose temperature did actually vary about six degrees

between winter and summer (which did not matter to us) but which

fluctuated only a hundredth of a degree or so between day and night

or from day to day. As this room was small, the presence of a single

person in it would raise the temperature by a degree or two in a few

minutes, so we took every precaution not to enter it except in cases

of emergency. Necessary readings on meters were made from the

outside by a laboratory telescope and a system of mirrors. As far as

possible, any components that might fail and which could stand minor

temperature variations were kept outside of the enclosure. These

precautions, and others related to them, worked so well that it

proved hard, after we had begun to publish some of our surprising

results, to convince people that the frequency stability we reported

had really been attained with the kind of oscillators we used. This

led to a few years in which our results were often not received at

their actual value.


Beginning in about 1948, our observations of signals at long

distances were supported by large volume of calculations. These, to

the extent that ionospheric constants could be assumed, were

intended to show how the time of propagation and the strength of a

received signal would vary with a number of variables such as

distance, radio frequency, and time. The majority of these

calculations were tedious, as they involved approximating one or

more ionospheric layers by 100 or more laminations of carefully

estimated density of ionization, and then tracing the path of a ray

leaving the earth at some chosen angle. The amount of refraction at

each interface and the time spent in traversing each lamination

could then be calculated, until ultimately the ray was found either

to penetrate the layer or be bent back so that it returned to earth

at a certain distance. Much the same calculation had to be repeated

again and again, with changes in the assumed angle of departure, of

frequency, or of the gradation of the ionospheric index of

refraction. I made most of these calculations, and they ultimately

filled a score or more of laboratory notebooks.

With many of the results of these computations in hand, it was easy

 

Endless Calculations 215

to show that the number of rays reaching a given receiving point

was, in general, proportional to the distance from the transmitter,

even under circumstances such that much of the energy of the

transmitter would penetrate the ionosphere and be lost in space. It

was equally easy to show that in the absence of absorption (or

losses that change the signal energy into heat) the intensity of

each ray would be inversely proportional to the square of the

distance travelled. With more difficulty, it could be proven that

the same relationship was generally true even when absorption was

included in the calculations. The final result was the rule that the

strength of a signal was (among other things) proportional to the

angular distance subtended by the transmission path. This result was

not surprising, as it was equivalent to saying that the energy of

the signal (or of the fraction of it not penetrating the ionosphere)

was uniformly distributed in passing through an annular region

having a radius equal to the sine of the angular distance and a

breadth equal to the height of the reflecting layer. In more simple

words, I had proved the obvious; that for distances large compared

with the layer height the transmitted energy spread out in two

dimensions, being trapped between the earth and the layer.

This kind of proof was somewhat defective because it took no account

of characteristic phase interference that might cause signals to be

louder (say) near the surface of the earth and less loud near the

reflecting layer. My work was received with some interest but for

only a few years as several mathematicians were then developing the

mode theory of wave propagation, which accounted for just such

phenomena and soon made my discoveries obsolete.

The most fascinating thing, in retrospect, about this study is that

it was almost the first time there had been any strong evidence that

anyone had accepted the concept of the two-dimensional spreading of

energy in radio communication. Early experiments in 1905 and 1906,

made at a few miles' distance, had shown an intensity decreasing as

the square of the distance, just as the intensity of light does and

for the same reasons. Even before these experiments, however, an

editor of the English magazine The Electrician in 1904 had stated

clearly that at distances large compared with the layer height a

radio signal should decrease inversely with the first power of the

distance. The fact that it did so was, as we can see today, the

reason why Marconi had been able to receive a signal across the

Atlantic Ocean, to the amazement of scholars who knew (as Hertz had

proved in the 1880s at distances of a few feet) that wireless waves

were exactly long light waves and travelled in straight lines. Again

in 1919, an eminent English mathematician had sketched the correct

law for the propagation of low-frequency wireless signals, but there

is little evidence to suggest that anyone had understood him or,

perhaps, had been interested.

 

 

Persistent Errors 216

In the mean time, beginning in 1909, the "classical" equations had

been written defining the intensity of radio signals as though they

always spread in three dimensions. These rules, with some

modifications in the absorption term and with (I am sure) the

accompaniment of many headaches, had been followed slavishly for

more than forty years. The headaches must have ensued from the

difficulty of fitting experimental data to an incorrect theory. I

took much pleasure, when my results were summarized in 1952, in

showing that, if this data-fitting were carried out honestly with

accurate experiments, the reconciliation would require in some cases

the assumption of negative losses in propagation. When the same data

were reexamined in the light of a correct theory, everything fell

easily into place and made excellent sense. But, as I have said, the

development of the mode theory made my work in this area obsolete

within a few years.

 


217

 

17.

A Trip to Alaska

 

In 1949 the long silence about Low Frequency Loran was broken.

Shortly after he had taken command of an Air Force development

laboratory in New Jersey, perhaps the former Watson Laboratory, I

found Colonel Haydon sitting beside my desk. He confirmed the news

that I had heard informally: that the three 625-foot lattice towers

originally ordered by the Radiation Laboratory had been erected in

Alaska, the Yukon and the Northwest Territories; and that the Air

Force had been flying with Loran around those areas and over the

Arotic Ocean, with very unsatisfactory results. The Colonel did not

find it hard to convince me that I should visit the stations in the

far north and try to learn why things were not working well. I was

especially glad to find that Dick Woodward, who had come to Harvard

from the Radiation Laboratory, and had now joined the firm of

Pickard and Burns (which still had a contract to advise the Air

Force in their Low Frequency Loran work) would be available to make

the trip with me.

It happened that my journey to the arctic began in July from our

summer home in New York State. It started with a flight from Albany

to Montreal. This short trip was broken into even shorter legs with

stops at Glens Falls and Burlington and, I think, one or more other

places. Because of the short legs, it was efficient to fly at very

low altitude. The result was the most beautiful flight I ever made.

We started an hour or more before sunset and flew along the Hudson

valley and the length of Lake Champlain, with the Adirondacks

stacked up above us on one side and the Green Mountains on the

other. We were so low that I could sometimes see fish jumping and,

on one occasion, a deer drinking.

I had a short stop in Winnipeg that allowed me a second visit to the

Hudson Bay Company's museum. The Company had, with the passage of

many years, become roughly the equivalent of Sears and Roebuck in

the United States, with tremendous stores selling mostly things of

popular quality. It had not, however, forgotten its beginnings in

the days of the voyageurs, and maintained at its headquarters in

Winnipeg a delightful small museum. It may have been there that I

first heard of the "canots de maitre" that had somehow escaped my

attention in a boyhood in Maine. These were huge canoes thirty feet

or more in length that were customarily paddled by fourteen men.

They were sufficiently capacious to carry several traders and two or

three tons of supplies or furs, and made the long trade routes

possible in the early days of Canada. I later found an excellent

description, by Harrison Gray Otis, of a factory full of these

 

218

canoes, and have occasionally seen a good picture of one of these

remarkable vehicles.

At Edmonton I met Dick and received from him and others details of

the sad story that I had heard in Cambridge. For some reason,

signals were simply not being received in the aircraft at distances

from the transmitters greater than about 400 miles. This seemed

absurd, because we had, in 1945, had reliable signals for at least

1,500 miles, and the low radio noise levels in the arctic ought to

have made even longer ranges possible. There seemed to be evidence

that the correct power was being transmitted and the receivers were

the same that we had used at lower latitudes, so suspicion was

directed to the aircraft antennas or to the coupling units that

connected the antennas to the receivers. The vague descriptions I

heard sounded as though these units had been redesigned by someone,

and I was immediately concerned as we had formerly used an effective

but unusual design that maintained the phase angle that the signal

had when coming from an electrically tiny antenna - tiny because no

structure on an aircraft could be as much as a hundredth of a

wavelength long. It was later determined that the coupling units had

been re-designed in an attempt to increase their efficiency. This

concept should not have been used because it involved altering the

phase angle by a large amount, with consequently heavy losses.

In any case, I found a chance, at the Air Force field laboratory in

Edmonton, to construct a rough equivalent of the old Radiation

Laboratory coupling unit, and took it along in my baggage as we flew

northward in an Air Force plane. The tales I had heard were soon

found to be true enough as the aircraft receiver we used had

detected no signals whatever before we reached Fairbanks. There I

installed the new coupling unit with the happy result that we heard

the proper signals on the ground at the Fairbanks airport and

thereafter throughout the trip.

From Fairbanks we flew to Point Barrow, a mildly nerveracking trip

for an occasional flier as the DC3 we were using was so heavily

loaded that it could not climb over the peaks of the Brooks Range,

while the passes were so full of clouds that we never saw the

mountains. The wide strip of tundra along the coast of the Arctic

Ocean seemed highly uninviting. For reasons I now forget we

travelled by water from Point Barrow to the site of the westernmost

Loran station at Skull Cliff. This trip took several hours in a

small landing craft in a long summer evening that is memorable as

the only occasion when I may have seen the midnight sun. The

uncertainty is one of definition because the sun did actually set

for thirty minutes or more, but did not disappear until five minutes

past midnight by my watch. Later calculations indicated that this

was an extremely sensitive condition. Twenty-four hours earlier the

sun would not have completely disappeared. The upper limb would also

 

Antenna Coupling Units 219

have been visible had we been on the twenty or thirty-foot high

dunes that formed the coast line, instead of being at sea level in

the small boat.

At Skull Cliff we found everything in order with the transmitter

clearly working well. We had the last chance I ever accepted to

climb a six-hundred foot tower. Dick made it all the way, arousing

my envy, but about half way up I decided that the view could not

possibly be any better from the top. We found various odd pieces of

pipe sticking out of the ground in the region close to the tower

footings. These reminded me that I had heard seemingly silly rumors

about the Air Force having carried heavy refrigeration equipment to

the arctic to keep the permafrost from melting. This turned out to

have been exactly true, as the mush resulting when permafrost (or at

least the upper levels of it) is melted would not have safely

supported the tower. The point that had not occurred to me was that

the heat generated while the concrete footings were curing could

have melted the permafrost below and it might have taken a number of

years for the ground supporting the tower to refreeze solidly.

I found the balance between permafrost and the delicate vegetation

of the tundra to be very interesting. The ground in the neighborhood

of the Arctic Ocean was supposed to be frozen to a depth of two or

three thousand feet. In the summer the surface thawed, but only for

the top yard or less. The waterproof boundary at the top of the

permafrost allowed the surface water to collect so that the topsoil

was more nearly mud than earth. It was by no means as unstable as

quicksand and it did support a dense mattresslike vegetation a few

inches high. The surface, however, could be ruined very easily. We

were told that the tracks of all the caterpillar-treaded vehicles

that had ever traversed the tundra in the summer could still be

seen, and we did indeed see many of them from the air. The people

working near the Air Force stations had learned never to drive over

the unfrozen tundra twice in exactly the same path. Repeated use of

a path created a series of holes two or three feet deep that even

the tractors found it hard to escape from, as they were full of a

wet and soft mud much more slippery than the kind I had known in mud

season as a boy.

We went back to Point Barrow in a little Norseman aircraft operated

by a bush pilot who would fly anywhere and carry anything that would

earn him a few dollars. On the way down the coast we had seen from a

distance of a couple of hundred yards the memorial marker erected on

the dunes near the spot where Will Rogers and Wiley Post had been

killed in 1935. I told our pilot that I hoped I could get a

photograph of this as we flew north. He told me to go back into the

empty fuselage and open a window and he would do the rest. To my

surprise he took us down to a height of thirty feet or so and passed

the monument at a distance of twenty yards or a little more. The

 

Permafrost / Homing Again 220

pilot had waved to tell me when to be ready, but I was astonished

later to find that my snapshot showed the monument neatly centered

in the picture. Having brought us down to this low level with only,

as I recall, ten or fifteen more miles to go, our friend did not

bother to regain altitude. He flew along a hundred yards or less

from the coast and so low that he seemed to climb a little whenever

we passed over an Eskimo in a kayak.

At Point Barrow I enjoyed my finest shower bath at the naval

station. The bath house was extremely hot and the bath felt

wonderful after three or four days of working and sleeping in our

clothes.

* * *

From Point Barrow we flew east along the coast toward the other

operating station, stopping for lunch at Barter Island, a small

Eskimo village near Prudhoe Bay, although at that date we did not

hear that name.

Our signals were excellent and readings apparently accurate. This

prompted me to make a suggestion, perhaps a foolish one. Our program

was to fly over the Loran station at Kittigazuit, a little to the

east of the MacKenzie River delta, and then fly up that river as far

as Norman Wells, this latter part being, as well as I can remember,

a trip that required two or three hours. Although we had only two

Loran stations operating, and therefore no navigational fix, I hoped

that I could so guide the plane that we would sooner or later pass

near our destination. This was exactly the experiment I had tried in

the blimp many years before, but now it would be done at much

greater distance from the stations and with mixed sky and ground

waves of far less predictability, considering my state of ignorance

about radio propagation in the arctic. Although the area had been

charted for ground waves, at least the signal from Skull Cliff would

be dominated by the sky wave component. There was, of course, no

experience in the arctic to suggest how great an adjustment should

be made for this factor. An additional source of difficulty was that

the course of the MacKenzie River was at such an angle to the Skull

Cliff-Kittigazuit baseline that the error of position was about a

mile for each two microseconds of measurement error, or about six

times worse than the nominal best. Any considered judgment would

suggest that I had no great probability of coming within twenty

miles of my target.

Everything, however, went very favorably. Not even inquiring what

the wind might be, and knowing only that our general direction would

be southeast, I told the pilot to follow a course of 135 degrees and

settled down to watch my pulses. Whatever wind there was seemed to

be compensated by the error in my assumed heading, and we flew along

 

Homing to Norman Wells 221

obviously near the right path. After a time I thought we were

drifting a little toward the east, so I asked for a course

correction of five degrees and held that for twenty minutes or more

before going back to the original heading. My difficulty was that I

had to guess at a sky-wave correction of perhaps forty microseconds

in the reading to be expected at Norman Wells. With no idea of the

exact correction, it seemed senseless to chase a number that might

or might not be right.

It happened that some sharp changes in the direction of the river

brought it under us twice at nearly right angles to our course. As

these crossings were half an hour or more apart I was able (simply

by glancing out of the window and at my watch) to give the pilot an

estimated time of arrival that turned out to be correct within a

minute, to my great credit, although of course this estimate had

nothing to do with Loran. After the one course adjustment I had made

we pounded along for an hour or more without my being able to decide

on another change.

The river at Norman Wells took a turn that broughtus there over a

range of hills near the town. The usual approach would have been to

turn aside and come along the valley to the airstrip. By the time we

got there, however, the pilot was interested in my experiment and

simply climbed a little to cross the range of hills. To my surprise

and delight we passed them to find the town a short distance away on

one side and the airstrip about equally near on the other. After

this experience I tried to be very careful about displaying my

navigational talents, as I was sure I could only reduce my average

accuracy.

This performance had a profound effect (for which I am very sorry)

upon Sid Colethorpe, the Air Force navigator of our plane. Poor Sid

had been fighting to make Loran work for a long time with no satis

faction whatever, and it obviously hurt him to have a rank amateur

do something he had been unable to do. He spent the rest of the trip

muttering things like, "You really can't send a Ph.D. with each one

of these things!" He seemed so depressed that I thought it kinder

not to tell him that I had no doctorate. From various sources I

learned later that Sid was one of the finest Arctic navigators, and

also that he continued to talk about this trip to Norman Wells as

long as he was assigned to the Loran project. He made it almost his

only subject of conversation when I met him at some convention years

later.

In spite of reasonably good success with improved antenna coupling

units, the Air Force lost interest in Low Frequency Loran after a

time, and the idea languished for nearly a decade until it was

revived under other auspices with the name Loran C. In this

implementation it had the benefit of greatly increased power in the

 

Homing to Norman Wells 222

transmitters and with a series of pulses from each station that also

helped to improve the effective signal strength and permit reliable

operation.


I have not explained how it happened that Dick Woodward had left

Harvard. After World War II the University had found it necessary to

formalize the up or out policy that had quietly obtained before the

war. As a result, the three of us from the Radiation Laboratory who

had corporation appointments were advised that our annual renewals

would no longer be given. We had plenty of notice of this action, or

lack of it, and Dick and Al Pote' presently found suitable positions

elsewhere.

In my own case, I found it hard to come to grips with the problem. I

felt that Harvard had given me great and undeserved opportunities,

and I hated the idea of leaving people who had become my dearest

friends. I did receive flattering offers of consideration, at least,

from Cornell and Johns Hopkins, and was sufficiently interested in

the former to visit the campus to investigate the faculty with which

I might become associated. A good friend at M.I.T., Jay Stratton,

had become President of that Institute and he expressed great

interest and confidence when he visited me - for unfortunately I was

the victim of a lingering illness during this period and spent

several months in bed. While Jay did not go so far as to suggest a

position at M.I.T., I think that he exerted some influence at

Harvard. Whether the reason was something of this sort, or simply

that Harvard had become used to seeing me around and perhaps had (in

spite of occasional indications to the contrary) a somewhat tender

spot in its corporate heart, the situation resolved itself before I

was required to make a decision. In June of 1950 I received from the

Secretary of the Corporation one of the comforting and coveted

announcements of an appointment without limit of time.

In October of that year, soon after the fall term had begun, I

received a request to call upon the Provost. This puzzled and

perhaps worried me as the Provost, Paul Buck, administered the

entire University while President Conant, so far as I could tell

from the little available evidence, devoted himself to such matters

as being High Commissioner to Germany or rarefied thinking about

educational policy.

I appeared in University Hall at the required time and soon found

myself engaged in an oral examination that, although conducted with

the greatest delicacy, was as comprehensive as any I ever heard a

doctoral candidate subjected to. The affair was, on the surface, a

friendly and wide-ranging conversation. I first recognized the game

when Mr. Buck was apparently afflicted by a slight and most

 

A Permanent Appointment and an Examination 223

uncharacter-istic mental block and allowed me to supply the name of

Frank Lloyd Wright during a discussion of Harvard architecture. A

few minutes later, after I had mentioned my interest in having seen,

in the Provost's outer office, the clock presented to the President

of Harvard by Simon Willard, I was allowed to show that I had been

able to understand the Latin inscription on the case. The

conversation roamed on like this for an hour and a half, touching

lightly (it seemed) on every field of learning except my own. After

this length of conversation I was beginning to wonder how my

inquisitor would manage to bring this pleasant chat to a close. Soon

the telephone rang, possibly by pre-arrangement, for the first time

since I had arrived. The Provost's end of the conversation indicated

that President Conant had a problem for him. Within twenty seconds

Mr. Buck was able to make his excuses to me and disappear in the

direction of Massachusetts Hall. He never spoke to me again. I can

only assume that he must have been overcome by curiosity about the

qualifications of this odd creature who had crept into his

university through the back door. This story reminds me that I

should tell about the only conversation I ever had with President

Conant. Soon after World War II I had become irritated by what

seemed to me baseless worries about the prostitution of learning

that might follow upon giving government grants or contracts to the

universities. To vent my feelings, I wrote a paper that I called The

Scientist's Dilemma. In this I maintained the position that the

ultimate responsibility lay, as it always had lain, with the

scientist himself. He could accept or reject any governmental

suggestion or request as freely as one from any other source. The

scientist had always shaped his research, to some degree, in a yay

that made it possible to attract money, whether it were from a

business firm, a learned society, or an interested individual. In

this respect, Federal money had no different effect than any other.

If the scientist chose to accept a grant, it would be because he

believed that it would do more good than rejecting it, whether for

himself or his college or his country or perhaps some other group.

He was, in any event, more fortunate than, many another, because his

university would not and could not force him to do research on a

distasteful subject. And so on and on.

It happened that this paper had justbeen finally typed so that I had

a carbon copy of it in my pocket when I went to La Flamme's barber-

shop for a haircut. During a wait, no less a dignitary than

President Conant came in and sat down on the bench beside me. The

sensation that this was meant seemed irresistible. Identifying

myself as I reached into my pocket with a hackneyed "I just happen

to have . . . " approach, I asked the President if he would be kind

enough to read my paper some time and let me know what he thought of

it. To my surprise, he started to read it immediately. After a few

minutes a barber called me. I thought momentarily of deferring to

Mr. Conant, but then decided not to interfere. From the far end of

 

President Conant's Haircut 224

the shop I could watch in a mirror. Mr. Conant read carefully for a

total of perhaps twenty minutes, occasionally referring back to an

earlier page and some times apparently pausing to think. During this

interval a barber would sometimes call him, but he paid no attention

to these distractions. When he had finished, he looked around to

find me and brought back the paper. He spoke of it in a fairly

complimentary way, but declared himself disappointed that I had not

come out more strongly in favor of the idea of a National Science

Foundation, which was then pending. After five minutes of

conversation, during which the barber, Charlie Ferrara (who had just

come out of the Army) stood back and waited almost at attention, Mr.

Conant returned to the front of the shop, found his hat, and left. I

never dared try to find out whether he forgot his haircut or had

simply used up his available time. After this incident, for as long

as President Conant lived, the barbers would from time to time

inquire for news of my friend, Mr. Conant. It speaks well for the La

Flamme shop, to one who dislikes unnecessary change, that now in

1985 Charlie still cuts my hair using the same chair where he was

stationed in 1946.

 


225

18.

Radux and Other Things

 

As described above, in 1947 I had proposed, in a report that had to

be classified, a somewhat different aid to navigation that I called

Radux. After three years or more of consideration, the Navy decided

that this idea should be tested. This raised a series of problems

for me that lasted a dozen years or more. Harvard would, quite

properly, not consider doing research under a military security

classification, while the Navy insisted for several more years that

the work on navigational aids for the future had to be classified.

This difference in attitudes, with the seemingly-obvious fact that I

ought to contribute to these ideas in the national interest, led to

some curious situations. My precise instructions from Harvard came

later to insist that if I should receive an envelope that I thought

might contain classified matter that could be related in any way to

any Harvard contract I must not open it but send it to a vice-

president of the University. At the same time, Harvard provided me

with a large safe in which to keep my classified documents, as it

was recognized that I had a legitimate responsibility as an advisor

to the government through membership on various committees or

through occasional formal or informal appointments to federal

laboratories and departments.

The Navy, also, had its difficulties, because security clearance was

only granted following a request from one's employer and Harvard

would not make such a request. This dilemma was eventually resolved

with a genius worthy of the proverbial Philadelphia lawyer. The

Secretary of the Navy designated John A. Pierce, with an address in

my office at Harvard (cited merely as Cruft Laboratory, Cambridge,

Massachusetts, without mention of the University), as a facility

which was entitled to deal with classified matters. I was highly

amused when the same mail that brought a certificate from the

Secretary testifying to this fact also brought a second document

notifying me (as a facility) that I (as a person) had been cleared

to handle the appropriate classified material, and warning me that I

must under no circumstances tell myself anything about the status of

my security classification.

To start helping to plan an experimental program for the Radux

system, I took my second trip to San Diego and began making the

acquaintance of a research and development group there, with which I

was to be closely associated for fifteen years or so. For most of

this period I made four or five trips to the West Coast each year,

for it was far easier to confer in person than to deal with the

various problems in writing, especially with the classification

 

Radux Instrumentation 226

difficulty hanging over my heed. The Navy Electronics Laboratory

agreed to build and operate transmitters at San Diego and Hawaii,

where reasonably adequate low frequency antennas were available and

not in continuous use. I began making a receiver and one or two of

different types were to be made under contract by the Sperry

Corporation, where Winslow Palmer (who had worked in cooperation

with M.I.T. during the war, and who designed the first direct

reading Loran receiver) could guide the development. Win, Dick

Woodward, and I, with representatives of N.E.L., the Naval Research

Laboratory, and the Bureau of Ships were formed into a steering

committee that really worked remarkably well, chiefly because it met

frequently and directly with the people doing much of the design and

experimentation.

In this 1950-1952 era, we at Harvard made rather cumbersome

receiver-indicators of a radically new design, because the merits of

cross-correlation (as opposed to simple filtering) were just

becoming recognized, while the elegant techniques that later came

into existence had not yet been devised. An almost miraculous

property of cross-correlation (or the art of comparing an incoming

signal with a noise-free replica of it produced in the receiver) is

that it does not have to be done extremely well to produce nearly

perfect results. This unexpected factor came to my aid, so that at

Cambridge my first crude machine detected and measured the relative

phase of a signal from Hawaii, although we never expected the

reliable range of the system to be more than 3,000 miles. The proof

of this feat was somewhat amusing. My first attempt to measure the

phase difference between the signals from Hawaii and San Diego

resulted in a reading about 2,500 microseconds away from the

expected value. After tracking the signals for several hours and

becoming convinced that the results were real and not a statistical

accident,I telephoned to San Diego to inquire whether an explanation

of this result could be traced to the transmitter synchronizing

method. After studying for several hours, N.E.L. called back to say

that the modulation signal had accidentally been inverted at the

slave station with a resulting error of one-half period, or

precisely 2,500 microseconds. Because I had detected this difficulty

in Cambridge before it had been discovered in San Diego, everyone

involved in the program had to admit that I had really received the

proper signals, unexpected as that might have been.

An early experiment on Radux resulted in my going to Hawaii to

support (or perhaps just to watch) some trials with a new receiver

made by the Naval Research Laboratory. These observations were made

at Wahiawa, a village surrounded by pineapple plantations near the

center of Oahu, where the Navy had a small installation whose nature

I do not recall. The experiments were neither very successful nor

failures and left no great impression on my memory, but the trip to

Hawaii had one or two interesting features. Getting there was the

 

Radux Instrumentation 227

first, as I had not before encountered the Stratocruiser that the

United Air Lines had begun using between the mainland and Hawaii.

This was, for its day, a tremendous aircraft that looked rather like

a doublebellied whale with wings. Seeing one on the runway it was

hard to believe that it could fly, as it seemed as tall as a two

story house and about equally airworthy. Actually, I was told, it

was a very satisfactory aircraft. It was the only airplane I ever

encountered that had a half-dozen berths, any one of which, for some

reason I never understood, could be engaged for a price of $10

beyond the normal first-class fare. Even more surprising was the

fact that, just before boarding time, I was able to secure a berth.

As a result I was able to sleep serenely until a stewardess woke me

with morning coffee shortly before landing at Honolulu.

At Pearl Harbor I made duty calls on various officers who had only

the vaguest idea of why I should be wasting their time, and then was

driven to Wahiawa and installed in the Bachelor Officer's Quarters.

I found that the small group from N.R.L. had already set up its

equipment, so I really had little to do but watch the work proceed.

It happened that my stay extended through Aloha Week, a gala period

whose highlight was similar to the Rose Parade in California

although smaller. It also featured flower-decorated floats and was

extensive enough to last a couple of hours. For this occasion a

pretty WAVE lieutenant at Wahiawa agreed to drive me to Honolulu and

introduce me to the festivities. In honor of the time and place, she

dressed in semi-Hawaiian style. It is one of my happy memories to

have watched the Marine Corps guards at the station meticulously

saluting the good-looking babe in the muumuu as we drove out and in

again.

Of course I visited the Radux transmitting station at Haiku. This

was established in the remains of a volcanic crater, surrounded by a

horseshoe of mountains about 3,000 feet high except where the wall

had collapsed on the side toward the sea. The antennas were

stretched across the mile and a half width of the horseshoe, with

downleads from the centers of the various spans that dropped 1,500

feet to the station on the floor of the crater. There was a large

antenna, consisting of four long spans, that had served for Navy

very low frequency communications, and a shorter span that had been

used for communications in the 100 kilohertz region. This TCG

antenna had been loaned to the Radux project for which it was

admirably suited. The whole site was the most beautiful place I saw

on Oahu, as the surrounding mountains were steep and green and

folded in complex patterns. The view out to the sea a mile or so

away included the only islands that decorate the coast of Oahu. The

only defect from a radio point of view was that the semitropical

climate and heavy rainfall encouraged a luxurious growth of vines

which climbed over the counterpoise network of wires that had to be

 

A Trip to Hawaii 228

used instead of a normal ground system. Chopping away this growth

required frequent and unusual maintenance efforts to keep the

efficiency of the antenna system at a reasonable level.

Among other entertainments, a friend took me to dinner at the

Outrigger Canoe Club, which I recall chiefly as containing the most

spectacular collection of beautiful women I have ever seen. I still

have no idea whether this display was normal to Oahu or whether

Aloha Week had brought in specimens from other climes.

A bit of shopping and a trip around the island completed my only

visit to Oahu. To my surprise, I was again able at the last minute

to secure a berth for my return to California. This round trip was

the only occasion on which I have been able to sleep in comfort on

an aircraft.


In 1951 and 1952 I had a close view of some of the mechanism of

Harvard University. This experience reinforced my admiration of the

intellectual brilliance and, more importantly, of the sense of honor

and deep understanding of many of the University's officers of most

of them, I trust. It had happened that, in support of the Radux

program and for more general reasons, I felt the need of a survey of

the natural radio noise as a function of latitude. I borrowed a

number of noise-measuring calibrated receivers from the Navy and set

up a two-months' program, at the height of the noise season in

midsummer, so that all the receivers would be measuring at the same

frequencies on the same dates, with a schedule that covered the

needed frequencies again and again. The receivers were deployed at

sites along the backbone of North America, near 96 degrees west

longitude, ranging from Vera Cruz in southern Mexico to Resolute in

the Canadian islands in the Arctic Ocean.

Arrangements for operation at all of these sites were not completed

without difficulty, except inside the United States where we found

that the Navy had installations at the most improbably inland

locations. Even our good friends in Canada found enough reasons to

quibble to need two or three months of negotiations. Mexico we found

almost impossible to induce to cooperate even though we asked

nothing from them except permission to import and use the equipment.

In the end, all of Harvard's efforts failed except that it turned

out to be possible to get the Secretary of State, John Foster

Dulles, to exert his influence on the Mexican officials. The Navy

authorized several of its installations (that happened to have the

proper equipment) to cooperate with measurements made in the same

way on the same schedule, so that we finally had an excellent set of

measurements extending from the Panama Canal Zone to the State of

Washington and to eastern Canada, as well as from the pri

 

Noise Survey / Classification of Research 229

marystations mentioned above. I did not help with any of the

measurements myself but sat in the middle of the web answering

questions and trying to help clear up many problems with man-made

radio interference at the various sites. Happily Professor Mimno,

who was addicted to vacations in Mexico and had good command of the

Spanish language, offered to make the observations at Vera Cruz,

with some local help.

Before this project was ready, I had the foolish idea that it would

be advisable to do some classified work without having to leave

Harvard. This project was conceived as a support for the military

during the Korean conflict, which was agitating others besides me. I

started by writing a half-dozen page memorandum to my recent

acquaintance, the Provost. He did me the courtesy of taking the

matter seriously, although it would violate stated Harvard policy,

and presently called a meeting of about forty heads of scientific

departments and projects, to discuss it. I had exactly one friend in

this assembly and it should not have surprised me that the vote on

my proposal was rejected by a vote of forty to one. This result

really did not depress me greatly, as I could easily understand and

support the position of Harvard, and also because I realized that

the activity proposed would not be worldshaking.

The thing that fascinated me at the time, and, has seemed even more

improbable in retrospect, was that many of the same officials who

were strongly opposed to the idea of accepting secret work were

simultaneously doing all they possibly could to help me in the noise

survey. This appeared to me to be completely explained by their

acceptance of the fundamental idea that the holder of a permanent

appointment (minor though mine was) had to be recognized as the best

judge of what he should be doing. So long as my plans did not

"infringe" upon the work of others, the administrative officers

seemed to feel that their only duty was to support my efforts in any

possible way. On the other hand, when my plans threatened either

established policy or the privileges of others they would be fought

not with fury but with all strength and skill. It was, in this

example, inspiring to see how the dedicated officers could carry out

their dual functions without letting any emotional resonance to one

of them affect the performance of the other.

It remains unfortunate that the complete results of the noise survey

have not been published. There happened to be a naval officer in the

Bureau of Ships who insisted most vehemently that the data had to be

kept classified. This officer had essentially nothing to do with

either my research or the groups in the Navy and elsewhere that

needed the information, but he was powerful enough to intimidate me,

especially as I could not consider dragging Harvard into a

classification wrangle after it had been so helpful and courteous to

me. After many months during which several of us had worked hard to

 

Noise / American Academy 230

reduce the data to, or at least toward, final form for publication,

I gave up and stored the original and reduced data in the drawers of

a large desk. There they were essentially abandoned as the intensity

of the research that I soon began gave me no time to complete the

data reduction for many years. Fortunately I had been able to convey

the most necessary information to the groups that needed it by

letter or graph, and by personal conference.

* * *

In 1952 I received one of my more satisfying recognitions when I was

elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. This

honorary society was founded largely through the efforts of John

Adams. For most of the two centuries since then it remained

primarily a local society satisfied with its Journal, monthly

meetings, and distribution of occasional awards. It has recently

become much more of a national organization. I take a foolish

satisfaction in the fact that the diploma attesting to my fellowship

was struck from the same engraver's plate as the one awarded to

Benjamin Franklin that used to hang on a wall in the house of the

Academy. I cannot refrain from quoting a few words from the charter

granted by the Great and General Court in 1780 where, after reciting

a number of good things that the new organization is entitled to do,

it concludes with the ringing exhortation: "and, in fine, to

cultivate every art and science which may tend to advance the

interest, honor, dignity and happiness of a free, independent and

virtuous people". Would that the current generation of Americans

(and especially the legislature of Massachusetts) felt as deep an

interest in these ends as did our forefathers.

Another award that gave me more than average satisfaction came in

1953 when the Institute of Radio Engineers gave me its Liebmann

Prize. This nominally marked the most important recent contribution

to radio. It was really given in response to my work on Radux

although that name was classified and could not be mentioned in the

citation. Soon after this award was given to me, its cash value was

increased. In 1953 the amount was enough to pay for the new dinner

jacket I had to buy so that I could attend the annual dinner at

which the award was given, with possibly enough left over to pay my

fare to New York for the presentation. This dinner was the last

occasion at which any lady said I was handsome, thus proving that

Brooks Brothers had done its duty. It baffles most people when I

tell them that this compliment came from the original Betty Crocker,

whose real name was Adelaide and who was married to an officer of

the Institute. The Liebmann Prize has increased in cash worth but

decreased in importance since 1953, because it is now only one of a

number of technical awards.

* * *

 

Noise / American Academy 231

 

The Radux work was carried on until at least 1958 but then subsided

in favor of a variant system that will presently be described. In

the interim there were many interesting happenings, few of them

truly technical. On one occasion when I spent a weekend in San

Diego, I joined Commander Lyle Read in a watercolor painting class

that was held in Torrey Pines Park. Lyle had done remarkable work in

getting the Naval air arm to accept Loran during the war and had

recently become Radux Program Officer at N.E.L. On this trip I

painted my only water color (that has been carefully kept from sight

ever since) and also caught a beautiful - if that is the right word

- horned toad that Catherine and I kept for a number of years. This

creature was named Radux Junior by the boys at N.E.L., and by

coincidence died at about the same time that the Radux project did.

After I had brought him to Arlington, we put him into an old

aquarium that had perhaps three quarters of an inch of sand in the

bottom. The next morning the lizard had disappeared, although a wire

cover over the, aquarium seemed not to have been moved. We hunted

the house over without finding him, but an hour or two later he was

discovered sitting peacefully on the sand. We deduced that he must

have dug into the sand although the surface had appeared

undisturbed. We then gave him more sand to make it easier for him to

go to bed. We also provided a light bulb overhead to simulate the

desert sun. It did not take long to find out that he usually dug

himself in about fifteen minutes after we turned the light out in

the evening. With patience we learned to recognize the body language

that indicated that he was about to disappear. He would rock from

side to side at an accelerating rate, finally lifting first one

front foot and then the other. After two or three minutes of this

preparation, he would suddenly dig madly with all four legs tossing

sand into the air. For a few seconds a cloud of flying sand would

have about the size and shape of the upper half of a horizontal

football. Then the lizard would suddenly stop digging and lie flat,

while the flying sand fell back and covered him. Instantly, it

seemed, both the creature and the flying sand had disappeared,

leaving the surface so smooth that it was impossible to tell which

part contained him. As he grew old, it seemed that he lost the

ability to keep quite enough sand in the air. Occasionally then the

final part of his disappearance was a sideways twitch that drew the

last half inch of tail under cover.

We also discovered that when we turned on his light the horned toad

would appear on the surface in ten minutes or so, presumably as soon

as the heat had penetrated into his bed. After thus learning his

habits we were usually able to make him perform for guests, because

it was easy to keep an unnoticed eye upon the aquarium and call the

attention of our friends just as he was ready.

 

 

Radux, Junior 232

A pastime indulged in from time to time by the Radux engineers was

an evening in Tijuana. I learned quickly that this city is really

neither Mexican nor American but has a kind of raucus charm

characteristic of the border. Two things were surprising: the low

prices of some things, such as a fairly good meal, and the small

number of people who spoke much English. A powerful drink of tequila

could be had in most of the many bars for fifteen cents, although it

cost twice as much in the places that called themselves night clubs

and featured raunchy entertainment. These saloons did not go so far

as to demand a cover charge, but they did not suffer from this

policy. I enjoyed learning to d rink tequila with the correct

formality, finding from painful experience that somehow the salt,

the tequila, and the lemon all had to be ingested nearly

simultaneously.

The chairman of the Radux Steering Committee was Charles Marshburn,

a North Carolina man who claimed that he had been raised to graze

his squirrels with a rifle bullet so that they were killed by

concussion without drawing blood. I gradually came near to believing

this claim, as Charlie could never pass a shooting gallery, either

in San Diego or Tijuana. It was particularly noticeable that the

greater the load of tequila he carried the more deadly his aim.

Charlie's favorite evening entertainment for a group of us in

Tijuana was to roam the streets until we identified the origin of

those old jungle drums that indicated that a strip-tease was in

progress. One of our favorite establishments, called in that era the

Stork Club, was used as a base by a bar girl and occasional

entertainer whom we called Belinda. This unfortunate child had lost

one eye but all her other components were conspicuously present. We

chose her name on the principle that she was as little like its

connotation as could be imagined.

One of my interests in Tijuana was based on the fact that few things

are as fascinating and educational as watching real professionals at

work. The saloons along Main Street (as the Avenida de la Revolucion

was always called) formed an excellent locale for this kind of

study. If, say, five of us entered a bar we would be joined by an

equal number of girls by the time we found ourselves ensconced at a

table little more than a yard in diameter. Within a minute five

tequilas and five glasses of similar appearing liquid would be on

the table, with a suitable apparatus of salt shakers and lemon

fragments. The bill, collected at once, would be three dollars. At

intervals of three to five minutes, a waiter would present himself

to take orders for refills. After two or three of these it could be

noticed, by one who paid attention to the mechanics of the

operation, that some girl would order another round if the customers

did not do so promptly enough. After half an hour some of the

Americans might find it discreet to pass when refills were ordered,

but this would make no difference in the price which would remain at

 

Tijuana 233

three dollars. Eventually a careful observer could note that even

when the only refreshments were glasses of colored water for the

girls, the cost per round remained at the level that had been

established at the beginning of the visit.

Another pleasant opportunity to watch the Tijuanans share their

fortune came one evening when Win Palmer talked the group into going

to Mexico so that he could shop for a half-sized guitar. Win sailed

a small boat and was bothered because his normal guitar took up too

much room. Inquiry at the first of a hundred or more possible shops

did not produce an instrument of the desired size and quality. The

word that a sucker was in town, however, spread faster than we could

walk. For the rest of the evening, no matter where we wandered, two

or three times in each block we would find a salesman with a small

guitar and an importunate manner on the sidewalk in front of his

shop.

On one occasion I thought for a short time that I was gaining some

ability as a trader. In one of the tourist traps I found a pretty

leather handbag that I thought Catherine might like. Earlier

observations had taught me that such a bag would cost fifty dollars

or more in Boston, so I was not surprised to find that the asking

price was $27.95, in American money of course. Having little else to

amuse me at the moment, I offered five dollars, and spent the next

half hour in offers and counterproposals, interspersed with

occasional feints at leaving.

In the end I bought the bag for eight dollars and left the shop

feeling greatly pleased with myself. Nothing would have been easier

than to forget the bag at the customs office, but I thought it might

be well to pay the duty and get the bag stamped in case Catherine

ever happened to cross a border with it. To my chagrin, the customs

officer glanced at the bag and charged me the duty on a value of

$6.50. At least I got the bag stamped and Catherine liked it, but my

opinion of my trading ability instantly went back to its former

level.


Having told of my very good luck in the flight up the Mackenzie

River, I should expose the other side of my small career as a

navigator. This episode came near the end of the Radux program,

before that effort evolved into the more interesting and fruitful

work at the very low radio frequencies. Radux had developed and been

tested to the point at which the Navy wanted independent trials of

the system. These were to be conducted by operating forces and were

not even to be observed by those who had developed the system. At

this date there were three transmitters, at Hawaii, San Diego, and

near Seattle, so that good crossings were available between the

 

Very Bad Navigation 234

lines from a rather long pair across the eastern Pacific and those

from a somewhat short pair along the coast. One of the proposed

exercises was to take advantage of the fact that the Radux signals

could be measured a few feet below the surface of the ocean. It was

planned that an aircraft and a submarine, both navigated by Radux,

should rendezvous off the California coast, when the plane was

supposed to fly over the submarine just as the latter came to the

surface.

I happened to be in San Diego shortly before these trials were to

begin, and had the opportunity to direct an aircraft in a make-

believe meeting with a fictitious submarine at a given time. I

decided that the most elegant way to do this was to fly out to sea

along a Radux line of position that would cross the line of the

other pair of stations which passed through the meeting point, and

then to follow that second line to arrive at the correct point at

the agreed time. It happened that we flew west crossing a strong

south wind, but I had plenty of time to measure the wind speed and

calculate how long it would take to go from our turning point to the

rendezvous. Having started in good time, I found that we reached the

place where we should turn south with ten minutes to spare. I then

thoughtlessly ordered the pilot to circle for a few minutes to use

up our surplus time and then relaxed, which I should never have

done. When I returned to paying attention to our position, I found

that the wind had carried us so far north during the circling that

we could not fly fast enough to reach the rendezvous point in time.

When we duly arrived at the right place three or four minutes late,

I was promptly and none too courteously advised that I should have

asked the pilot to drop a smoke flare so that we could circle a

fixed point. This suggestion was so simple and immediately obvious

that I stil feel the flush of shame as I write about it.

I assume, without proof, that the professionals who carried out the

official trials made no such foolish errors. At least their

conclusions were moderately complimentary. The truth was, however,

that no one really wanted an aid to navigation that was less

accurate than Loran, even if it did have greater range. This simple

fact had much to do with the success of later developments.

 


235

 

19.

Very Low Frequencies

 

In 1953 a happy circumstance began to turn my attention toward the

low and very low radio frequencies. This spectral region had seemed

a nevernever land for an aid to navigation because, at these

frequencies, it is not possible to radiate a short pulse or even a

tone of ordinary audible frequency without an antenna a large

fraction of a mile high and an extent of at least several miles. It

turned out that I was seriously undervaluing the measurement of the

phase of a steady radio-frequency signal, even though I had become

familiar with this idea in the work on Low Frequency Loran nearly a

decade earlier.

The fortunate event was a visit of Dr. Louis Essen to Harvard to

give a Physics Colloquium, very probably about his recent work in

measuring the velocity of light. Dr. Essen was a Principal

Scientific Officer at the National Physical Laboratory in England.

At the time I am sure I did not know of all three of his recent

successes, any one of which would have established a first-class

reputation. He had controlled the size and shape of a quartz cavity,

a few inches in dimensions, so accurately that in that small space

he made what was at the time the most accurate measurement of the

velocity of light. He had also made what remained for years the

world's most constant crystal clock, using a large and very

accurately machined toroid of quartz (the Essen Ring). And he was at

the time developing the first clock controlled by an atomic

resonance in cesium; a technique that has now reached a remarkably

advanced stage with clocks that approach a precision of a millionth

of a second per year.

After his lecture, Dr. Essen came to see our work in the long-

distance measurement of propagational factors, which depended upon

reasonably good frequency control at both ends of the radio circuit.

He promptly saw that this technique might easily be applied to the

measurement of a standard-frequency transmission that had been begun

from the great Post Office radio station at Rugby, England. As a

tool for research and commercial calibration within the British

Isles, the frequency of a small transmitter at 60 kilohertz had been

derived from an Essen Ring oscillator. This frequency was monitored

and corrected through observation at the National Physical

Laboratory as well as at the Greenwich Observatory and at the Post

Office headquarters in London. This signal was transmitted for only

an hour each day and at rather low power, but Dr. Essen thought our

techniques might be sensitive enough to permit good measurement of

the frequency at Harvard.

 

236

 

Almost as soon as Dr. Essen left us, we began the construction of a

special receiver for this 60 kHz signal. This became the first of a

long line of receivers for phase-stable transmissions. We gradually

perfected our technique for limiting the output level of a signal,

rather than using automatic gain control, and we learned to separate

the two functions of amplification and establishment of frequency

selectivity, so that the output phase became independent of the

strength of the signal or of the noise interference. Even this first

carrier-frequency receiver, however, performed what seemed to us to

be a miracle, considering the weakness of the input signal. The new

instrument produced an output so free of contamination that its

phase could be measured with a standard deviation of no more than

four or five degrees of arc, or a quarter of a microsecond in the

apparent time of arrival.

These observations opened a surprising set of possibilities. The

most immediately important was that during the one-hour transmission

of the MSF signal (as it was identified by its call letters, the SF

representing standard frequency) we could measure its frequency to

one part in ten billion, or to the equivalent of about ten

millionths of a second per day in the rate of our clock with respect

to Rugby.

To appreciate the importance of this observation, it is necessary to

review the possibilities that existed in 1953 for long-distance

intercomparisons of clocks. The standard of time was then, as it had

been throughout recorded history, the rotation of the earth. This

standard is not as constant as one might wish, because the rate is

slowed gradually by tidal friction and other factors, and because

the rotation is made irregular by the varied push or drag exerted by

the action of the winds and the currents in the ocean, and in all

probability by similar currents in the molten interior of the earth.

There is also an annual variation caused by the accumulation of snow

on the mountains in the northern winter, which slows the rotation

until melting returns some weight toward sea level in the

springtime. The total of these effects, and doubtless others, is to

make the time as established by the earth vary through a tenth of a

second or so during the year. There are also occasional sporadic

variations, possibly related to earthquakes, that help to make the

prediction of the rate of rotation of the earth difficult and

inaccurate.

Another limitation arises from the fact that time, defined in this

way, must ultimately be measured by the passage of stars across the

meridian and this, because of the slowness of the passage and of

ordinary errors of observation, cannot be determined with an error

less than about five milliseconds. At this level of error, the rate

of rotation of the earth can only be measured to about one part in

 

60-Kilohertz Frequency Comparisons 237

ten million from one day (or night) to the next. It is also

unfortunate that the sending of time signals from one part of the

world to another was, before the age of satellites, subject to

errors of at least the same magnitude. For transmission at low

frequencies, as said above, one cannot produce a short pulse that

could be measured with precision. The same limitation applies for

transmission by telephone or telegraph wire, except in the case of

the coaxial cable which is not yet available except between a

limited number of terminals. For high frequency propagation, except

at very short distances, irregularities are caused by fluctuations

in the height of the ionized layers that reflect the signals. In

short, errors in frequency measurement (which is not the same as

time measurement but is at least closely related to it) were not

often, at long distances, smaller than a few parts in one hundred

million. Thus, surprisingly, we found ourselves with an apparently

reliable radio method of intercomparing frequencies from distant

places with an accuracy between a hundred and a thousand times that

which was known before.

It was immediately obvious that there would be a great increase in

the average accuracy of frequency measurement if the signal from NSF

could be tracked continuously from one day to the next. It is an

inconvenient fact that the phase of a simple sinusoidal signal is

highly ambiguous, as has been noted earlier. With a signal at 60

kHz, these ambiguities were separated by only 16-2/3 microseconds,

while the apparent precision of a part in ten billion corresponded

to a probable drift of more than half that amount in a period of

twenty-four hours. Thus the straight line in frequency, determined

in one hour, could be projected forward to the succeeding day with a

chance, but no certainty, of identifying the correct cycle on the

second day. The reliability of such an estimate would depend almost

entirely upon the question of whether the oscillators (or clocks) at

both ends of the radio circuit could be relied upon to maintain

constant rates during the many hours when they were not being

compared. With the limited knowledge of precision oscillators

available in 1953, a long silent period seemed to make the

measurement too uncertain to be worth considering.

My first step toward better day-to-day precision was, of course, to

communicate with Dr. Essen and presently with Mr. H. T. Mitchell,

the Post Office executive most concerned with control of frequency,

to see whether the NSF transmissions could be extended in time. It

was ultimately possible to get occasional 24-hour transmissions, but

so rarely. were they available that determination of the reliability

of a continuous measurement was not attainable.

When I was sure that this effort was not becoming very productive, I

began a more serious campaign. Rugby was famous (aside from

football) not for the weak MSF transmission but for the 16 kHz

 

Problems in Intercomparison of Time 238

signal whose call letters were GBR. This transmitter was maintained

and operated by the Post Office but used to a great extent for Naval

communications on a nearly worldwide basis. The power radiated was

many times greater than that used by MSF, and the frequency was

better adapted to long-range communication. This station,

incidentally, was so well known that it was one of the few places I

had visited during my first stop in England in 1936.

My first attempts to induce the Post Office to derive the frequency

of GBR from the same source used for MSF met with no success. It did

not appear to be difficult to provide the necessary equipment for

this change, but the Post Office realized quite clearly that, for

their limited purpose of supplying a standard frequency useful in

the British Isles, the MSF signal was better than that of GBR would

be, because for a given accuracy the higher frequency could allow

faster measurements.

When these attempts showed no indication that they would ever be

successful, I attacked the problem through Mr. J. A. Ratcliffe, whom

I had met as far back as my 1936 visit and who had become the

director of the Radio Research Board's experimental station at

Slough. My chief argument was that there was to be a total eclipse

of the sun in 1954 whose track would cross the path of the signal

from England to New England. I made the suggestion, with or without

serious belief, that the behavior of the phase of the GBR signal at

such a low frequency might cast new light upon the structure of the

ionosphere. To my complete surprise and pleasure, Mr. Ratcliffe's

resulting pressure on the Post Office was completely successful, as

the necessary frequency-synthesizing equipment was soon prepared and

installed. I am sorry to have to admit that the eclipse effect,

although I duly observed it, was so minor that it proved nothing in

particular. The GBR frequency-deriving equipment, however, since it

had been officially made and installed by the Post Office, remained

in existence and provided a very useful service until the present

day, I believe, or certainly at least until my retirement.

At this lower frequency and with transmission that was continuous

except for an hour or two each day, there was no longer a question

of cycle-slipping or ambiguity. It quickly became clear that,

although there was a change of more than 30 microseconds in the time

taken by the propagation between day and night, at any chosen hour

of the day the phase of the received signal repeated from day to day

with excellent accuracy. This was the first of many observations

that showed a propagational stability greater than that usually

attained by our oscillators. This aspect of the newly-discovered

precision of frequency measurement made many people doubtful that I

could be attaining the results I claimed. As I have suggested above,

extremely careful control of the temperature of our oscillators and

of the voltages applied to them were an important part of the

 

The First VLF Phase Measurements 239

program. Another was the fact that I was not required to judge the

stability of propagation from continuous data. I could select

periods of a few days, or occasionally a fortnight or so, during

which there was no evidence of anomalies in the operation of our

oscillators. At these selected times, the day-to-day repeatability

of the transmission time seemed to be in the neighborhood of two

microseconds in time. This estimate turned out to be approximately

correct, but it was to be several years before I could demonstrate

this fact by an unambiguous experiment.

In the interim, my carefully selected data seemed to show that there

was no characteristic average variation of the time of arrival of

the GBR signal throughout either the daytime or the night-time

hours. The distinctly different transmission times at these periods

were connected by nearly straight lines during the sunrise and

sunset periods, which naturally lasted for five hours or so; the

length of time it takes a sunrise or sunset to cross the Atlantic

Ocean. The result was a somewhat trapezoidal pattern with sunrise

and sunset slopes that varied during the year, as the angle changed

between the sunrise or sunset line and the great circle representing

the transmission path. It later turned out that the nearly uniform

time of transmission during the hours of full daylight was an

unusual condition peculiar to the GBR frequency and the length and

location of the transmission path. It is much more characteristic of

low-frequency propagation in general that the daytime level (of the

time of arrival) is depressed to some degree as the sun gradually

moves higher in the sky, so that there is a broad minimum near the

time when it is noon at the middle of the transmission path.

It did not take long to discover that the sharpest corner of the GBR

diurnal trapezoid when sunrise impinged upon the eastern end of the

transmission path, occurred about 30 minutes before ground-level

sunrise at the point below the nominal first reflection point 500

miles or so away from the eastern end of the path. The other three

corners were less sharp, especially the one at the end of the sunset

period when the effect of recombination made the return to a full

night-time level somewhat slow. The variation of these observations

as the date changed led to some interesting conclusions about the

detachment and reattachment of free electrons from and to neutral

ions, but these theoretical deductions were perhaps less important

than the fact that, with a little experience, the diurnal variations

in the time of transmission across the Atlantic could be predicted

to within a few microseconds.

These observations and conclusions led me in 1955 to write two

papers that were to be of future importance. One was a general

announcement of the new technique. It surveyed the background and

the results of observation, and gave something of a list of uses to

which this mechanism might become helpful. Emphasis was placed upon

 

The Beginning of Radux-Omega 240

the new possibilities for intercomparison of clocks at widely-

separated locations. Applications to radio aids to navigation were

reasonably obvious, at least to me, but were only casually mentioned

in the paper because the whole subject of navigation aids was still

held under military security. I did not choose to violate the spirit

of this decision (with which I violently disagreed) even though such

a newly recognized mechanism could not, of course, be classified in

advance of discovery.

The second paper took the form of a letter report, that could be

classified by the recipient, to the Chief of Naval Research. This

study, called "An Improved Radio Aid to Navigation", reviewed the

work on Radux to that date and called attention to the weaknesses of

that system: especially the limited distance range that could be

served and the magnitude of the typical errors that were already

being recognized as rather larger than would be likely to be

accepted by maritime navigators. The report proposed the addition of

very-low-frequency signals to be radiated by the same antennas.

These signals at, say 10 kHz would be compared in a receiver that

also accepted the Radux signals at 40 or 50 kHz. This composite

system would exhibit the sensitivity and reliability of the 10 kHz

signals, while the increased ambiguity (because the proposed

carrier-frequency period was fifty times smaller than at the Radux

measurement frequency of 200 Hertz) would, it was hoped, be resolved

by the Radux signals. The net result should, I believed, be an

increase of perhaps five times in the accuracy of navigational

measurements.

These suggestions were quickly endorsed by the Navy and some efforts

to this end were soon added to the Radux program at the Navy

Electronics Laboratory and elsewhere. These developments envisaged a

composite system called Radux-Omega. The Omega part was a name I

chose by way of implying that it occupied the furthest end of the

radio wavelength spectrum. More recent naval attempts to improve

communication with submerged submarines may have made this

connotation invalid, although the communication studies have been

concealed by security classification and bedeviled by political

considerations (including, of all things, concern about the health

of earthworms) until it is hard to tell how successful they may be.

Now, if I am asked for a reason for the name, I am more likely to

suggest that it indicates Pierce's absolutely last effort in radio

aids to navigation. I don't suppose I have ever protested much at

the idea that the name connotes the last word, although I realize as

well as anyone that a permanent solution to the navigation problem,

if there ever is one, will probably come from artificial satellites,

if and when costs decrease to make that kind of solution generally

available.

One of the early pre-Omega attempts at Harvard was the reception of

 

Pre-Omega Studies 241

a signal from San Diego at a frequency of ten thousand cycles per

second. This frequency is clearly audible to the human ear, as was

shown by an early cartoon sketched by one of the men at San Diego,

labelled Omega Receiver, Mark I, Mod. I, which showed a circuit

diagram consisting of a pair of headphones connected between an

antenna and ground. My reception was done satisfactorily, using the

new cross-correlation technique, although it was possible to radiate

only thirty watts from the small antenna supported by three 625-foot

antenna towers at Chollas Heights. In fact, I was delighted to find

that, with lengthy integration, I could measure the field strength

to a decibel and the relative time of arrival to a microsecond after

the radiated power had been reduced to one watt. Of course no one

seriously proposed a useful system that did not have thousands of

times this power level, but the success of the experiment showed

clearly the great advantages of the very low frequency in range and

reliability.


At the time of these studies, we were still recording the time of

arrival of the pulse transmitted once per second from the standard-

frequency station WWV, as part of our continuing study of high

frequency propagation. WWV had not then moved from the Washington,

D.C., area to its later home at Fort Collins, Colorado. Because of

the short path from the transmitter to Cambridge, we were able to

record a good first-hop E layer signal at five megahertz in the

daytime hours. This signal, like the Loran ones of the preceding

decade, was far more stable when reflected from the E layer than

from the higher F layer. As a result, we could measure the relative

time of arrival to about five microseconds; a much greater error

than that at 60 kHz. Even so, measurement of the drift over 24

hours gave us a standard deviation of the day's average frequency of

about one part in ten billion.

We thus suddenly found ourselves in the position of being able to

intercompare the British and American versions of standard frequency

with an accuracy about a thousand times greater than had been

possible before. Unfortunately, explanation of this fact and its

importance will require a little digression into the methods of

determination of time and frequency that were available in 1955.

The distinction between time and frequency can be made clear by

thinking of an ordinary tall clock. If it is so regulated that its

pendulum beats exactly 86,400 times in a mean solar day, its

frequency is correct. In horological terms it is usual to say that

its rate is right. This exact adjustment of frequency, or period,

has however nothing to do with the time indicated by the hands of

the clock, except that this indication will drift slowly if the rate

is only a little in error. The hands must be set, separately from

 

Measurement of Time 242

adjustment of the rate, so that the clock indicates substantial

agreement with some external standard such as a time signal.

Alternatively, it is possible to leave the hands alone and to

account for the clock error by saying, for example, that it has been

gaining 1.3 seconds a day since it was correct on the 23rd of

September. In either case, a means of establishing the correct time

is needed. This intercomparison must be repeated at intervals that

depend upon the stability of the clock and, of course, upon the

required precision of the time measurement. It will be remembered,

for example, that in the early days of Loran it was necessary for

the slave station to readjust the hands of its clock as often as

once or twice a minute in order to maintain the required precision

to a millionth of a second of the clock time with respect to that at

the master station.

It is thus seen that frequency can be measured relative to some

standard without requiring the measurement of the error in the

indication of time. In many cases that need only frequency or rate,

an instrument may have no mechanism for indicating time. A clock,

however, must have such a mechanism. It is therefore technically

incorrect to call an oscillator a clock, although it is often done.

For the thousands of years when the rotation of the earth was the

standard, an instant of time had to be determined by the apparent

motion of some heavenly body, usually the sun or a star. Until a few

centuries ago, the sundial was the most usual measuring device. As

clocks developed and became more accurate, a more precise

measurement was required to set them correctly. This soon took the

form of a transit instrument, eventually using a telescope with

illuminated cross-hairs, to determine the instant at which any one

of a number of standard time stars crossed the meridian of the

observer. When corrected for the known positions of the stars in the

sky and the observer on the earth, this method gave siderial time,

which the astronomers define as the hour angle of the vernal

equinox. This time can be converted into the ordinary mean solar

time by noting that, because the earth completes an orbit around the

sun in exactly one year, the solar or sun time that we customarily,

use loses two hours in the average month, or a little less than four

minutes per day as compared with siderial time.

This digression is important because, even with today's best

instruments, it is impossible to measure the transits of stars in a

single night with a standard deviation less than about five

milliseconds. This permits a daily measurement of the rate of a

clock with a standard deviation of about one or two parts in ten

million. It is only a coincidence that the error in the transmission

of a telegraphic time signal, or one sent by radio, is of about the

same order.

 

 

Measurement of Time 243

These considerations make it easy to see that for generations the

whole concept of time implied that it could not be standardized with

an accuracy greater than about one part in ten million. This usually

did not worry scientists much because the other fundamental physical

properties of mass, length, and electrical charge could scarcely be

measured with even that relative accuracy.

There was thus a strong feeling that nothing could be measured more

accurately than a part in a few million. This made it hard for the

specialists in time to accept the idea of a large increase in the

precision with which relative frequency could be distributed. In

fact it was two years or more before I could convince the director

of the time service at the Naval Observatory that my measurement of

phase was not something having no relation to his measurement of

time. As soon as the first people in one or two time-standard

laboratories were convinced, however, I found myself operating a

frequency comparison service. This took the form of daily

comparisons of standard-frequency stations (beginning with GBR and

MSF in England and WWV in the United States) that were reported

weekly or monthly to the National Physical Laboratory in England and

to the Bureau of Standards in the United States. As time went on and

the method became more widely appreciated, others were added to the

list of stations and more organizations to the list of recipients.

It was 1964 before there were enough others using my method, or

other new ones, so that I could discontinue this routine service

with a very noticeable sense of relief.


Frequency Comparisons 244

Reports like the one shown on the following page were, before the

end of my efforts, sent to the following authorities:

and also to several interested universities, here and abroad.

 

 

245

SEPTEMBER, 1963 NB: Minus sign omitted from all the readings below:

Frequencies in parts in 10^10 with respect to (S203 - 25.64/10^10)

Signal GBR WWVL NBA NPM NAA NLK CYZ40 LoranC WWVB

Frequency, kHz:16.0 20.0 18.0 19.8 18.6 24.0 80.0 100.0 60.0

Mean Epoch,GMT:0300 0600 0500 0800 0500 0600 0500 0500 0600

Date Julian _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____

Sep. Day

1

274

129.6

129.8

129.7

129.8

NR

129.1

NR

129.5

129.9

2

275

129.4

129.9

129.8

129.7

NR

128.5

NR

129.4

129.8

3

276

129.9

129.7

129.6

129.5

NR

128.7

NR

129.4

129.8

4

277

129.8

129.6

129.6

NR

128.8

129.0

128.0

129.2

129.6

5

278

131.6

130.2

129.1

129.4

NR

128.1

128.4

129.6

130.1

6

279

130.8

NR

129.1

129.6

129.3

129.7

127.8

129.4

130.0

7

280

131.1

NR

129.2

129.5

129.3

130.1

127.8

129.7

130.3

8

281

130.6

NR

129.5

129.8

128.4

129.9

128.2

129.7

130.2

9

282

130.8

NR

129.5

130.1

129.9

130.2

129.7

129.7

130.3

10

283

130.6

NR

129.3

130.7

129.5

130.2

128.6

129.5

130.0

11

284

130.2

NR

129.0

NR

128.5

131.2

127.8

129.3

129.9

12

285

130.0

130.0

129.2

129.2

130.4

129.6

NR

129.6

130.0

13

286

129.7

130.2

130.1

129.1

130.1

130.5

NR

129.6

130.1

14

287

129.2

129.9

129.5

129.1

128.2

129.9

127.5

129.2

129.9

15

288

128.6

130.0

129.7

NR

NR

128.0

127.4

129.3

129.9

16

289

128.9

NR

131.0

NR

NR

128.4

127.4

NR

129.9

17

290

130.5

NR

130.2

NR

129.4

130.5

127.6

NR

129.9

18

291

130.7

NR

130.0

NR

128.9

130.4

NR

129.6

129.5

19

292

130.6

130.0

129.9

128.5

129.3

128.3

NR

129.5

129.6

20

293

129.8

129.5

129.9

129.3

129.1

129.2

127.9

NR

129.9

21

294

129.6

129.9

129.7

128.9

128.9

129.7

128.0

129.7

129.7

22

295

129.9

129.7

129.8

128.9

128.3

129.8

128.4

129.6

129.7

23

296

NB

129.5

129.6

128.8

129.0

129.9

NR

129.3

129.4

24

297

130.1

129.5

129.6

128.8

129.8

130.2

NR

129.5

129.6

25

298

129.0

129.9

129.8

129.9

130.0

130.7

129.2

129.5

129.7

26

299

129.5

129.6

129.6

129.7

130.0

129.7

129.1

129.5

129.7

27

300

129.2

129.7

129.7

128.9

129.9

129.7

128.5

129.5

129.8

28

301

128.4

129.6

129.7

128.3

128.8

129.7

128.6

129.7

129.6

29

302

128.9

130.0

130.0

128.9

130.1

129.6

128.4

129.8

130.0

30

303

129.3

129.6

129.5

128.8

129.4

129.6

128.1

129.5

129.5

 

J.A.Pierce Harvard University, October 1, 1963

 


Explanation of the Table on the Preceding Page 246

 

The notation (S203 + 74.36/(10^10)) in the table identifies our

standard oscillator, controlled by an early form of Cesium resonance

and with its rate corrected to agree with what was believed to be

Ephemeris Time.

[NB: Minus sign omitted from all the table values to fit an A4 page]

Ephemeris Time is a time scale which agrees with the movemanta of

the planets and the moons in their orbits, as they are defined in

standard rules developed over long ages of observation. This time

scale is presumed to vary far less than does the rotation of the

earth.

The column headings identify the radio stations observed, as

follows:

All the measurements are in the region near -130 parts in ten

billion because that was then the difference between a crude

measurement of Ephemeris Time and the frequency of the signals that

were maintained sensibly in agreement with the rotation of the

earth. This distinction will, I hope, be made clearer later on.


Transatlantic Cesium Clock' Comparisons 247

 

The earliest and most responsive customer for my observations of

frequency was, naturally, Dr. Essen. The third of his recent

triumphs, that I mentioned above, was the development of a cesium

beam resonator in terms of which he could calibrate the frequency of

oge of his ring oscillators. Dr. Essen used this device for a

passive resonator. So far as I know, Dr. Zacharius at M.I.T. was the

first to use such a resonator with a servomechanism to control the

frequency of a crystal oscillator. This device was, for a time, put

on the market under the trade name "Atomichron". It must be regarded

as the first of the modern atomic clocks. By late 1956, one of these

was in operation at a station in central New York State that was

operated by the Air Force for testing a proposed radio aid to

navigation called Navaglobe that operated at a carrier frequency of

95 kHz.

The existence of this station gave me an opportunity to collaborate

with Dr. Essen in the first international intercomparison of cesium-

controlled oscillators of two kinds of construction. The measurement

network was a little complicated. The MSF signal from Rugby was

received at Teddington and had its frequency measured by Dr. Essen.

The same signal reached Cambridge, Massachusetts, and was measured

against my crystal oscillator. At more or less the same time, my

crystal was rated against the signal from Camden, New York, which

was also measured there in terms of the Atomichron. By

intercomparison of all these measurements it was possible, in

principle, to subtract out all factors except the difference in

frequency between the two cesium devices. Comparisons of this kind

were made on a half a dozen or a dozen days a month on which all the

necessary measurements had been successfully made. The average of

all of these measurements in six months indicated a difference of 4

parts in 10^10 between the Atomichron and Dr. Essen's resonator,

with a standard deviation also equal to 4/10^10. Dr. Essen was

quite pleased with this demonstration of the good agreement between

the frequencies of the two devices because it was about as close as

his estimate of their absolute accuracy. I was, however, very

disappointed in the magnitude of the standard deviation as I had

published an estimate of 2/10^11 for the available precision of the

daily transatlantic intercomparison, and I hated to announce a

standard deviation 20 times larger than I felt it should be. It was

reasonably obvious that the source of the trouble, if trouble there

were, was because of the unfortunate necessity for making many of

the intercomparisons at different hours of the day. Because this

could not be avoided there was every possibility that the crystal

oscillators were varying diurnally, and that these variations, with

the normal errors of the many measurements, were dominant over the

propagational errors that I had believed I had estimated. I was, of

course, unable to prove this assumption and was left with the

unhappy possibility that I had made an unjustifiable guess.

 

Transatlantic Cesium Clock' Comparisons 248

 

In spite of my disappointment with our results I joined Dr. Essen

and his assistant in writing a short paper for "Nature" to report

our results. I then began to try to find a way to perform the same

comparison under circumstances that would clearly prove the true

stability of the propagation. As I should have expected, the British

Post Office showed no interest in the idea of acquiring an

Atomichron (necessary because there was as yet no British

equivalent) and using such an untried device to control the

frequencies of their tranmissions.

By 1959 the situation had changed considerably. The Signal Corps of

the U.S. Army had kindly provided us with an Atomichron on loan and

was ready to take another pair to England. With the cooperation of

the Post Office, these were installed at Banbury, within easy

groundwave range of Rugby. Recording equipment that I had provided

then made records using one of the Atomichrons at Banbury that were

identical to mine at Cambridge except for the use of a different

Atomichron and for the long propagation path across the Atlantic.

The results were delightful. Daily values of phase were analysed for

frequency differences. Studied for about a month in September and

October, these showed an average difference of -4.0/10^11 , with a

standard deviation of 2.6/10^11. Simultaneous intercomparisons

between the "operating" and "standby" Atomichrons at Banbury showed

a difference of +6.O/10^11 with a standard deviation of 1.7/10^11.

It thus seemed that not even all of the transatlantic errors ought

to be charged to the propagation link. I was greatly relieved, as

the propagational stability that I had been reporting for four or

five years could no longer be doubted.

My studies of frequency comparisons later had a most curious effect,

possibly at the suggestion of Dr. Essen. At about the time that my

routine reports ended, I was surprised to be notified that I had

been appointed by the International Bureau of Weights and Measures

to a membership on the Consultative Committee for the Definition of

the Second. This appointment was certainly inappropriate. In the

previous years I had learned some useful things about the

distribution of accurate standard frequency, and perhaps even time,

but I had no qualifications that fitted me to judge how the standard

of time should be defined.

On the other hand, membership in the Committee provided such a

pretty feather for my cap that I could not bear to decline the

appointment. The other members were senior officers of standards

laboratories of a dozen nations, about the same number of

representatives of astronomical observatories with a responsibility

for time, such as Greenwich and Neuchatel and three gentlemen from

Innsbruck, Zagreb, and Milan who, like me, were known as "Membres

Nominativement Designes."

 


The Three-Atomichron Experiment 249

I had already learned that the most recent revision of the standard

of time represented a total change of philosophy as compared with

the old standard that had, in effect, obtained ever since the clock

had become a more useful timekeeper than a sundial. This change, in

1956, certified final official recognition of the fact that the

rotation of the earth is a poor standard. As noted above, it varies

by a tenth of a second or so with seasonal variables and it also has

sporadic changes of unknown origin. It is an inconvenience, although

one that can be compensated, that the elliptical form of the earth's

orbit makes noon, or the moment when the sun is highest in the sky,

vary as much as plus or minus 16 minutes with respect to the

imaginary mean Sun that is supposed to move uniformly in average

agreement with the true sun throughout a year. The old definition of

a second was 1/86,400th of a mean solar day. This became awkward as

soon as new kinds of clocks began to have a consistency exceeding

that of the earth. The ability to measure a frequency had become

more exact than the stability of the standard.

The people trying to provide for measurement of time and frequency

have always had to serve two masters. On one hand the astronomers

and navigators, always wanted to determine the phase of the earth's

rotation in space. This knowledge permitted the astronomer to

correctly point a telescope at a desired object, or the navigator to

more or less exactly determine longitude. The laboratory scientist,

On the other hand, seldom cared for great accuracy in determining

the time of day but wished for a clock that would measure time

intervals and frequencies with as great accuracy as possible. So

long as neither user had a measuring device as stable as the

rotation of the earth there could be no conflict. Soon after World

War II, however, the physicist's frequency-measuring instruments had

developed accuracy so great that astronomical methods could no

longer measure short time intervals with similar precision. This

brought the problem of the definition of a new time standard to the

fore.

It would be incorrect to say that the laboratory physicists won a

battle, because the astronomers themselves were good physicists and

understood the nature of the problem. In 1956 this was "solved", in

a way, by the definition of the second as the fraction

1/31,556,925.9747 of the length of the tropical year 1900. The long

number is merely the length of the tropical year in seconds, equal

to 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, and almost 46 seconds. The

tropical year is the interval from one vernal equinox to the next.

Because this is just an expression of the direction of the line

connecting the centers of the earth and the sun amongst the star;

the instant of the vernal equinox is independent of the phase of the

 

Definition of the Second / Ephemeris Time 250

earth's rotation on its axis and depends only on the earth's place

in its orbit around the sun. This new definition, therefore, simply

recognised that the unit of time interval (the length of the second)

is independent of the current rate of rotation of the earth.

Of course it was and has remained impossible to go back to measure

precisely the length of the year 1900. That year, incidentally, was

chosen for the definition because it is customary in astronomical

circles to tabulate the place of a star in the sky for the latest,

of the even hundreds of years, and to keep track of any small

subsequent changes in apparent position by appended notes about the

speed and direction of the motion. The 1956 definition was not

realizable; meaning that no other interval could be accurately

compared with it. It did, however, establish the fact that the

definition of the second was henceforth to be a constant, no matter

what changes there might be in the rate of rotation of the earth.

The time scale defined in 1956 is called "Ephemeris Time"; that is,

the time scale at which the motions of the planets and their

satellites fit the "laws" established by observation over long

periods of time. Ephemeris Time and Mean Solar Time would be

identical if all measurements over hundreds of years had had perfect

accuracy, and if the rate of rotation of the earth had not changed

slightly from time to time. Unfortunately, neither of these

desiderata has been fulfilled.


At the time my frequency comparisons began, the British and American

systems of time signals were operated in different ways. This

feature added a great deal of interest and amusement to my work. The

Greenwich Observatory tried to define a frequency that would agree

with the rotation of the earth averaged over an entire year. This,

in principle, ought to be constant, but the errors of measurement as

veil as inaccurate estimates of the future speeding up or slowing

down of the earth forced frequent readjustments in an effort to keep

this Greenwich standard in step with the earth on an annual basis.

At times fluctuations were overcorrected and had to be retracted

more or less suddenly. At other times, needed corrections apparently

were not made until too late, when they seemed to became entangled

with other corrections.

The Bureau of Standards in the United States, which broadcast

standard radio frequencies as contrasted to time signals, followed

the Naval Observatory in the opposite philosophy. They tried to

transmit a frequency that stayed in step with the day-to-day

variations in the rotation rate of the earth. This attempt ran afoul

of the limited accuracy with which astronomical time determinations

could be made. It was, in practice, not often that a fairly accurate

 

Problems in Maintaining Frequency Standards 251

correction could be made more frequently than once in a week or two.

This method seemed to run wild at times and apparently had greater

excursions in frequency than did the British method.

Neither of these technique was really satisfactory. It is

interesting to notice that the Greenwich Observatory was trying to

serve the physicists while the Naval Observatory clung to the

traditional astronomical understanding of time, although I doubt

that either organization would have expressed its philosophy in

those terms. As a result of these varying philosophies, the

difference between the two time systems was often as much as 20 or

30 parts in a billion and occasionally twice that value, at times

when errors accumulated in one or both sources.

These frequency differences were so large that we had to develop

equipment for "offsetting" the frequency of our comparison

oscillator so that we could accurately measure frequencies in both

systems. Such a device, in those predigital days, consisted of an

electronic phase-shifter rotated at a carefully-selected rate by a

synchronous motor. With change gears or some other mechanism a

frequency-changer could be adjusted to any desired rate. An

oscillator could, say, be operated nearly in synchronism with the

GBR signal so that a precise measurement could be made over a

relatively long interval. The output of the same oscillator could be

shifted by an exact amount to produce coherence with a second

signal, say from WWV. If and when desired, a phase-locked loop could

be established so that the oscillator tuning would automatically be

kept in agreement with one signal or another, It was, however,

usually much more satisfactory to leave the oscillator entirely

alone, except to correct for its variations manually on infrequent

occasions, if at all.

It is obvious that my reports could not be sent to Washington and to

England for very long without stimulating a desire to make the

standard-frequency signals more coherent. The major change came when

the Naval Observatory and the Bureau of Standards adopted the

annual-mean-frequency concept. For a year or two thereafter,

although no one would admit it, I am sure that the frequency

adjustments at WWV were made largely in response to the errors shown

in my reports. The evidence for this opinion was a noticeable

tendency for a large reported discrepancy to be followed by a

corresponding correction; and this was at a time when (so far as I

know) there were no other observations than mine that could yield

equal precision so promptly. A year or two later some of the

standards laboratories had adopted my method of comparison of

carrier phase and my reports became only one of several available

kinds of evidence for needed changes. In any case, by the early

1960s the more general availability of the first cesium-controlled

"clocks" made the problem far simpler. These devices had a

 

The Consultative Committee 252

stability, even in those early days, some hundred or more times that

of the best crystal oscillators. This made intercomparisons feasible

over longer intervals with a corresponding improvement in precision.

With further development these "atomic clocks" have become so

improved that now a group of several of them will keep time with an

error as small as a millionth of a second per year -- a timing

precision as exact over a year as my best sources could maintain for

a day.

* * *

After these lengthy digressions, I should return to the Consultative

Committee. As intimated before, I did not decline the appointment.

I had, however, a sufficiently keen appreciation of how little I

could contribute so that I did not try to get anyone to pay for a

trip to Paris. Such a trip would have been useless, in any case,

because the problem facing the committee soon turned out to be a

little intricate. As a result, after only one meeting following my

appointment it was decided to continue the discussions, or

arguments, by correspondence. My contributions thereafter were in

the form of talks with the Naval Observatory and Bureau of Standards

experts, and with academic and commercial specialists who could

speak with authority about the characteristics of at least two kinds

of atomic clocks.

The choice between these, the cesium-beam resonator and the hydrogen

maser, took some little time but was not really a difficult decision

to make. The cesium resonator had the characteristic that two of

them of different form and size had, within reasonable limits, a

strong tendency to operate at equal frequencies. The hydrogen maser,

an even newer device, could maintain a uniform frequency more

accurately but its frequency was sensitive to the size of its

resonant cavity. It could be adjusted to agree, for example, with

some other reference such as a cesium clock. In spite of the greater

stability of the maser, it was obviously less appropriate for a

standard. It also seemed inadvisable to wait for an indefinite

period to see whether the maser might ultimately achieve better

absolute accuracy.

A much more difficult and interesting series of questions arose from

the fact that the precision of clocks had now reached the level at

which time was noticeably affected by relativity. The more ordinary

concepts of relative speed were obviously not a concern of the

committee, but the problem of gravitational potential caused a good

deal of discussion. The rate of any clock is affected by what may

crudely be called the force of gravity upon it. It follows that the

rate of a clock depends upon the place on earth (or in space) in

which it is operated. In principle, the rate should be the same at

all points on the surface of the geoid, which is the figure the

 

The Moon Camera 253

earth would have if it were completely homogenous and plastic. In

practice, no one really knows how far a real point on the surface of

the earth may be above or below the surface of the geoid. Thus a

definition that included the effect of gravitational potential would

have to specify the second as a particular interval measured by a

particular clock when operated at a particular point on earth. Such

a definition is clearly untenable because the rate of the "standard"

clock would change when it was moved from place to place. The

committee was, after much discussion and correspondence, forced to

escape the problem of relativity by not mentioning it, at least in

the definition, and leaving it to the user of every fine clock to

determine for himself the effects of relativity upon his own

measurements.

It remained to define the second itself. It was relatively easy to

intercompare the frequency of the chosen cesium resonance with the

ordinary men solar second, but, almost by definition, this second

would no longer suffice even for purposes of calibration. The length

of the solar second was, as a matter of fact, changing by about five

parts in a billion per year in the 1955-1958 period. It happened

that Dr. William Markowitz at the U. S. Naval Observatory had

developed a "moon camera" that was really a complete technique for

photographing the moon in a field of stars, and then measuring the

negative to give the position of the moon with remarkable precision.

His method amounted to a clever optical technique for taking a

"snap-shot" photograph of the moon against a background made with a

long time exposure. Thus the moon's image could be seen without

overexposure among a considerable number of faint stars. On the

glass-plate negative, an approximate center of the moon's image was

marked. From this point a dividing engine measured the distance to

each star, noting the distance to the edge of the moon along the

way. Subsequent calculation removed any error in marking the center

of the moon's image and yielded the position of the moon in the

ordinary celestial coordinates. Dr. Markowitz's measurements were so

good that the position of the moon was determined with a standard

deviation of no more than 1/4 second of time; a remarkable

achievement when one considers the stately rate of progression of

the moon among the stars. It amounted to measuring the position

within a ten-thousandth of the apparent diameter of the moon.

I said above that Ephemeris Time has to be measured in terms of the

motion of bodies of the solar system in their orbits. In theory this

is fine; in practice the "hands" of these clocks move very slowly.

For example, Mars, the "speediest" planet that seems to travel

completely around the heavens, would have to have its period

measured to about six milliseconds of time to achieve an accuracy of

one part in ten billion. Clearly this cannot be done without

measuring over hundreds of periods, which means even more hundreds

of years. Fortunately, the moon moves across the sky about 25 times

 

The Moon Camera 254

as rapidly, so that there is hope of reaching a precision of a part

in ten billion in the measurement of Ephemeris Time within a few

decades.

Dr. Markowitz's excellent measurements were carried on and

intercompared with Dr. Essen's cesium frequency standard from June,

1955, to March, 1958. At that date these gentlemen announced an

average value of 9,192,631,770 Hz (cycles per second) for the

frequency of the cesium resonance in terms of Ephemeris Time. This

value is tentative, as the uncertainty figure of plus or minus 20

cycles per second is far larger than one would desire. Up to the

time when the Committee for the Definition of the Second was

deliberating, this estimate had not been amended. It was then

necessarily adopted by the Committee and, in October, 1967, by the

Bureau International des Poids et Mesures. The new definition is:

"The second is the duration of 9 192 631 770 periods of the

radiation corresponding to the transition between the two hyperfine

levels of the ground state of the atom of cesium 133" [translation

from the French by JAP]. It will undoubtedly remain the standard for

some decades although ultimately it will be advisable to refine it

or change it.

The only real inconvenience in having a time standard that is

inaccurately defined is this. It is advisable, for obvious reasons,

to transmit the time signals used for all ordinary purposes in terms

of Universal (or mean solar) time. One second is being added to the

time signals at the beginning of each year.

Occasionally a correction of 1 second is made at the end of June

rather than at the end of December. The interval between corrections

can thus be made in some multiple of six utonths, in an effort to

keep the time signals within a half second of Mean Solar Time.

The effect is that the minute before midnight Greenwich Time on

December 31st seems to have 61 seconds in it, if one judges by

listening to the time signals. This adjustment is to be made only

when necessary to keep the two kinds of time close together. The

decision is made by the Bureau International de l'Heure and the

change is made simultaneously in the time signals of all nations.

Most time signals indicate by a number of double ticks, or some such

audible signal transmitted at chosen intervals, how many tenths of

seconds should be added to or subtracted from the atomic time to get

a somewhat better approximation to Mean Solar Time.

Under this system any people desiring Ephemeris Time accurately must

fend for themselves; but as that standard can not be accurately

known for a long time, this creates no great inconvenience.

I should beg forgiveness for running on in so much detail about a

 

Time Signal Adjustments 255

matter for which I had no great responsibility. My only excuse is

that the subject interests me; but then, that is my only excuse for

the whole of these memoirs.

 


256

 

20.

Two Memorable Concerts

In 1956 the American Academy of Arts and Sciences gave itself a

concert that was both technically interesting and musically

delightful. It was planned and arranged to celebrate Franklin's

250th anniversary and Mozart's 200th, and had been in preparation

for at least two or three years. Two important members of the

committee that planned and prepared the concert were, I am sure, the

originators of the original idea. They were the curiously matched

team of Barlow Shapley, the astronomer, and E. Power Biggs, the

organist.

It seems that in that decade there was an idea current among some

musicians that there must once have been Glass Armonicas that were

played from keyboards. This idea, I gathered, arose from

contemplation of the technical character of some music written for

the Armonica; a concept I am unable to discuss and one that I think

must now have been abandoned.

The Glass Armonica was one of Benjamin Franklin's minor but happy

inventions. He had observed the playing of musical glasses by

rubbing wettened fingers along their rims and had been, like many

another, charmed by their etherial tones. Being Franklin, he also

noticed that they were played in an awkward and impractical way. He

therefore had a series of glass bowls made in such shapes that they

could be nested closely together, bored holes in their centers, and

mounted them on an axle to form a sort of tapered cylinder. The

bowls were blown or ground so that they resonated at the frequencies

of the notes in the musical scale. This assembly was mounted

horizontally in a case with a mechanism (like that later used for

the treadle-operated sewing machine) that would keep the assembly of

bowls rotating. The edges of the bowls were thus exposed with

spacings about like those of the keys of a harpsichord. A tray of

water was provided along the front of the instrument so that the

fingers of the musician could be made wetter whenever required. The

new instrument could thus be played almost as though it had a

keyboard,. but with one important difference. It is characteristic

of a series of resonators that emit very pure tones that accidental

variations may make the various notes either easy or hard to excite.

With Franklin's Glass Armonica any of these differences between

various notes of the scale could be accomodated by adjusting the

contact of the finger on the edge of each bowl or, to express it

crudely, by pressing harder until the note came out clearly.

There was a period, chiefly in the latter part of the eighteenth

century, when Franklin's Armonica was very popular, as indeed it

 

The New Glass Armonica 257

deserved to be, although this interest, we may be sure, arose in

part from the fame and popularity of Franklin himself. Music for

this instrument was written by many of the composers of that era,

and Mozart left a considerable repertoire of music for it. It later

fell into disuse, probably because of its fragility and the need for

a talented and devoted artisan to produce glass bowls of good

quality and accurate tuning. I am told that in this century there

are the remains of Glass Armonicas in several museums but that there

is now no evidence of any that might have been played from a

keyboard.

Apparently the musical opinion that there must have been such an

instrument was strong enough to generate a proposal to build one.

This idea was adopted by the Academy and the development of the

instrument led to the concert in 1956.

The American Academy of Arts and Sciences has a happy characteristic

of doing everything well. I remember a time when it went through a

considerable effort to amend its constitution because someone had

discovered a more apt preposition to use at one place in the

document. The decision to have a modern Glass Armonica built was

carried out in this spirit, although it was also characteristic of

the Academy to have the work financially supported by a large Boston

bank. It was decided that the Steuben Glass factory at Corning, New

York, would blow the crystal bowls which would be ground to the

correct pitches using the most modern electronic measurement

techniques. The machine would be assembled and cased by Herman

Schlicker, a famous organ builder in Buffalo. A keyboard mechanism

was devised that would bring rosined pads of leather gently against

the edges of the bowls when keys were pressed, and it was hoped that

enough sensitivity to increasing pressure would remain to let the

bowls speak properly.

For the year or two before the concert, one of the more interesting

reports at each monthly meeting of the Academy was a statement about

the status of the Armonica. It was to be expected that a few glass

bowls would speak so vigorously as to shatter under a small

stimulus, as indeed often happened. The set was to consist of

thirty-seven bowls, each responding to a separate key. A typical

report might be that thirty or more had been working well but that

three had shattered in the course of the month. The count would work

its way gradually upward, but with some disappointing reverses.

Opinion in the Academy was sharply divided on the question of

whether an entire set of satisfactory bowls would ever be in

existence at the same time, to say nothing of being right on the day

of the concert. I do not recall any report being made in which the

count of successful bowls did not lack two or three. Steuben Glass

must have become weary of this project.

 

 

The New Glass Armonica 258

I can think of little that would have prevented Catherine and me

from attending on the night of the concert. Because exact details of

the program had not been announced in advance, we realized that the

Glass Armonica had not been entirely successful only when we found

that that instrument had been demoted from a major attraction to a

kind of entr'acte. The remainder of the concert, however, left no

room for complaint. A fine string quartet had been drawn from

members of the Boston Symphony, primarily to play Mozart. Roland

Hayes, whom I recalled had been one of Mother's favorite tenors, had

been persuaded to leave his retirement to sing a number of songs for

which Franklin had written the words.

Mr. Biggs gave an interesting discussion of the musical glasses and

of the development of the Armonica. He played skillfully on the old

fashioned glasses and then gave us two or three short selections on

the Armonica, which was a beautiful instrument. Mr. Biggs had to be

apologetic about the success of the project as a small number of

notes were missing from the scale. This was presumably the reason

for choosing only short and carefully selected bits that could be

played without needing the missing tones. Even under this small

amount of use, two bowls were heard to break during the performance,

but Mr. Biggs, being an expert musician, was able to change key or

otherwise avoid having to use the missing notes again, so that his

selections were completed without further obvious defects. The tone

quality of the instrument was, as expected, a true delight, although

it had to be admitted that the experiment as a whole was not

successful.

To us, and probably to many of the audience, the most fascinating

part of the concert was the playing by the quartet of a piece for

strings actually composed by Franklin. His genius was such that it

had to modify even the way of playing chamber music by a quartet.

Franklin had obviously felt that the conventional way of playing

stringed instruments was too complicated for ordinary practical

people. He had therefore caused the instruments to be retuned so

that one player or another had every note that would be required on

an open string. The violinists and the viola player therefore had

nothing to do with their left hands except to hold up the necks of

their instruments. It was especially amusing to watch Alfred

Zighers, the cellist, bowing away with his left hand resting on his

thigh and a broad grin on his face. It is a curious and unexpected

fact that, to us at least, there was nothing whatever wrong with the

simple music. It seemed to be perfectly standard eighteenth century

chamber music with no smell of the artisan about it.

This concert could not fail to satisfy a selected audience having an

interest in academic matters. Most of the members certainly

remembered with sentimental affection the unbounded delight with

which Roland Hayes had accepted this introduction as a new Fellow of

 

The Academy Concert 259

the Academy a year or two before, If on that occasion he had felt as

much gratitude to the Fellows of the Academy as he seemed to show,

in 1956 he repaid the favor in overflowing measure. I doubt that he

ever sang acre beautifully. Although he must have had greater

technical control in his younger days, he could not have conveyed

more meaning and beauty to an audience. The rapport between the

quartet and the audience was distinctly marked and I suspect that I

have never heard chamber music better played. And the Franklinian

components of the concert were so characteristic of the man that

they brought his memory into our hearts with even more respect and

affection than it had received before.

* * *

We had attended an equally memorable and more formal concert in

1955. This one celebrated the eightieth birthday of Pierre Monteux,

who had been the conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra after

World War I and an honored guest conductor from time to time ever

since. It was reported that someone had asked him what he would like

for a birthday present, to which he had replied that he would like

to conduct the Boston Symphony and play Beethoven. It happened that

the date was one on which the Pension Fund concert could be held, so

everything was arranged according to M. Monteux's desire.

His presence of course guaranteed a hall crowded with his well-

wishers, a group that obviously included the musicians. M. Monteux

conducted an all'Beethoven concert of surpassing beauty. The

sentiments of the players and the audience were deeply involved. The

orchestra played magnificently and an audience never seeped more

appreciative.

At the end of the concert proper, the President of the Trustees made

the appropriate speech of thanks and appreciation and presented M.

Monteux with a bound volume of testimonies that seemed to be at

least four inches thick. To conclude the evening the music director

of the Symphony, Charles Munch, appeared to conduct two pieces

composed especially for the occasion. The first was by Darius

Milhaud and seemed a bit too modern to appeal greatly to Catherine

and me. The final composition of the evening, by Igor Stravinsky,

was introduced under the impressive title, Commemorative Ode for the

Eightieth Birthday of Pierre Monteux. M. Munch staged this

performance extremely well. He posed rigidly with both arms extended

upward and well apart until the silence of the audience had changed

to tension. He then suddenly began a complex and violent series of

motions that invoked a remarkable noise that seemed to roll across

the orchestra from right to left, lasting perhaps fifteen seconds.

As silence fell, M. Munch resumed his pose and again produced a

strange sequence of chords and disohords with a somewhat different

modulation. Silence fell once more and the effect, revised and

 

The 80th Birthday of Pierre Monteux 260

perhaps improved, was repeated for the third time.

This was all so cleverly done that it was only during the third

variation that any significant portion of the audience realized that

these cacophonous sounds were simply Stravinsky burlesquing

Stravinsky, and that the melody that had been so deeply buried was

nothing more than Happy Birthday to You. The audience burst into

shouts of laughter and applause, and the evening ended on a note of

high approval that I have never heard equalled. The effect persisted

for some time as, while walking along Westland Avenue to reach our

car, our expressions of delight were frequently interrupted by

outbursts of laughter from groups ahead of or behind us, or even

from the opposite side of the street. All in all, this was the

happiest occasion with about the finest music that we have heard in

Symphony Hall.

 


261

 

21.

Draco

Having followed the fortunes of frequency measurement for about a

decade, I must go back in time to describe my first efforts to

devise a practical aid to navigation using the very low radio

frequencies.

It may have been as early as the days in the Radiation Laboratory

when I began to talk about what I then called the phaseless phase

navigation method. Discussion of this topic was purely as a tutorial

device, because it seemed clearly impossible that such a method

could exist in the real world; The idea was a development from a

possibility that later became known as "rho-rho", or distance

measurement. This earlier "impossible" concept suggested that a

vehicle should carry a perfect oscillator against which it could

observe a signal derived from an equally perfect oscillator and

transmitted from a known position. Changes in distance from the

transmitter would then be measured by changes in the observed phase

of the signal, and integration of these phase changes would (if the

velocity of propagation were accurately known) always indicate the

distance of the vessel from the transmitter, provided that an

initial phase had been measured at a known starting point. Without

this calibration at a known place, the method would show little, and

it was obviously necessary that the signal should be tracked

continuously after this definition of the starting point. It was

clearly impossible in the 1940s that such a rho-rho system could be

successful, as the best oscillators, even when operated under

carefully controlled conditions in the laboratory, would surely have

errors corresponding to a fictitious rate of at least a mile an

hour, while it would obviously be prohibitively expensive, even if

possible, to attain such accuracy in a moving vehicle.

The phaseless phase concept suggested a way of eliminating

oscillator drift as a problem. It proposed that two transmitters

(controlled by good oscillators that were kept coherent by frequent

or continuous monitoring) should radiate two different frequencies

whose only limitation was that it should not be too complex a

problem accurately to derive both frequencies from the same

oscillator. A vehicle would then carry separate receivers and phase

trackers for these two frequencies. Each of these phase change

summations could then be multiplied by an appropriate factor to

reduce the measurement to that which would have been observed at

some convenient reference frequency. The measurement would then be

one of the total change in the difference of the distances from the

two transmitters, This line of position could, like that in any

other hyperbolic system, be crossed by one or more other lines

 

262

produced by observation of other stations. Like the rho-rho idea,

the phaseless-phase mechanism would not yield absolute position, but

only the distance and direction travelled since, the navigator had

been at a known place.

A little thought reveals the fact that this kind of mechanism is

nothing but a form of dead-reckoning tracker, with the peculiar and

important property that the errors with which position is carried

forward are limited to those of measurement and propagation. In

conventional dead reckoning, on the other hand, the errors can grow

without limit, more or less in proportion to the length of time

since the position was determined. This difference is of

philosophical interest, and it justified some discussion of this

method even when there was no known mechanism for reducing it to

practice.

After the unexpected discovery of the great predictability of the

very-low-frequency propagation velocity, the phaseless-phase idea

suddenly seemed capable of implementation. One of the powerful

arguments for this system stemmed from the fact that there were a

number of wireless telegraph stations operating in the region from

15 to 25 or 30 kilohertz. Some of these had quite high power and all

of them, in those days, used on-and-off keying in morse code. It was

clear that if some of these stations could be taught to keep their

signals flowing even if they had nothing to say (and if their

operating, frequencies could be made coherent, that is, in exact

mathematical ratio) one or more ready-made navigational pairs could

be set up without great expense. This we set out to do.

In promoting such an idea, it was obviously necessary to have a name

for the system. For this I chose Draco because, as I have always

believed, if a name has as yet no denotation it should at least have

some connotation. In my mind, at least, the two first letters

symbolized the dead-reckoning tracker that I recognized the system

to be, while the word draco (Latin for dragon or serpent) suggested

the train of sine waves that was the output waveform of each

station. Now that I come to write about it, I realize that it is

possible that I never before explained this origin.

The circumstances for this experiment were auspicious. We knew that

GBR operated about 23 hours per day and, except for a maintenance

period, seldom fell silent for more than a few seconds at a time. It

would certainly provide a useful signal over long distances. With

this as a master station, it only remained to build the machinery

that would use the Rugby signal to lock a good oscillator from which

the operating frequency of some other station could be derived. Thus

an experiment could be performed using Rugby as a master station.

Its operators would need to take no action, although it would

certainly be a courtesy to advise them of what would be going on.

 

Draco Philosophy 263

 

By the time we had decided to test this idea, the discouraging news

was received that the Rugby station, or at least the 16 kilohertz

transmitter, would fall silent for several months or more to permit

reconstruction of its antenna. This was a complex structure of wire

cables and insulators supported by a dozen or more 820-foot towers.

During the long silent interval, the important communication

function would be transferred to a standby station at Criggion,

Wales. This station would transmit at much the same schedule but at

a slightly less favorable frequency and with only one-sixth of the

radiated power of Rugby.

I did not feel that this change could be allowed to delay our

experiment, so construction of equipment to receive and use the new

frequency was begun. The most convenient station to make a slave was

at a place called Jim Creek in the town of Arlington, not near

Washington, D.C., but somewhat north of Seattle, Washington, in the

foothills of the Cascade Mountains. This was, at the time, the

Navy's most powerful VLF transmitter. Its acceptance trials had

shown a radiated power of 330 kilowatts, but it had been found more

satisfactory to run the station at the 200-kilowatt level, as this

allowed less frequent interruptions and replacement of components.

The great circle path from Criggion to Jim Creek is a little less

than 5,000 miles in length, but it arcs northward to cross the

Greenland ice-cap and then traverse a thousand miles or more of the

permafrost region of Canada, north and west of Hudson's Bay. Both

kinds of frozen terrain were believed (and later proved) to cause

great attenuation of low frequency signals. We had, however,

confidence in our improving techniques for signal integration and we

felt that we could deal with extremely weak radio signals.

There were two major problems to be faced in the design of our

equipment. One was to assure maximum stability in the many necessary

selective circuits, so that changes in temperature or in the

characteristics of vacuum tubes would not cause phase shifts that

would vary with time. This was required as there was no definable

reference phase. It was therefore necessary to arrange things so

that, whatever relation an output phase had with respect to an

incoming signal, it could be expected to remain constant, at least

over the length of time, it would take a navigator to go from one

known place to another.

This requirement was met, as far as possible, by designing

frequency-adding or frequency-dividing circuits that required a

minimum of filtering to produce the necessary purity of tone. This

work had three parts planning, so that a needed frequency was

removed as far as possible from all unwanted by-products;

development of circuits that added or subtracted to produce the

 

Plans for a Draco Pair of Stations 264

desired sum or difference frequency at a power level much higher

than that of any other frequency present; and use of lattice filters

with bandwidths as broad as circumstances permitted rather than

sharply-tuned selective circuits that would be more sensitive to

changes in the temperature of components. The final equipment, which

filled a large relay rack, was certainly the most carefully designed

and built that we ever made.

The second major problem was really a series, all of which stemmed

from the tremendous local signal that would be received on the

station premises from the Jim Creek transmitter itself, as compared

with an extremely weak signal to be expected from Criggion. Before

going to the Seattle area, we had no idea how weak this signal might

be, so we prepared for the worst and made the equipment as sensitive

as we possibly could. It was well that we did so, for the signal

turned out to be only about a microvolt per meter, which may be

compared with the hundred or more microvolts per meter commonly

required for a useful morse code signal, The Jim Creek signal was at

least as big an obstacle as expectad. It was found to be about

4,000 volts per meter at the best location we could find on the

station property. There was thus a voltage difference of about four

billion to one in favor of the unwanted signal in our receiver. The

ratio of the power inputs was even more fantastic, being over a

quintillion times greater for the unwanted signal. In technical

terms, it would be necessary to provide enough frequency selectivity

to reduce the unwanted signal by more than 200 decibels, because

that signal would have to be reduced to negligibility with respect

to the wanted one. Some idea of the meaning of this ratio can be

gained by realizing that it is more than twice the logarithmic

difference between the loudest noise the ear can tolerate and the

most delicate sound that can be heard at all.

The problem of attaining adequate selectivity was made somewhat more

difficult for the signal from Criggion, as that frequency was closer

to that of Jim Creek than was the Rugby signal's. Criggion operated

at 19.6 khz and Jim Creek at 18.6 khz. There was thus a difference

of only 1,000 cycles per second between the wanted and unwanted

signals in the receiver. It is perhaps more appropriate to say that

the ratio of the two frequencies was almost the equivalent of one

semitone in the musical scale.

To attain the great degree of selectivity that was required, it

would be necessary to use, at least in the first tuned circuits,

coils having a figure of merit (called Q) of at least 250 or 300. At

least in 1956, the best available Q in physically small inductors

was of the order of 200 or more, but was attained by the use of

windings on toroidal iron cores. It would be impossible to use such

inductors in the earlier tuned circuits in our receiver because they

became non-linear when the iron was magnetically saturated by too

 

More Equipment Problems 265

great a current in the coil. This would lead to a change in

inductance and a phase shift in the tuned circuit. This possibility

was not tolerable because it would mean that the receiver output

would have a different phase when the Jim Creek key was down than

when it was up. In other words, the phase of the observed Criggion

signal would vary, depending upon the duty'cycle of Jim Creek; or,

crudely, upon whether it was transmitting mostly dots or mostly

dashes at a given time.

The solution for this problem was to construct air-cored inductors

that had adequate Q without iron. By using Litz (or Litzendraht)

wire composed of dozens or hundreds of fine wires, the

radio-frequency resistance could be kept low, while making the coils

larger increased the figure of merit. After some experimentation, we

learned to make multilayer solenoids that were six or more inches

long and about four inches in diameter. To protect these inductors

from outside, possibly nonlinear, influences, each of the coils was

installed in the middle of a copper box containing something more

than a cubic foot of air. These shielding boxes were provided with

electric heaters and thermostats and were thermally insulated from

the environment, so that temperature changes and consequent phase

shifts could be minimized. By making the first two tuned circuits in

the receiver with these cumbersome components, it was possible to

reduce the local signal to the point where it could then be dealt

with by more conventional methods.

Another difficulty lay in the necessity, or at least the

advisability, for compensating the diurnal phase shifts on the long

path from Wales to the State of Washington. It was obviously more

desirable to let the Jim Creek signal have a constant timing in

agreement with Criggion in an absolute sense, rather than to allow

it to follow the diurnal fluctuations of the signal from Criggion as

received at Jim Creek. This meant that corrections should be applied

to the observed Criggion phase to make it simulate a signal that

would have been observed if there were no diurnal variation in the

time of propagation. This problem had two parts: computation of the

phase changes to be expected, and design of a device that would

correct the observed phase by the expected amount.

The second part was achieved by building a mechanism that would

drive a phase shifter at one of two adjustable rates. This was

actuated by two alarm clocks that could be set to the minute, and

there was an adjustable limit to the rotation of the phase shifter.

At the predicted time of sunrise in Wales, the phase shifter would

start rotating at a selected rate, so that at the time of sunrise at

Jim Creek the phase of the local comparison signal would have

decreased by the expected amount, which was intended to exactly

balance the phase change in the incoming signal during the sunrise

interva At the time of sunset in Wales the reverse process would

 

Equipment for Jim Creek 266

begin, the only difference being in the rate of change established

by a second adjustable speed changer. This sunset variation would

continue until the original night-time phase level had been

restored. It was, of course, necessary to arrange for conditions,

mach as midsummer on the long east-west path, when there was no

complete night over the whole transmission path. Under these

circumstances, the diurnal correction pattern would be triangular,

rather than trapezoidal, and one of the stable levels would never be

reached.

It would be necessary to change the starting times, the rates, and

the total day-to-night variation each two or three days because of

the changing length of daylight. I did my best to pre-compute all of

these variables, and give Jim Creek a table of what all the settings

should be for various dates. Fortunately, with care and study these

calculations could be corrected, because a continuous record of the

observed phase track at Jim Creek would show the result of errors in

the assumptions by its departure from linearity. In principle,

therefore, the tables could gradually be made more exact.

I felt that one other complication ought to be built into the

equipment we made. It was clear that any navigation aid that

concentrated its service near the United States would have its best

accuracy in or near that area. It could therefore be more useful to

an enemy than would an equivalent system operated from his part of

the world. With a passive system, like Draco, any number of

navigators could use its service at the simple cost of building

appropriate receivers. The best defense I could think of to counter

this possible threat was to conceal the fact that such a system was

in operation.

To do this, at least for a time, we made a phase shifter that was

driven by a synchronous motor through change gears that permitted

selection of any of a large number of rates. These were adjusted so

that they could be varied in tiny steps up to a frequency difference

of about 3 parts in 10^8, or enough to guarantee an error of fifteen

or twenty miles an hour. One of these was used at the slave

transmitter and a similar device was used to provide a compensating

offset in the frequency of the oscillator used in each navigator's

receiver.

The total effect was as follows. After much effort a signal from

Criggion would be used to stabilize the frequency from which the Jim

Creek transmitting frequency would be derived. The transmitter

frequency would then be set off from the nominal frequency by an

amount that in ordinary terms was very small, but that corresponded

to a large error in the coherence of the two signals when considered

as an aid to navigation. At the navigator's receiver an opposite

offset would permit operation exactly as if the offsets did not

 

Concealment of the Draco System 267

exist, because the frequency differences inserted were

mathematically exact. Any desired pre-planned code could be used to

schedule the frequency offsets. These might be changed a number of

times a day so that an untutored observer who intercompared the

signals would only discover that they seemed to be derived from

crystal oscillators that aged at independent rates, as all

oscillators did. An error, for example, could be arranged to

increase gradually and then be brought back suddenly, to simulate

the occasional correction of a frequency in terms of some standard.

For our experiment it was not necessary to use complex coding

tables. As I have described above, in this era there was a

considerable difference between the standard frequepoy signals of

Great Britain and American, as they were adjusted according to

differing philosophies. It was easy therefore to operate the

oscillator at Jim Creek in coherence with the Criggion signal, and

then set off the Jim Creek frequency by an amount that brought it

into approximate agreement with the American standard. It was not

necessary to do this with frequent changes, as the two standards

differed chiefly with the season of the year, and because no station

kept to its assigned frequency very exactly in those days.

When the equipment for all these things had been completed, it was

the summer of 1956. All of the gear, with measuring instruments,

spare oscillators and small parts, was loaded into a panel truck and

driven to Seattle by a pair of technicians, while I flew to San

Diego for a more or less routine meeting and thence to Seattle.

On arrival at Jim Creek we found that the Navy's permission for us

to work there must have been unusually wholehearted, for the first

activity was to show us the coffee mess and invite us to use it as

our own. The man in technical charge was the civilian chief

engineer, Lou Riley, who had been a Chief Petty Officer in the Navy

when sent there to help with the installation of the transmitter.

Lou loved the Cascades and presently retired from the Navy to come

back as civilian so that he could not be ordered to go anywhere

else. One of his favorite pastimes was taking groups of Boy Scouts

on camping trips in the mountains. He always kept fishing gear in

his car and usually stopped at every stream he passed to see if he

could quickly catch a trout. Lou was the heart and soul of the

station, and I used to wonder whether it could be kept in operation

without him. Later I heard that he was offered a corresponding

position at the really super-powered station at Cutler, Maine, but

he declined this plum so that he could stay in the Cascades.

The size of the station was a revelation to me. The antenna

consisted of ten copperweld cables 8,000 feet long strung across a

narrow valley between two ridges 3,000 feet high. The centers of

these strands were connected to downleads that were brought together

 

Concealment of the Draco System 268

into a sort of transmission line that carried them back to the

transmitter building. The antenna was actually separated into two

halves, each excited by its own transmitter, so that in case of

accident or the need for maintenance the station could operate at

half-power for a time. The transmitter building was a concrete box a

hundred feet or so square without windows and with access to the

area of the transmitter itself only by elevator from below. As

befitted a station with a transmitter whose component sections were

mostly of the order of cubes ten feet on a side, the elevator was so

big that we simply drove our truck into it for the ride up to the

operating level.

We spent two or three days setting up our equipment and erecting a

whip antenna for receiving the signal from Criggion. As the

transmitter building was the only possible site for our gear in the

immediate vicinity, the whip was installed on the roof about fifty

feet from the lead-in which carried about 700 amperes of radio-

frequency current. It was in setting up this antenna that we

discovered the falsity of the common statement that r.f. does not

shock; it simply produces surface burns. This may be the truth for

small quantities as high-frequency currents tend to flow only on the

surface of a conductor, but it fails by a wide margin to explain the

behavior of large currents at such a low frequency as Jim Creek's.

Our rough calibration of the field strength near the transmitter

lead-in was as follows: a bit of metal up to five or six inches long

(such as a screwdriver or a pair of pliers) stings like a nettle;

rubber gloves are a necessity for handling metal objects a foot or

two long; and touching a conductor five or six feet long can knock

one down.

The minor pain we encountered in setting up this antenna was wasted,

as we never detected a signal from Criggion at that site. Two or

three days passed while we searched for the signal. This was a slow

process as the only indication of its presence would be the tracking

behavior of our servos over a half-hour or more. The search was

complicated by the fact that our oscillators had completely lost

calibration in the trip across the country, while the signal from

WWV which we had expected to use to find the correct frequency was

received so poorly as to be essentially useless. At that date, the

only real access to precise frequency was through the signals

transmitted for the purpose by WWV from near Washington, D.C., and

also from WWVH in Hawaii. Neither of these signals was received well

enough for the very accurate calibration we had to make. It

therefore was a painful and erratic search, moving our oscillator in

small steps through what we hoped was an adequate frequency range,

and watching the servo record for symptoms of proper tracking.

Frequently random behavior would look real for a few minutes and

lead us to erroneous corrections because our patience was under such

strain.

 

Trying to Find the Criggion Signal 269

 

In the end we gave up trying to operate at the transmitter site. In

the search for an alternate we found that there was a little

microwave hut at the top of one of the mountains that supported the

large antenna. This hut received signals, from Seattle I suppose,

and relayed them down to the station in a telephone cable. The hut

was not much more than a mile in a direct line from the transmitter,

but was reached by seven miles of mountain road. The hut was near

the southwestern-most stub tower that supported one of the strands

of the big antenna. This tower was about 200 feet high and made an

ideal point to which to tie a fairly long wire receiving antenna. At

this site we set up our gear in an odd corner and, without too much

difficulty, detected the Criggion signal. Without any proof, I still

believe that our failure down below was due to the weakness of the

Criggion signal at the bottom of the narrow valley the signal was

none too strong at the top of the mountain. We estimated the one

microvolt per meter that I mentioned above from the degree of

sluggishness of our servos. In other words, if the signal had been

stronger the tracking would have been faster or better.

At this stage, excitement took over. We had, at the top of the

mountain, a frequency equal to that assigned to Jim Creek and locked

to the British standard of frequency with a precision of about a

part in ten billion. Down in the valley was the station operating at

the same frequency but perhaps in error by a part in ten thousand.

And between the two was a telephone cable with pairs to spare. With

only a quick look with an oscilloscope to see that the local signal

accidentally induced in the cable was not too formidable, and not

waiting to provide proper balancing and segregation for our circuit,

we connected our output to the line and telephoned down to Lou to

try our new signal source on the transmitter. To our delight, it

took over the frequency control without a quiver, although a

terrible oscillation might have ensued with a megawatt of power

trying to feed back into our telephone line. The Criggion-Jim Creek

Draco pair was instantly in full operation.

Within a day or two the people in Cambridge reported that the

stabilized pair was operating about as expected. Little was left to

do except to continue operation for a while to assure ourselves that

the long-term statistics were reasonably satisfactory.

Like all high-powered stations, Jim Creek had elaborate arrange

ments for shutting down the transmitter quickly, in case of

accidents of various kinds. A part of these precautions is spoken of

as dumping, because as the high-voltage power supply is shut off the

large capacitors that smooth the rectified voltages are short-

circuited by heavy bars as a precaution against melting down of

components or possible electrocution of personnel. Such a dump is

momentarily violent, as tremendous voltages and currents are

 

Draco Lives! 270

suddenly discharged, and there is often a considerable reaction on

the power supply for the station. I had the misfortune to be, I

suppose, perhaps the only person who ever dumped a super-power

transmitter by tripping over an extension cord and pulling it out of

a 120-volt wall outlet. This statement is amusing but not quite

accurate. When I stumbled over the power cord for our equipment in

the microwave hut, the transmitter simply fell dead for a moment.

Without stopping to think, I plugged the cord in again and the

transient in our own equipment activated the safety mechanisms and

produced the dump. I realized what I had done as the lights failed

momentarily, but by then it was too late for anything but apologies.

Fortunately, no one belonging, to the station made any appreciable

fuss over this incident, but my face was very red when next we went

down to the transmitter building.

At about this time the Navy's frequency monitoring station in San

Francisco sent Jim Creek a notice that it was two or three cycles

off from its assigned frequency. Actually the station had never

since its construction been so accurately controlled. In fact, it

must have been, at this date, except for WWV, the American station

with the highest frequency stability ever known. We spent a little

time in checking that everything was operating correctly, and even

more time in trying to decide how to explain the situation in a

message to San Francisco. Before this problem could be solved, a

second message arrived from the monitoring station admitting that

the first one had been sent in error. Lou Riley relieved his

feelings and delighted me by sending back a message saying, "The

next time you think our frequency is wrong, don't call us call WWV!"

Fortunately we had almost finished our extensive work at the top of

the mountain before we learned the whole story about the habits of

the trucks loaded with big logs that often passed through the

station grounds. It appeared that the Navy owned a piece of property

several miles square, which indeed it required, and was having a

commercial company cut the timber on a part of the area. The trees

were good-sized Douglas firs, and we were used to seeing trucks

heavily loaded with three or four logs each several feet in

diameter. We learned that the trucks were equipped with large

reservoirs so that water could be poured over the brake drums to

take away the heat developed in them on downward trips. In the

lumbermen's forests, the trails were cut at a pitch steep enough to

make it possible that a truck could not be stopped on the way down,

although it could usually be kept under sufficient control to stay

in the road. In the Naval station, the main road up the mountain had

been one of these truck trails. Although it had been paved and

widened a little, it was still not a highway in which one would wish

to pass a big truck, and we were fortunate in never having this

experience as we went up and down the mountain. The factor that

would have frightened us badly, had we known it sooner, was a high

 

Logging Roads / Security 271

degree of ambiguity. In the forests, the truck drivers followed a

simple rule: on meeting a car, the truck would take the side of the

road next the mountain; if any space was left on the side of the

precipice, the other vehicle was welcome to it.

In the Naval station, on the other hand, the rule was to keep to the

right under all circumstances. After learning of this uncertainty,

we never approached a blind corner without wondering whether it

concealed a big truck, and, if so, which rule it would follow.

We were told that when a loaded truck went off the road winches and

cables were brought to the site and the logs were carefully dragged

back up to the road. After such a fall, the truck was ruined, but

the logs were still worth several thousands of dollars.

* * **

After this trip I had no further written communication with Jim

Creek. The commander of the Naval Station at Seattle was obsessed by

fear that communists were watching his every move. He instructed me,

on my duty call, that I was to have no communication with Jim Creek

until he had set up a security system that would make it safe. In my

view, nothing was required. I was deeply concerned about security

and was never likely to speak carelessly or without adequate

camouflage. As it happened, Leo the Lion, the commander in question,

never did anything further in the matter. I therefore kept my

communications to a minimum, chiefly in the form of answering phone

calls from Lou when he needed a little technical advice. I have

therefore very little written evidence of this whole experimental

program.

We continued to observe the stabilized signals for a year or more.

The results were generally satisfactory with errors not often larger

than a mile or two in the line of position through Cambridge. We

gradually improved the prediction methods that were required for the

production of charts and tables. In the meantime, the Navy had

contracted with Pickard and Burns, the company that Dick Woodward

had joined, to produce two sets of synchronizing equipment for

transmitting stations and a few receivers for testing purposes.

These instruments were built with much more professional finish than

our experimental gear, but I doubt that they could have worked

better. One set of transmitter equipment was used to replace ours at

Jim Creek (although that station kept our gear there for several

years for standby and checking purposes) and a second set was

installed at a naval station at Annapolis, Maryland, after GBR had

resumed operation at Rugby, England. This was a convenient but

perhaps unfortunate choice because, as seen from Annapolis, the

directions to the Rugby-Jim Creek pair of stations subtended less

than 120 degrees. It followed that (neglecting a few hundred miles

 

Draco Observations 272

near Annapolis, within which distance propagationial behavior might

be uncertain) the triplet of stations could be expected to give

magnificent service in Hudson's Bay and the Arctic Ocean. On the

other hand, operation south of Annapolis would be characterized,

because of unfavorable geometrical factors, by large errors in

latitude. The measurements would be good in longitude because in

that coordinate the result would depend almost entirely upon the

long pair, between Rugby and Jim Creek. The Navy had, of course, no

intention of experimenting with Draco in the arctic. From this time

onward, tests were carried out entirely within the Navy, although

outlines of most, if not all, of the data were sent to me for my own

interpretation.

At the time of these experiments, the Navy operated a vessel, the

Compass Island, entirely for the testing of various aids, to

navigation. She carried many conventional navigation devices,

including the inertial, and also had a computer room which attempted

to deduce the most probable position at all times, and to assign

apparent errors to the devices under test. The ship made two trips

for which the data were of interest to me. On the first, she

proceeded south from New York to a point near the Bahamas and then

made a series of runs east and west at separations of two or three

miles, followed by a similar series north and south. I never heard

what the purpose of these runs may have been, but they provided an

ideal testing pattern as the ship spent quite a lot of time moving

in an area about forty miles square.

On the passage south, the Compass Island passed a point where

Annapolis and Jim Creek had the same bearing from the ship. Because

of this, and because of the short distance from Annapolis, no useful

information could be had except from the long pair. Happily, this

part of the course was within a few miles or being exactly south. I

therefore assumed the ship's reported latitude to be correct and

solved the observed readings for longitude only. These points, for

two and a half days, could conveniently be plotted in a single

diagram that showed not more than one or two points in a hundred to

be more than a mile east or west of the ship's reported position.

Near the Bahamas, it was possible to use both pairs but, as said

above, with much larger errors In the north-south direction. As a

result the east-west runs looked terrible on my graph, as the random

variations made the tracks fluctuate so much that they frequently

overlapped for a few miles. Conversely, the north-south runs looked

beautiful on my map as the east-west scatter was quite small. When I

took the trouble to plot the errors of Draco in their distance and

direction from the center of a diagram there was, of course, no

noticeable difference between the diagrams for the two sets of runs.

In both cases the probable ellipses that included almost all of the

observed points showed maximum errors of a little less than a mile

 

More Draco Results 273

in longitude but errors four times larger in latitude. At least, the

shape and orientation of the ellipses agreed with the theory,

indicating that with suitably located stations the standard

deviation of a fix should be only about a nautical mile.

The other passage that interested me was when the Compass Island

came through the western end of the Mediterranean Sea and across the

Atlantic Ocean. In this case, the position determined by Draco after

the ship left the Gates of Hercules diverged more and more from the

supposed position for many hour; until suddenly the computer room

report moved sideways about fifteen miles in a fifteen minute

interval and came to rest within a mile of the Draco position. There

was nothing included with the data that gave a clue to explain why

this happened. I therefore wrote the ship's navigating officer to

ask if he could explain this peculiarity. After searching the

records he produced an answer. At the time of the sudden anomaly,

the ship had come within sight of Madeira!

In the neighborhood of Bermuda there was another instance when, to

my prejudiced eye, Draco seemed to have performed more consistently

than had whatever the Compass Island used for its primary

navigational information. I cannot cite this so exactly, as the

evidence was less clear and, to tell the truth, I have forgotten the

precise details. Because all of this effort was under military

security classification, I no longer have any of the documents in

the case.

As a result of these experiments, there was some small Naval

interest in Draco. Unfortunately, however, the only serious office

was the one planning navigational methods for the Polaris

submarines. Their interest was little less than silly because, as

explained above, Draco could tell nothing unless the tracking was

continuous. Although signals at the Draco frequencies could be

received to some small depth under water, it was impossible to hear

them at the depths where the submarines would wish to spend most of

their time. This meant that when the submarine was not near the

surface it would be necessary to switch to artificial signals from a

stable oscillator and advance the position by dead reckoning in

terms of the ship's heading and speed (both of which were quite

accurately known in the Polaris vessels) so that the real signal

would be found near the estimated phase when the submarine again

came near the surface. The Polaris ships were to have good

oscillators and computers that could carry out this procedure, but

there was (or should have been) grave doubt about how long such a

period without signals could be.

There was an interval when the new Polaris submarines had space

reserved for a Draco receiver, but elementary common sense

ultimately prevailed and the idea was finally abandoned. During the

 

More Draco Results 274

period of uncertainty I was to be found in the curious position of

arguing against the use of my own idea but on this subject there is

no evidence that the Navy paid any attention to me.

The Draco technique came to life again about 1970. By that time, the

U. S. Navy had installed cesium-controlled oscillators in all of its

very-low-frequency stations, so that they transmitted what were in

effect standard ftequencies. These are now very exact and are

monitored by the Naval Observatory and occasionally corrected when

necessary. These stations and a few in other countries now provide

the kind of service we had between Criggion and Jim Creek, without

the need for any special equipment in the transmitting stations.

There is, of course, no attempt at concealment and this service is

useful to anyone.

This new form of Draco, usually called simply lip navigation, has

been promoted energetically by the Global Navigation Company of

California. Receivers are relatively inexpensive and are favored by

the owners of small aircraft as the method gives very fine results

for flight durations of only a few hours, during which diurnal

variations in propagation need not be compensated. Some

manufacturers are now offering this same lip service as an adjunct

to automatic Omega receivers, but this subject brings me too far

ahead of my story.

 


275

 

22.

Non-Professional Matters

In 1958, Catherine and I decided that the children, then 13 and 11,

were old enough to benefit from an automobile trip as far west as

Colorado and Montana. In August I had a meeting at Boulder, so we

spent three or four weeks getting there and back. We started with

visits to Catherine's kin in New York State and then made calls on

my elder daughter, Marty, and her husband who was a young teacher of

poetry at Antioch College. They had collaborated in the production

of my first two grand-daughters in the last four years. This visit

was somewhat painful as I had felt (and still feel) that I should

stay out of Marty's life for her own peace of mind, as her

sympathies after the divorce could only have been with her mother.

We had actually only met the young people once or twice when they

had called in Arlington on their way to visit friends in Maine.

When Ohio was behind us, we went westward with tourist stops to

examine Lincoln memorabilia in Springfield, Illinois, and those of

Mark Twain in Hannibal, Missouri. The season and the temperature

made it advisable to do a good bit of traveling at early hours in

the morning. I still recall my pride, one day in Kansas, at getting

Catherine up early enough to put 175 miles behind us before stopping

for breakfast.

I cannot remember what Catherine and the children must have done

while I was busy with my meetings. The clearest recollection in

Boulder is of the difficulty in getting the children to eat anywhere

except at Fred's Columbine Cafe. The attraction in this

establishment was a Monsterburger, consisting of a pound or so of

excellent beef in a sandwich made from a six-inch section of a large

loaf of French bread. In those days the children's father had no

difficulty in demolishing his own monsterburger, hard as that is to

understand thirty years later.

From Boulder we drove north and west through Colorado and Wyoming.

We stopped chiefly to buy western hats for the children in Laramie,

and to get a fossil fish as a souvenir at a lonely shop run by a man

who enjoyed asking tourists to guess where he came from, as he was a

transplanted Eskimo. We searched for and located Sacajawea's grave

in a very interesting cemetery in the Shoshone reservation at Wind

River, Wyoming, where many of the markers were actually the white

headboards of enamelled iron beds. We intended to spend only a night

in the Jackson Lake Lodge, but found it so attractive and convenient

that we stayed there several days and commuted daily to Yellowstone

Park. There we believe we saw everything there was to see from Old

Faithful to the smallest mud-pot, and from the bears and elks to the

 

Western Trip 276

chipmunks. We also started a long family difference of opinion.

Catherine firmly believes that the famous pond on the continental

divide really does have two outlets, one to the Pacific Ocean and

one to the Gulf of Mexico. I, on the other hand, noticed that there

were distinct indications of shovel work apparently intended to keep

one end of the pond open. Also, I have seen so much evidence of the

power of water to carve out its preferred channel that it is hard to

believe in a pond that can not decide in which direction to find its

outlet.

After finally leaving the Park in a northerly direction, we saw a

large bird sitting in the road ahead of us. To our astonishment,

when the car came close enough to scare the bird into flight, it

turned out to be a pelican. We had all felt that the pelican

occurred only in Florida and similar clime; so that it was only

after we got home that we found that actually pelicans have a fresh

water breeding range which includes the Yellowstone River.

In Montana we located the home of a friend of Catherine who had

married a rancher and now helped conduct a riding camp for boys.

After we had investigated the house and nearby buildings, as nothing

was locked, we deduced that they were all out on a ride and had

moved along. After we had turned toward home we stopped to examine

the Fort Peck dam, which was then finished, although the lake it was

supposed to form was not yet filled. My current atlas shows a lake

now almost a hundred miles long and probably averaging six or eight

miles wide. Judging by the height of the earthen dam we saw, the

lake must also be fairly deep. The Missouri River is surely no

longer, what it once must have been.

After a call on some of Catherine's Taylor cousins in northern

Wisconsin, we went around the upper end of Lake Michigan and were

astonished to find more neon lights in St. Ignace than either of us

remembered seeing in Times Square. We also found it almost

impossible to find lodging in a place so full of summer visitors. We

crossed the beautiful bridge at the Straits of Mackinac and drove

directly to Port Huron and crossed into the Province of Ontario.

In Brantford we had two surprises. One was a small museum dedicated

to Alexander Graham Bell, Brantford in some way claimed that that

was where the telephone had been invented. The evidence,

inconclusive to us, was in the form of a letter or two that could be

construed to suggest that the idea might have come to Bell while he

was visiting there. In any case, the excuse was sufficient to have

brought together a good collection of early telephone equipment,

which was of interest to me, at least.

The second surprise began a considerable modification of our ideas

of the history of the American Revolution in New York State.

 

Western Trip 277

Catherine grew up only a few miles west of the Unadilla River which

was, until after the Revolution, the boundary between the settlers

and the Indians. We were therefore used to seeing small monuments

marking the sites of farms and hamlets destroyed by Joseph Brant,

who was a chief of the Mohawks and is still recalled locally as a

fiend incarnate. In Brantford we discovered that Joseph was a

loyalist hero of the revolutionary period and actually a full

colonel in the British army. Later reading disclosed that he had

been a student at Eleaser Wheelock's school at Lebanon, Connecticut,

before it was moved to Dartmouth, New Hampshire. Joseph Brant had

been presented at Court in London, had become a companion of Boswell

and of the Prince of Wales, and had had his portrait painted by

Romney. In later years he fought courageously but. unsuccessfully to

unite all the Indian tribes as the only hope for stopping the white

advance into the middle west. The fiend incarnate had indeed another

side to his character, as is fittingly commemorated in the name of

the city and county in Ontario.

After our only extended visit to Niagara Falls we stopped in Geneva

and ended eur trip in Brookfield. In 1985 it is interesting to note

that on our eight thousand mile trip it cost an average of less than

ten dollars a night for motels for the four of us; and operating

costs for the car (including some repairs) were almost precisely

three cents a mile. Throughout the trip it had seemed to us that the

children had paid little attention to anything outside the car. I

suppose that this must be a common illusion, as later remarks

indicate that they did notice and remember quite a surprising

amount.

I recall two moderately amusing incidents. While we did find

tumbleweed tumbling on schedule as we crossed from Kansas into

Colorado, we had to wait a long time before seeing any cowboys in

action. When we finally did, it violated all tradition. In a

reservation somewhere we watched a number of mounted cowboys herding

cattle toward and into cattle cars but the Cowboys were Indians!

A device we had adopted to help keep the children quiet was to give

each of them a sketchbook and pencils. At some point in the trip Joy

announced that she was about to draw a picture of me, and I

instructed her to be sure to capture my bold, hawklike expression.

She worked quietly for some time in the rear seat of the car and

produced a creditable picture of the back of my head with, I hope, a

somewhat exaggerated representation of my thinning hair. There was

even a faint observable influence of my instructions; she had

entitled the sketch the Bald Eagle.


This anecdote reminds me that, although it may violate chronological

 

Western Trips / Anecdotes 278

sequence, I must not forget an incident soon after Bob had begun to

study Latin and Joy French. We were in Brookfield where the children

bad rooms in opposite ends of the house. For some reason I do not

remember, Catherine had had to be much more severe than was

customary in expressing disapproval of some prank they had both

engaged in. The kids then retired into a huddle with cardboard and

colored paints for an hour or more. When we discovered the results

there were two handsomely drawn and decorated signs. The door to

Joy's room bore the label Chez Chien, and Bob's door was marked,

Domus Canis.

* * *

When Bob was two years old his speech was at times indistinct, but

one phrase he had mastered was horse hide robe. This came about

because we still have a number of such carriage robes that on

Catherine's grandfather's farm were always made up whenever a

favorite horse had to be destroyed. Bob enjoyed feeling their

texture and practiced the name again and again. Unfortunately, this

happened at Christmas time, when Al and his wife came to call,

largely, I fancy, to let Anne show off her new mink coat. Bob

toddled across the room to Anne and stroked the fur happily while

clearly pronouncing his new phrase. I suspect that Anne had seldom

been so shocked nor Catherine so embarrassed.

 


279

 

23.

Catherine

All in all, I believe I am entitled to be dissatisfied with the

performance of the medical world in Catherine's case. I am still, at

the end of January, receiving reports of payments of medical,

insurance. These have considerably exceeded $30,000, with payments

to a dozen or two of consultants, or analysts of innumerable tests.

So far as I can tell, nothing useful was ever done for Catherine

except to feed her through one kind of tube or another and, no

doubt, to wash her from time to time. Her long hair, certainly, was

never washed or brushed out enough to remove the cement-like

substance left from the brain-wave measurements. It was never easy

to get any information from anyone, and I saw no evidence of

sympathy except from a small minority of the nurses. I have

instructed my children never, under any circumstances, to let me be

taken to the second of the hospitals that cared for Catherine.

We buried Catherine in Brookfield, as we had long planned, and where

I trust that I may join her presently; preferably after I get these

memoirs finished. In Arlington, we contented ourselves with a

memorial service, and I was especially happy to have eight people

from our old World War II group come to it. I was also much pleased

by one detail. The minister knew about her claim that she read

Ivanhoe annually, and I had told him about my reading to her just

before she died. The death of one of our very favorite authors, H.

B. White, had been reported the day before the service. This gave

the minister the opportumity for a very graceful reference to his

mental picture of Catherine, with a copy of Ivanhoe and of one of

John Gould's books under her arm, waiting to greet E. B. White when

he arrived.

 


280

 

24.

A trip to England

In the autumn of 1957 my ideas about using very low radio

frequencies for an aid to navigation were beginning to be

circulated. Somehow a rumor of this must have reached the Royal

Navy, for the U. S. Navy began to ask me to go to England to confer

with the Admiralty Signals Establishment at Portsmouth. I arranged

the trip to include visits to some places where I myself wished to

go. These included, of course, the National Physical Laboratory at

Teddington to see Dr. Essen; the Radio Research Board's experimental

station at Slough; the Royal Air Force station at Farnborough, with

which we were to have some collaboration five or ten years later;

the experimental station of the Marconi Company in London; and,

naturally, two or three offices in or near Whitehall. As I had been

in England in November, I should have known enough to postpone the

trip, but I did have a pleasant and interesting time in spite of the

usual early winter weather.

At that date most of the American ideas about improved navigational

aids were supposed to be classified. I tried in every way I could

conceive, both in person and by telephone, to get some guidance

about what I should tell the British, with no success whatever. I

was thus forced to utilize my own judgment and did, in fact, tell

one or two groups quite a little.

I think I spent about three weeks in England, with the accom

paniment of the standard winter cold in the head, but in this case

at least without influenza. The trip started with a fine example of

military delay. In that period workers under military contracts were

supposed to fly in Air Force transport planes. I was told to report

to an airfield in the wilds of New Jersey at 10 A.M. By rising early

I caught a plane to Newark and then found a bus connection to the

airport that got me there at the appointed time. Then I waited. The

aircraft was finally ready in the late afternoon and I had the

memorable experience of flying directly over our home at 6:30 in the

evening, about thirteen hours after I had left it. I saw a little of

Gander, Newfoundland, in the middle of the night and was dumped out

somewhere in the Midlands in the morning. From then on, fortunately,

I was able to use the excellent British trains and busses and could

schedule my arrivals better.

The Office of Naval Research branch in London found me a modest

hotel somewhere in Earls' Gate, which didn't look to me as if it had

ever seen an Earl. The details of my various visits are no longer

clear to me, partly because the activities are mixed up in my mind

with things that happened on other trips, and are not very exciting

 

281

anyway. I remember that I gave relatively formal lectures two or

three times. In London I enjoyed a dinner with the Council of the

Institute of Navigation, which did not achieve the adjective Royal

until later. The meal was strictly masculine and largely

characterized by the telling of smutty jokes, a field in which I did

not distinguish myself.

After a session at the Admiralty Signals Establishment, an

acquaintance took me a few miles east of Portsmouth for a drink at a

pub that delighted me as it had a fireplace bounded by two pillars

that had been found in a local Roman ruin. We went on to have dinner

in another town that I fancy may have been Bognor Regis. After the

meal I was taken to see a remarkable sight. There was a sort of man-

made bay on the waterfront, bounded by a long pier with what was

possibly a dance hall at the further end, with some corresponding

structure at the other side of the small bay. The few acres between

were illuminated by stray light from many neon signs and covered

with what seemed to be thousands of swans. There must have been

quite an admixture of red in the lights as the swans seemed to be a

lovely shade of shell pink. They were so tightly packed that they

apparently had little room in which to swim, yet they did move

continuously but slowly, rather like pairs of dancers on a crowded

floor. I was told that most of the swans in England come (or came)

to this little bay to spend the winter, but I have read since that

many English swans winter in other parts of Europe. Whatever the

case, there were many more swans than I have ever seen before or

since, even in total, and they made a most beautiful and

unforgettable sight in the winter night.

There were two other memorable incidents in Portsmouth. One was a

visit to HMS Victory. This was perhaps unusually thorough, being

made under a naval escort. I admired the old ship and gazed politely

at the inset plaque marking the spot on the deck where Nelson fell,

but I did not greatly care for the waxwork group below decks that

showed Captain Hardy holding Nelson in his arms as the Admiral died.

I thought that I would much rather have encountered this tableau at

Madame Tussaud's. The Victory is far larger than our Old Ironsides,

and also older, but I thought that having her bedded in concrete

took a little of the fun out of the experience.

The other happening was much more amusing. Just before teatime one

day I was escorted almost ceremoniously to the men's room and prac

tically bowed into the urinal used by General Eisenhower on D-Day

morning. The story is that after listening to all the arguments pro

and con about the weather on that day, the general went to this room

and used the fixture while making up his mind. He is reported to

have come back to the conference room and said no more than We go. I

gathered that I was supposed to feel flattered to have been allowed

to use the same plumbing.

 

Swans and Other Attractions at Portsmouth 282

 

My lecture at Slough was relatively stuffy and formal, perhaps

because my audience did not entirely believe what I was trying to

tell them about the remarkable stability of very low frequency radio

wave propagation. I do not recall that I greatly enjoyed myself

there although my treatment was certainly correct, although not

effusive.

My old acquaintance from 1936, Mr. J. A. Ratcliff, was then at the

famous Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge University, which is in

some way associated with Sidney Sussex College. I had the pleasure

of spending the night there in a very cold suite of rooms, but with

elegant attention from a scout (or is that what the college servant

is called at Oxford?). This visit included my only experience in

dining in Hall. After a very long preparation over drinks in the

Fellows' Common Room, the Dons and I marched in to surround the High

Table and found the undergraduates standing awaiting our arrival,

and also the most swift recitation of a Latin grace I ever heard.

Possibly as a courtesy, I found myself having to converse almost

entirely with the Master who, it seemed, was a classical scholar

with no interest at all in anything I knew much about. After a long

session over the port and a more general conversation over more

drinks back in the Commons, I was finally allowed to return to my

cold quarters and get, myself to bed as rapidly as possible. The

dinner, however, had been extremely good and, I thought, far

superior to what was served to the undergraduates, who were allowed

to retire long before the Dons finished.

* * *

I had a very pleasant time when I visited the Marconi Company, with

which the old gentleman who gave me such a hard time in discussion

of my speech about Loran in 1945 had long keen connected. The Soviet

Sputnik had gone up just a month before my visit, and I found the

Marconi people doing a splendid job of recording the changes caused

by the doppler effect on the frequency of the radio signals received

from that first artificial satellite. The frequency at each passage

was automatically plotted as a long curve, ranging downward from

near an upper asymptote as the sputnik approached London to near a

lower asymptote after the satellite had passed beyond the receiver.

The curve was plotted by very clever instrumentation with an

accuracy that surprised me, and excellent deductions were already

being made. The plotted curve was almost perfectly anti-symmetrical.

The frequency difference between the asymptotes gave an excellent

measure of the speed of the satellite. The steepness of the curve at

its center of symmetry was reciprocally related to the distance from

the receiver to the satellite at the point where the orbit was

closest to London. After a few passes, which were of course at quite

different distances, these data had been reduced to an excellent

 

Tracking the First Satellite 283

determination of the orbit. The degradation of the orbit as time

passed was already being measured and conclusions were being drawn

about the density and temperature of the atmosphere at the orbital

height. That all of this was being done so soon after the sputnik

had been sent up, and was being done so accurately without any

cooperation from the Russians, was a surprise and a delight to me.

These observations were the inverse of the measurements made later

with the U. S. Navy's Transit satellite navigation system. Those

satellites are tracked accurately from known locations and their

exact orbital constants are transmitted up to the satellites and

then retransmitted by the satellites themselves, as a part of the

signals observed by the navigators. This device was set up quite

early in the Space Age and has given excellent service ever since.

As an aid to navigation the method suffers from only two defects:

that a determination of position is available only when a satellite

is nearest to the navigator, which limits observations to once in an

hour, or less, and the unpleasant fact that the errors depend

critically upon precise knowledge of the speed and direction of the

vehicle. Transit is, however, a good and useful system, and it

pleases me to have seen that its principles were understood so well

at such an early date in the age of artificial satellites.

* * *

My happiest period on this trip to England was when I visited Dr.

Essen at Teddington. We had entertained him at our home in America

several times and he and Mrs. Essen were apparently happy to let me

stay with them for a few days. At the laboratory I had the pleasure

of seeing the first cesium resonator that Dr. Essen had developed.

This was a passive device; meaning that an oscillator with

adjustable frequency could be tuned until a maximum response was

obtained, at which point the oscillator frequency was proved to have

an accurately known value. Dr. Essen believed that he could judge

this frequency to a part in ten billion (American billion). I was

allowed to try it myself and felt that one part in a billion was

about all I could feel confident of, but I would never think of

doubting Dr. Essen. I have told above of the cooperative

measurements we made that proved the accuracy he claimed and even

much more as the years went by. It was, however, quite a thrill to

operate this first device that introduced a new order of precision

to the world.


Doctor and Mrs. Essen had four daughters. My Catherine often spoke

affectionately of the time in Arlington when Dr. Essen had told us

that when the third one arrived and was twins, it was a bit much! In

1957 the two elder daughters were among the young people who had

 

Change Ringing 284

brought new life to the ancient art of ringing changes. All bell

ringing had been suspended during the war as the church bells were

ordered reserved for a warning of invasion or some other emergency.

Many people had felt that change ringing would become a lost art

because many or most of the ringers were old men. To the surprise of

these pessimists, ringing became a very popular pastime among the

young, who frequently formed parties to drive around England on

weekends, stopping to ring the bells for a half-hour or so at as

many churches as possible.

Ever since first reading Dorothy Sayers' novel The Nine Tailors, I

have been fascinated by the idea of ringing changes, which is the

art of altering the sequence of strokes on a group of bells, not to

play a tune, but in response to some mathematical pattern based

fundamentally upon interchanging the positions of next neighbors in

a sequence. When followed to the limit, each bell will occupy in

turn every possible position among those of its neighbors until

finally the order of ringing returns to its original form, which is

ringing in turn from the highest to the lowest pitch. With only four

bells this full peal requires only 24 changes (a change comprises

one stroke on every bell), but ringing on 12 bells would need no

less than 479,001,600 changes, or a lifetime of ringing. Peals can

be rung on any number of bells a church may have, and bobs (or

planned irregularities in the sequence) may be inserted to delay the

recurrence of the original sequence when the number of bells is

small. It is customary to regard the rate of ringing as about 24

changes per minute or, in most cases, from two to four strokes per

second. These statements, I must make clear, are true only to the

extent of my understanding of what I am writing about, which is

severely limited on this subject.

When several thousand changes are required, it is clear that the

human mind cannot remember the sequence, even for only one of the

bells. I have been told, however, that it is possible to memorize

the pattern which controls the pattern. At this point my

understanding fails to deal with the problem. It is clear,

nevertheless, that people do ring changes.

The bells for change ringing are not stationary and struck by

hammers, as in a carillon, but are suspended on an axle and rung by

pulling a rope attached to a wheel on the axle. Before a peal the

bells are rung up, or swung until each goes just over the top where

it is checked and held upside down until its right moment in the

sequence. The hardest thing for me to understand is how a ringer

learns to time his pull, which must depend in part upon the size and

weight of the bell he is to follow. This is apparently done, not by

listening to the preceding bell (whose sound arrives too late), but

by watching the man (or girl) who pulls the corresponding rope. And

which rope to watch must change after nearly every sequence!

 

More about Bell Ringing 285

 

I had never heard change ringing, to say nothing of watching it,

before I discovered that on the Sunday that I spent with the Essens

the local group was going to ring a quarter peal, or about 45

minutes of changes, before the evening service. I begged for and was

granted the opportunity to watch the ringing and was politely

accompanied by Dr. Essen who, to my surprise, had never watched it

himself. It was a fascinating evening. The leader occasionally made

a cryptic remark, presumably to forestall or correct an error, but

verbal silence prevailed in the ringing chamber for the most part.

The actual energy required was not forbiddingly large, as after each

stroke the bell was checked again in the inverted position. The only

force required (after the original ringing up) was the little needed

to start the bell into its swing, and perhaps a little to check the

bell when it had again reached the top. Ringing for several hours

must be, nevertheless, a wearing experience although the exercise of

so much mental skill is sure to keep it interesting.

Doctor and Mrs. Essen's daughters Judith and Margaret were so kind

as to send me a Ringer's Notebook and Diary for the following

Christmas. This little book contains a calendar mentioning the dates

on which various famous methods (there must be a hundred or more

differing formulae) were first rung; and also the dates of certain

famous peals. The longest that I find mentioned was a full peal of

Bob Major (140,320 changes on eight bells) rung by fourteen men at

Leeds, Kent, in 1761. Such a number of changes would nominally

require about 28 hours. Fortunately, on the average, each man would

need to ring only for sixteen hours out of the twenty'eight! Most of

the recorded ringing records were limited to 12,000 or 13,000

changes, or about nine hours. There is one mention of 17,824 changes

of Oxford T. B. Major that were rung at Heptonstall in 1927. Any of

these records must be considered a triumph.

I must not forget to record that Dr. Essen also took me to spend a

very pleasant afternoon at Hampton Court, where I tried to lose

myself in the maze and greatly admired everything, especially the

sheer size of the Palace.

I am sure that it was after returning by train from Teddington that

I accidentally watched a moving occasion. For some reason I took the

underground to Leicester Square. I came up into the rain to find the

square crowded with people who, I learned, were prepared to wait two

or three hours to see the Queen arrive at one of the theaters for a

Command Performance. There would obviously be a long wait, so I went

somewhere for dinner and, still finding the time not ripe, stopped

in at a newsreel theater for an hour or so. When the moment came I

had found an excellent vantage point, not much over fifty yards from

the theater marquee, although the crowd was still continuing to

increase and filled the large square pretty tightly. When the

 

The Queen 286

procession of limousines arrived, the Queen thoughtfully posed under

the protecting roof for a minute or more, so that the crowd could

cheer her. She was dressed in white and every woman in the crowd

cried out, "Oh! She's wearing her emeralds!" I could believe that

she was wearing all of them because, to me, her costume seemed about

half white and half scintillating green. Notwithstanding this

distant view of a few million pounds' worth of emeralds, I was most

pleased, and actually deeply moved, by the patience and devotion of

the admiring crowd.

* * *

As I remember no details of the return trip from England, I feel

sure that it must have been more expeditious than the outward

flight. I think that it may even have landed in Boston, although I

am by no means sure. In any event, I can be confident that I was

delighted to be at home with my family again, and warm enough!

 


287

 

25.

Polaris Communications

 

The Polaris Project Office in the U. S. Navy was the administrative

organization that planned the creation of the first generation of

submarines armed with ballistic missiles. It was probably in 1957,

well before the first such submarine was launched, that I was

appointed to the Polaris Command Communications Committee. This

surprised me somewhat as I felt that I had some qualifications with

respect to navigation, while my knowledge of advanced communication

techniques was quite ordinary. The appointment perhaps should not

have surprised me, as the navigation for the Polaris ships was

already in a strong position. It was based upon very advanced

inertial devices and, for updating the inertial, automatic sextants

that were controlled by a computer and saw the stars through a

periscope. Inertial navigation, or automatic tracking of direction

and integration of all changes in speed, was especially good on a

submarine because when deeply submerged there is little or no random

motion of the kind so conspicuous on a surface ship or an aircraft.

The celestial updating was nearly as completely automatic. The

navigator would name a star to the computer. The machine then would

consider the time, the geographic position of the submarine, and the

direction in which the ship was headed and so point the sextant that

the observer would find the star near the middle of the field of

view of the instrument. Slight adjustment of the altitude and

azimuth controls would then bring the star to the cross-hairs in the

center of the field. After this adjustment had been made, the push

of a button would send the necessary adjustments to the computer to

correct the former error of the sighting. This process could be

repeated for as many stars as desired, and the computer would

immediately display the latitude and longitude, or the distance and

direction to a desired point, or the ship's course and speed, or

whatever other information might be desired.

A problem with both these devices was that the data could not be

carried forward indefinitely long when the submarine was far below

the surface. The inertial navigation, while very accurate, had

errors that increased more or less in proportion to the time since

the vessel had last been at a known position. Depending upon

circumstances, such as the distance from a potential danger, the

inertial navigation alone might be accurate enough for many hours

but not for several days; and by no means adequate for the Polaris

submarines that were supposed to lie hidden in the depths of the

oceans for tours of three months at a time. It was obvious that the

correction by celestial observations (called updating) could not be

done unless the submarine came to within periscope depth of the

 

288

surface, in which case it was vulnerable to discovery from the air

if not by the radars of surface ships.

The communication aspects of the Polaris effort were faced by

similar problems. It was apparently inviolable doctrine that an

order was not complete until an acknowledgment had been received.

This meant that even though a very-low-frequency radio signal could

be received at a distance of several thousand miles when a few tens

of feet below the surface of the ocean, an order to fire could not

be carried out until it had been acknowledged. This appeared to

force the submarine to come to the surface so that it could confirm

the order by high-frequency radio. This seemed an unfortunate thing

to require at such a critical time. Even worse, one could foresee a

more or less extended series of signals which could be expressed in

the vernacular as: "I thought I heard you say fire. Did you mean

it?" "Yes, I said fire!" " Well, give me the countersign so that I

know that you are really you." And so on.

Bringing an offensive weapon-carrying submarine to the surface for

such an interchange, even if compressed into a series of code

signals (which might of course be vulnerable to espionage) seemed to

cast a certain doubt upon the basic concept of an undetectable

threat.

It was obvious that orders for the Polaris submarines were expected

to be sent by VLF radio (about which I now realize I was beginning

to be a minor expert), because the Navy was adding to its existing

network of such stations two much more powerful ones in Australia

and in Maine. In fact, a lot of Polaris money was added to other

funds to expedite the work already going on in Maine. It was one of

my pleasures in this connection to visit the site of the Maine

station at least every year or so while it was being completed. As a

matter of fact, I had earlier participated with my old friend Dick

Woodward, of the Pickard and Burns research firm, in studies of

several places in Maine in an effort to advise the Navy about the

best location. It of course transpired that our recommendation was

disregarded because the Navy had already bought a suitable site.

I must pause here to offer a parenthetical discussion of the costs

of preparing this site; a story that has always amused me. The place

is a rocky peninsula roughly two and a half miles wide and five

miles long. It was originally very rough and sparsely covered with

earth and a scraggly growth of juniper and spruce. The Navy decided

to forestall a lot of haggling with various owners and offered a

flat price of $25.00 per acre. There was local criticism, I was

told, about the spendthrift ways of the Navy in paying so much more

than the land was worth, in those days at least. Having bought it,

it was necessary to clear the land of trees, then remove what soil

there was, blast away the granite to make at least half of the total

 

Limitations on Communications / Cost or the Transmitting Site 289

area somewhat smooth, and finally to restore the soil so that some

2,200 miles of heavy copper wire could be properly buried to form

the necessary ground system. In addition to the original twenty-five

dollars, the Navy spent $375 per acre to clear the land and then

$3,000 per acre to grade it!

I approached my duties on the Communication Committee with the

possibly silly idea that the response equivalent to "Aye, Aye, Sir"

ought not to be necessary in the case of the Polaris submarines. The

substitute, in my opinion, could only be a mechanism so completely

reliable that the mere making (naval for sending) a signal would

assure its reception. To achieve such a system would require two

parts. One was to have a transmitter that could not be interdicted

by enemy action or by accident. The second problem would be to

propagate the signals under water to any depth to which the

submarine might need to go.

By the time of the second meeting of the committee, I had prepared a

memorandum of which I was quite proud. The first part was the

description of a diffuse transmitter for VLF signals. This proposal

drew upon my studies of the phase stability of signals in that

frequency region. I visualized a group of 50 to 100 relatively low-

powered transmitters, each of which would drive an antenna

consisting of a thousand-foot television tower with long top-loading

cables to increase its capacitance. These units would be spaced at

least fifteen or twenty miles apart in an area two hundred miles or

more in each dimension. This separation was supposed to be enough so

that an atomic bomb would not destroy more than one of the units.

The signals emitted by these ten-kilowatt stations would be combined

by computer in any of several ways, with intercommunication through

land lines, or VHF radio, or both, in any of several ways. An

antenna in the center of the group might begin. A precise number of

microseconds later its signal would be joined by those from the

nearer towers, and so on, so that the signals,would be added in

phase to produce an omnidirectional signal equivalent to that of a

single station of far greater power. Or a signal could be started in

a given direction by the station at the greatest distance from the

desired objective, with the signals from the other units

contributing their shares as the first signal passed by. This would

add their amplitudes in a way to provide a directional signal with

any desired angular width and a signal strength that could not be

approached by a single transmitter of any achievable power. Or some

fraction of the units could be combined for either of these

purposes, or some other, at the same time. I also believed that this

entire network of low-power elements could be built for less than

the cost of the Cutler station.

The signal from such an indestructable transmitter would not be

noticeably affected by the loss of one or a few elements. Thus, in

 

My Reliability Proposals 290

my estimate, all maintenance could be performed element by element;

and the destruction of the entire diffuse transmitter by an enemy

would require a disproportionate amount of effort. The signal,

therefore, should always be available.

The second part of my problem I regarded as impossible to solve by

radio, as the attenuation of the signals in salt water would make

them useless at a hundred feet or so below the surface. I therefore

proposed a change to underwater sound transmission. This would

require a large number of relatively simple buoys each containing a

radio receiver and a low-powered sonic sounder. These would

translate the radio signals into acoustic ones that could be heard

at any depth, at a distance of a several miles. These buoys would be

anchored with the radio antennas at a depth of twenty or thirty

feet, and the sonic transmitters might be at any point along the

anchor cable that fitted the depth of the water and its temperature

gradient. These buoys would be sown liberally over a large area in

such numbers that there would be little correlation between the

detection of a sound signal and the presence of a Polaris submarine.

I was, as I have said, quite proud of this proposal. The Navy

considered it to the point of contracting with the General Electric

Company to study it, under the name of Arrow. This name, in a

conceit sometimes used in those days, was meant to indicate the

Pierce project, as all the people involved were old enough to

remember the Pierce-Arrow automobile. Incidentally, the neatest use

of this principle I knew of, was when my friend and former

collaborator, Ted Hunt, devised a system for flooding an area with

underwater sound so that the presence and positions of vessels could

be determined. This was, at that time, called the Artemis project,

as Artemis was the goddess of the hunt.

The GE Company produced a classified report on Arrow, in several

volumes that must have weighed a total of six or eight pounds, but

thereafter I do not believe that I heard of it again. My underwater

sound outlets did not achieve even that amount of attention. It is

possible that my work (or that of GE) may have had, some influence

on the development of the idea of using radio, transmission at low

audible frequencies for communication with submarines deep in the

ocean. This work has been hidden under military security

classification for a quarter of a century or more, except that the

subject has leaked out into newspapers from time to time. I have

never managed to have much confidence in this concept, but time and

improving techniques may prove me wrong.

Despite the lack of action on my initial ideas, I continued to try

to be useful, both on the committee and in my own experimentation,

for several years. Somewhere along the way, probably in 1960 when

the first Polaris submarine was commissioned, I believe the entire

 

A Very Minor Award / Cutler 291

membership of the committee received certificates of commendation

from the Secretary of the Navy. This was the only award I ever

received without any trace of fanfare. The certificate simply turned

up in the mail and was never mentioned at a committee meeting.

Watching the VLF transmitter grow at Cutler, Maine was very

interesting. Everything about it was of unprecendented size. The

antenna consisted of two halves each a mile and a half or so in

diameter. Metal cables extended from a thousand-foot tower in the

center somewhat fanwise to cover the spaces between six slightly

lower towers half way to the outer edge, and then continued to come

toward points at six more towers some eight hundred feet high at the

edge itself. Thus each of the two antennae consisted of six

diamond-shaped panels of cables. All were insulated from the towers

by trains of porcelain insulators about thirty feet long. At each

supporting point at a tower, there was a counterweight weighing, I

believe I remember, 110,000 pounds, that permitted the antenna to

sag somewhat if it were under unusual strain from wind or ice

loading. I have mentioned above the 2,200 miles of wire buried under

the antennae (and extending into the Gulf of Maine on both sides) to

provide the earth connection.

I was especially interested in the two loading coils required to

resonate with the capacitance of the antennae at the operating

frequency. Each of these was housed in a shielding helix house of

aluminum in the form of a cube about a hundred feet on a side. In

the center, the coil itself was a helix of a dozen or more turns

about twenty feet in diameter and much the same in length. These

were wound of the largest Litzendraht wire I ever expect to see.

Each strand consisted of a few thousand fine wires braided around

the surface of a rope half an inch in diameter. A large number of

these strands were then formed upon the surface of another rope

about three inches in diameter. This sort of construction was

necessary because at radio frequencies the current in a wire is

insistent on traveling only in a thin layer at the surface. By

making each individual wire as thin as this surface layer a vast

amount of copper can be saved; but then it must follow that hundreds

or (in the case of Cutler) tens of thousands of individual wires had

to be used to achieve the low resistance that is vital in the final

coil.

I have been told that, when in operation, the heat losses in these

loading coils are adequate to maintain a pleasant temperature in the

shielded helix house. On the only occasion when I was in one of

these hundred-foot cubes, the station was not yet operating. The

date was in March and it was a sunny but windy day. I was amazed at

the way this big aluminum cube sucked the heat out of my body, my

winter clothing notwithstanding. It was certainly far less

comfortable inside than outdoors, even on a windy day.

 

More about the Antennae 292

 

These twin antennae at Cutler are driven by currents of 14,000

amperes or so at about a quarter of a million volts. The two,

operated together as is usual, have an input of two megawatts and

radiate about half as much power. This represents a phenomenal

efficiency for a radio station operating at such a low frequency. It

is achieved only by extreme care in controlling the losses in every

part of the antenna, loading coil, and grounding system.

* * *

I came to be a great admirer of a Captain Burke, the naval officer

in charge of the construction at the site. He was working under

great pressure to hurry the work along, and under the handicap of

having to deal with more than forty unions. I never fully understood

how he managed to assign duties so that the various crews kept

completely out of each other's way, while no one was ever noticeably

idle. The work was even finished about a year ahead of the original

schedule.

* * *

The part of studying communications for Polaris that most interested

and amused me was our own development of a method of slow-speed

communication. Our work in precise frequency and timing, and

especially our experiments in cross correlation, had given us the

tools to make good use of almost any degree of reduction of

bandwidth at, of course, the cost of lost speed of signalling.

I have mentioned above the surprising sensitivity of some of our

detection methods, at times when speed was not a problem. We had

also made many measurements of signal strengths and of the ambient

noise levels at low and very low frequencies. We had, therefore, all

the data in hand to permit the design of a communication system

that, I deduced, ought to have at all times completely world-wide

range if used with any of the existing VLF communication stations.

This would be done at the cost of much speed, but it seemed to me

that there was a place for a method that offered immense

reliability, even if slow. It was obvious that the letter A, for

example, might be made to convey a great many differing messages

dependent upon whether it was sent at two P.M., at five minutes past

two, or at midnight, to cite a trivial example.

After some study of expected signal strengths and noise levels, I

decided to try a communication circuit at about three-tenths of a

word per minute or, more exactly, one letter each thirty-five

seconds. Our system was to be fully synchronous, meaning that the

receiver could always know exactly the time at the transmitter,

adjusted for the length of time it took the signal to traverse the

distance between the two places. The plan was to use phase

 

Phase-Shift Keying 293

modulation, where the information resided in the phase of a carrier

frequency rather than in its amplitude, as is done with ordinary

on/off keying. A little study indicated that a severe voltage

transient would be produced if the phase of the carrier should be

suddenly reversed. This ought to be avoided because all properly

designed VLF antennae operated at their voltage limit, or the

voltage just less than that at which coronal discharge would be

created; a discharge that would waste a great deal of radiated

power. We calculated that a relatively rapid change of phase of only

ninety degrees, however, would produce a transient not notably

different from that produced by on/off keying. We thus decided on a

phase pattern using four positions separated by exactly ninety

degrees.

Calculation of various possibilities led us to what seemed a useful

arrangement. We made up a code using one of four phases in each of

six time intervals. We established two rules that seemed satisfacto

ry to us: that there would never be a phase shift that was not

exactly ninety degrees; and that a character would always consist of

an equal number of phases taken positively and negatively from a

zero reference phase. There would thus be a constant mean phase,

whatever the character transmitted, so that an averaging circuit

could permit continuous locking to the transmitted frequency.

With these limitations on changes it was clear that in six active

time segments (that started after one segment that was always at

zero phase) there could be only either one or two positive

excursions matched with an equal number of negative ones. The 180

degree phase became impossible because it would take two steps to

get to it and two to return; there would not be time to have an

equal excursion in the opposite phase.

In summary, these restrictions permitted only 32 useful combinations

of phase patterns out of 4^6 or 4096 combinations. Very roughly, a

signal received in error could be recognized as wrong more than 99

percent of the time. This is not entirely right as there was a small

possibility that a positive phase error might be balanced by a

negative one to make up an actual character that could not be

recognized as wrong.

A more precise analysis shows that if the signal-to-noise ratio were

high enough so that one recognized error would be made in each 50

letters transmitted, or once in thirty minutes at our proposed rate

of speed, an undetected error should happen only once in 6,000

characters, or once in two and a half days.

The important thing about the thirty-two legitimate signals was that

this is the number of characters in a common teletype machine. In

the teletype the five bits that identify the 32 characters are sent

 

Translating the Phase Code 294

and received simultaneously (or in parallel), whereas our system

would transmit them in series, or one at a time. Our device made the

necessary translation by using a family of relays with many

contacts. As each of the six signal elements was identified a relay

indicating that phase and that time element was locked up. At the

end of the six elements, five circuits through the various contacts

were connected to the teletype so that it would print the required

letter. Any teletype character could be used to indicate a character

that had not been correctly received. In our case, we planned to

experiment using English text, so we simply arranged that the

teletype would print a space if the letter did not come through

unambiguously.

A phase detector is a device that produces an output voltage

proportional to the sine of the phase difference between an incoming

signal and a local reference having exactly the same frequency. For

plus or minus 90 degree shifts, a phase detector would simply have a

plus or minus voltage output of a standard size. By using two phase

detectors with their local reference phases in quadrature (or 90

degrees apart), we had two different voltages that might be either

positive or negative. Besides applying these voltages to our relays,

we exhibited them as deflections on an oscilloscope so that, say,

zero degrees was straight up, 90 degrees was to the right, minus 90

degrees, to the left, and 180 degrees straight down.

Timing circuits in our receiver detected that one of each seven

segments which was always at zero phase, and measured off five

second intervals from this zero of time. The next six five-second

intervals contained the six phase elements of our code. The phase

detector outputs were summed up in integrating capacitors. At the

end of each segment the capacitors were discharged. Thus in each

five'second interval the voltages built up more or less steadily in

the capacitors, positively or negatively as required by the two

phase detectors. Nothing mattered to the teletype except the values

held at the end of each five'second interval.

It is perhaps time that I mentioned the characteristics of noise,

particularly in the low radio frequencies. The major source of

natural noise is flashes of lightning, which occur somewhere on

earth about a hundred times a second, on the average. The natural

signals are subject to much the same attenuation as man-made

signals, and attenuation rates in the VLF region are so low that it

is, at times, possible to hear almost all of the lightning flashes.

Fortunately, most of the energy in each flash is expended in a few

hundred microseconds, although a low level of noise is produced for

several milliseconds. When one uses a hard limiting receiver in

which circuit devices prevent more than a certain level of output no

matter how loud the input, a noise pulse cannot cause more output

than can any signal that is strong enough to reach the limiting

 

Translating the Phase Code 295

level. This signal level may be very low as it depends primarily

upon the amount of amplification available in the receiver, and this

may be quite large.

Now it is characteristic of noise that the signal it produces in a

receiver has a phase that is, in the long run, perfectly random. For

a moment, or for any short period, the noise phase may have any

value but, as time passes, other noise impulses sooner or later will

have, all possible phases. In an integrating circuit, like the cap

aci' tors in the outputs of our phase detectors, the effect of

random noise will be zero if the integration time constant is

infinitely long. The important question is how much of the

integration time is filled by noise pulses that mask the desired

signal. In our five second integration time, it seemed that having

even as little as five or ten percent of the time free of noise

bursts made it very likely that the correct phase would be measured.

The only limit to detection of the phase' modulated signal is when

noise impulses block out all of the time during which we are

listening for a signal. This is like saying that the signal is so

weak that it never rises above the minimum level of the noise. With

modern precision of frequency controls, the integration time may be

made very large indeed, and the improvement in the ratio of the

power of the received signal to that of the ambient noise is always

proportional to this time constant. There is a practical limit,

however, to the integration that can be used, as we surely may not

wish to wait for minutes or hours before we can tell that a signal

is being received.

This process of integration could be watched on the oscilloscope

used with our receiver. I have said above that the deflection of a

spot on the screen should be straight up in the case of a signal

segment having zero phase. In our case the deflection would

ordinarily be about 1-1/2 inches above the center of the screen. A

noise-free signal segment would begin with the spot at the center.

It would then grow linearly upward with time until the end of the

five-second period, when the integrating capacitors would be

discharged and the spot would return instantly to the center. If

there were no signal at all the spot would also start at the center,

but then it would move, randomly, wandering slowly in any direction,

or several directions, and seldom getting more than a half inch or

an inch from the rest position before being returned to the center

at the end of each five-second interval.

When one watched the spot with an ordinary mixture of signal and

noise, it might start in any direction but then would tend upward

with random hesitations or fluctuationq to the right or left. (I am

still speaking of the case of zero phase). The only question asked

of the machine was whether the spot were nearer the vertical or the

horizontal axis at the instant before the capacitors were

 

More about Slow Speed Instrumentation 296

discharged. The allowed range of plus or minus forty-five degrees

was usually adequate so that the signal component would be correctly

deciphered. If the signal-to-noise ratio were extremely poor, it

could get quite exciting to watch the spot "struggling" to get into

the proper quadrant before the end of each five-second period.

I am speaking here as if we received signals before having arranged

for transmission in the right code. This was essentially the inverse

of the receiving problem, but easier because the transmitter always

knew what code element would be wanted next. We constructed a

circuit that would change the phase of a signal of the proper

frequency in accordance with instructions received from a standard

5-hole paper tape that was passed slowly through a tape reader, and

provided the proper timing signals for the various phases, including

the reference phase segment that was always at zero phase.

We played with the transmitting and receiving instruments in the

lab, using natural noise with a tiny signal from a local

transmitter, until we were satisfied with the reliability of the

mechanism. It happened that the Radux transmissions in Hawaii had

been discontinued, and the experimental navigational work was being

done at VLF using the large antenna at Haiku. This made the small

TCG antenna available for our experiment, as the staff from the Navy

Electronics Laboratory could easily administer the slow-speed

transmissions without interfering at all with the navigational work.

We therefore sent the transmitting signal generator to Hawaii for an

experiment that consisted entirely of allowing the NEL people to

punch any messages they pleased on the paper tape and then see if we

could read the signals at Cambridge.

We had chosen a frequency of 17.2 kHz for this experiment because it

was near the center of the region most used for VLF communications,

and because the Navy had an allocation for the use of that

frequency. The small antenna at Haiku was extremely inefficient at

such a low frequency. It was possible to radiate only about thirty

watts, or a thousandth or less of the power used by all serious code

transmitters used in that frequency region at that time. I have

already described the pleasure we had in watching the receiver

identify the phase of each segment of the code we used. We had begun

our experiment in early August, when the natural noise is at its

peak, at least in Cambridge, and we were thrilled to find that the

system did work somewhat better than in the example I cited above.

We found that, in the most noisy afternoon hour the machine failed

to identify a letter about once an hour, and incorrectly identified

one somewhat less than once a week.

Unfortunately, just as we were settling into a routine of measuring

the noise levels and comparing them with the error rate of the

machine, the small antenna at Haiku fell down! This brought the

 

Jamming of Cutler 297

experiment to an abrupt halt. The interruption turned out to be

permanent, as the Navy seemed to have no money for repairing an

antenna that was not immediately needed for its own purposes. The

experiment was never resumed elsewhere, as it took a long time

before our gear was returned from Hawaii, and because I believed

that we had already demonstrated the real success of the idea. We

had shown the Polaris authorities how much reliability could be

increased at the expense of speed of transmission. I still hope that

this lesson has been of use.

* * *

In the Polaris Committee I learned an amusing story about the way

the Navy sometimes attacks a problem. This tendency is not unique to

the Navy, but it is often seen at its best in a military

environment. When the first Polaris submarine, the SSBN Washington,

had been launched and sent on its first trans-Atlantic cruise, the

big new Cutler station (that had been re-assigned the Navy's first

famous call letters, NAA) was in full operation. It operated at a

frequency of 14 kilohertz, or very nearly that which should give it

the maximum reliable range of service. It was a great surprise to

the Navy (and to the Committee) when it was reported that when no

more than half way across the Atlantic Ocean the signal from Cutler

completely disappeared as soon as the submarine's antenna was

submerged to any degree at all. The signals were strong when the

ship was on the surface, but useless when it was submerged.

Investigation revealed that the trouble was simply a bad case of

local interference. The Polaris vessels had many kilowatts of

precisely-controlled four hundred cycle power for computers, and the

antenna leads had been thoughtlessly run through the same conduits

as the power lines. With so much 400 cycle power, the 35th harmonic

coupled into the antenna leads was far stronger than the weak signal

received from Cutler when submerged. The Navy solved the problem in

its own way, because giving the antenna leads their own shielded

conduits was too much trouble. They simply changed the operating

frequency of Cutler to 1 4,700 Hertz, so that no harmonic of the

power frequency would be able to jam the signals. It is to be hoped

that a better solution has been achieved in the intervening years.


One of the delights of the Communications Committee was an

opportunity to become better acquainted with Harold Beverage. He had

become a graduate of the University of Maine in 1915, and in the

early twenties had developed the "wave antenna", a powerful

directional receiving antenna for low frequency waves. He did this

so well and reported it in the scientific literature so completely

that, so far as I know, no one has needed to improve or extend his

 

Harold Beverage 298

work. We had used this kind of antenna for Loran when conditions

required too long a baseline, and I had often referred students to

Beverage's paper about the antenna as an excellent example of a

scientific report.

At the time of the Polaris work, Dr. Beverage was one of the grand

old men of radio. I had met him a few times, but did not know him

well. His contributions to the Committee were mostly in the nature

of steadying advice, which I needed as much as anyone, and we became

quite friendly.

As Cutler was nearing completion, Harold and I decided to visit the

station together. This resulted in a few days of delightful

traveling. Harold and his wife Patricia flew to Bangor while

Catherine and I drove to Maine. We called on friends of one couple

or the other at various places, spent two days admiring the Cutler

Station and cementing relations with Captain Burke, and then went

back to Orono to visit the University again. Harold had seldom been

there since his graduation but my more frequent visits, and a few

old friends still living in Orono, made our stay there pleasant and

memorable. Some years later Catherine and I were able to revisit

Orono when the University gave Harold an award as one of its most

distinguished Alumni.

* * *

A little later my experiments with phase coding of signals brought

me to an interesting luncheon. Professor Chaffee, my chief at

Harvard after the war, until he retired in the fifties, had for

years been an expert advisor to John Hayes Hammond, Junior. Mr.

Hammond had made something of a name for himself by developing a

radio control mechanism for boats at the time of World War I. He was

a rich man and enjoyed playing with electronic devices at his home

in Gloucester, Massachusetts. This home was an artificial castle of

fair size which still serves Gloucester as a tourist attraction. In

it Mr. Hammond assembled and, from time to time, kept adding to a

large pipe organ that was often used for concerts in the Great Hall

of the castle. He also had an assistant Ed Purinton, who was reputed

to be responsible for anything that Mr. Hammond achieved in

electronics.

Shortly after my work on the slow-speed signalling device, Mr.

Hammond and Professor Chaffee began bothering the Navy about a

similar system they had devised and constructed with the assistance

of Mr. Purinton. Their attempts to interest the Navy were difficult

to disregard as Dr. Chaffee's reputation stood high as that of the

greatest expert on high-powered vacuum tubes, while Mr. Hammond was

a Director of the Radio Corporation of America. A Naval captain, who

knew of my similar work, begged me to visit Gloucester and report on

 

Harold Beverage 299

whether the Chaffee-Hammond device was something the Navy ought to

try. Accordingly, I made an appointment through Professor Chaffee

and went to Gloucester one morning to see what had been done.

The Gloucester experimenters had devised a perfectly good method for

transmitting dots and dashes by phase-shift keying. They had,

however, apparently given no thought to the effects of noise

interference that had been my primary consideration. Their device

gave, in the absence of noise, a beautiful clear signal but, of

course, one could do much the same thing with a tin whistle. The

experimenters seemed not to have thought of using the hard-limiting

methods so important in making frequency modulation relatively

noise-free, and had devoted no attention to the various

considerations of bandwidth and time constants that were, and are,

of primary importance in modern communications.

The various demonstrations set up to impress me were interrupted by

a luncheon that really did so, as it was conducted with a maximum of

formality. The four of us mentioned above were ushered into a

circular room some twenty-five feet or more in diameter. The room

was at the back of the castle and looked out directly at the reef of

Norman's Woe, made so famous in Longfellow's poem "The Wreck of the

Hesperus". The four diners were seated at ninety degree intervals on

a circular raised platform with backs against the wall and a table

in front of each. The central part of the room was devoted to a

number of servants in livery, who brought in food and presented it

to us, each at his own table. Conversation had to be conducted in

rather loud voices, but it was not really necessary to shout. The

food was excellent, although I no longer have any recollection of

what we ate.

After a day of tedious salesmanship, varied by this interesting

meal, I found no difficulty in reporting to the Navy that, if they

wished to pursue this matter any further, they should at least

demand some serious attention to the effects of noise on the system;

and that, so far as I could see, any official demonstration would

need to be preceded by a considerable amount of further development.

I was pleased to hear no more of this project, as I had been

somewhat concerned that my relations with Professor Chaffee might

suffer. Perhaps the experimenters found that learning the more

modern techniques of communication demanded rather too much time and

attention to be worth pursuing.

 


300

 

26.

Omega

This aid to navigation was mentioned above in the hyphenated form

Radux-Omega. That was an early idea of a possible way to take

advantage of the precision of measurements of unmodulated signals at

very low radio frequencies. It was hoped that Radux signals sharing

time and radiated from the same antennas would serve to identify the

carrier cycles being measured. This concept failed to develop

because the VLF component turned out to be useful over far greater

distances than could be reached by the Radux part of the combined

method.

The discussion of Draco above has given some impression of the value

of carrier-frequency measurement. This idea by itself, of which

Omega is one implementation, could not be seriously proposed in

earlier days because of possible losses of the continuity of phase

measurement. In the years after World War II, the reliability of

frequency-deriving circuits and the precision of navigational dead

reckoning were both improving rapidly. These factors made the

potential loss of phase continuity less to be feared, and made the

re-establishment of position more accurate in case continuity should

be lost. The use of very low frequencies could in itself make an

important contribution because phase ambiguities would be separated

by distances of a few miles, making the re-establishment of position

by dead reckoning more feasible.

In the years since something like Omega was first proposed these

worrisome problems have nearly vanished. Today there is almost no

doubt that the frequency of the crystal in a uartz watch will be

divided down to count the hours in a day with absolute reliability.

And the precision of dead reckoning has, through the techniques of

inertial navigation, been brought to a very high level, reaching the

order of a mile an hour, or better, even in an aircraft, where

unexpected changes of wind make estimation of course and speed very

difficult.

In the decade of the 1950s, however, it was necessary to approach

the concept of a "pure" carrier-frequency aid to navigation very

cautiously. The early experiments were conducted at single

frequencies below 14 kilohertz, which was the practical lower limit

of the band occupied for long-distance telegraphic communication. It

was possible to borrow the use of large unused, or underused, Naval

transmitting antennas in Hawaii, the Panama Canal Zone, and

elsewhere. And, for a time, the "spare" station of the British Post

Office at Criggion, Wales, also made transmissions for us.

 

 

301

By 1958 there was a synchronized pair, operating at 12,500 cycles

per second, between Hawaii and San Diego, but we had at that time no

very accurate idea of the velocity of propagation of radio waves of

such a frequency. As part of an attack on this problem, Commander

Lyle Read, who was the Radux Program Officer at the Navy Electronics

Laboratory, took an early model of a receiver on a voyage from

Hawaii to California. This was primarily to count the number of

cycles in the interference pattern between the signals from the

opposite ends of the path between the stations. This would define

the velocity of propagation, at least for that frequency and time of

day and date. Fortunately the ship got a little ahead of schedule,

and Lyle was able to induce the captain to make a 360-degree turn

somewhere in midpassage. The integrated difference between the

phases of the two signals was being traced by a pen recorder and, of

course, showed a more or less uniform slope proportional to the

speed of the ship. The turn in a circle added a single period of a

sinusoidal modulation to this linear progression. Lyle measured the

amplitude of this sine wave on the record and reported to the

captain, "She seems to turn in 1300 yards". He later told us that

the skipper looked a little dubious and then got out the ship's

book. After studying the reports of the vessel's trials, years

before, he answered, "No, she turns in 1260".

To me, and to many others at NEL and elsewhere, this single incident

gave us our first confidence in the ultimate utility of what came to

be known as Omega. So much sensitivity to the position of a ship in

midpassage in the eastern Pacific Ocean seemed to be such an

important quality that it would justify the immense amount of work

necessary to solve all of the problems of building an effective

system.

It was, of course, recognized that additional transmissions at other

frequencies might be used to solve the cyclic ambiguity. In

principle, transmission at a second frequency ten percent different

from the first would, if the propagational uncertainties in

transmission should be small enough, serve to eliminate nine out of

each ten cycles of ambiguity. Early experiments quickly showed us

that the uncertainties were too large to permit this result. It was,

however, ultimately possible to show that a ratio of four to three

in frequency would usually identify the correct one in each three

cycles. At the lowest frequency ultimately chosen for Omega, 10.2

kflz, the ambiguities are separated by eight nautical miles or more

of distance. Identification in terms of frequency differences could,

in principle, be repeated several times so that the cyclic ambiguity

would vanish as a practical problem. For several years the Navy made

transmissions at various very low frequencies and observed them at

many places. I recall one experiment, observed only by me, in trying

a lower frequency. This, like much of the early work, ran into the

difficulty that a small antenna will, other things being equal,

 

Trials at Carrier Frequencies 302

radiate an amount of energy that varies with the fourth power of the

frequency. The antenna at Chollas Heights in San Diego was designed

for use in the hundred kilohertz region where it would radiate at

least tens of kilowatts of power. In a VLF environment it was very

small, consisting of a network of cables supported by three 625-foot

lattice towers separated in a triangle a thousand feet on a side. At

the Radux frequency of forty to fifty kilohertz it could radiate

several kilowatts. At ten kilohertz, where our first VLF experiments

were made, I believe that the most power that could be radiated was

thirty watts.

On the occasion I found most interesting, the boys in Hawaii had

pieced together all the loading coils they could find and managed to

get the small antenna at Haiku tuned to 6250 hertz. At this

frequency the power radiated could not have been more than a very

few watts. I observed the signal at Cambridge with our photographic

technique, using triggering pulses at a submultiple frequency, so

that a cycle or two stood still on an oscilloscope screen and the

photographic record (which plotted the oscilloscope picture against

time of day) appeared as black and white stripes. During the night

the signal was marvelously clear but at sunrise it declined so

rapidly that at first I thought that the transmitter had been turned

off. This was because the frequency of the signal came close to or

below the cut'off frequency in the waveguide-like space between the

earth and the lowest ionized layer. The height of the layer dropped

suddenly when the first rays of sunlight reached it in the morning,

and the attenuation of the signal increased rapidly. This and one or

two other experiments between six and ten kilohertz convinced us

that reliable long-distance operation was not to be expected at all

hours at a frequency much below ten kilohertz.

In 1963 the Bureau of Ships appointed me chairman of a small group

called the Omega Implementation Committee, which was certainly a

misnomer. It was to be several years before a final decision to use

Omega was taken. Other members of the committee were my old friend

Dick Woodward, and Winslow Palmer of the Sperry Corporation who, as

reported above, designed the first direct-reading Loran receiver.

Win had, in the intervening years, managed to get support for

experimental developments under the name Cyclan, that provided the

first really satisfactory tests of long range navigation in the 100

kHz frequency region and led directly to the development of the

present Loran C. The fourth and final member of the committee was

Donald Watt, a wavepropagation expert at the Bureau of Standards for

a long time, but currently operating a small research branch of the

Westinghouse Corporation, doing research and consulting in the

propagational field.

This committee met frequently, most often at Dick's headquarters at

Pickard and Burns. We invited help and advice from many sources,

 

The Implementation Committee 303

even from abroad. Representatives from the British Air Force and

Admiralty were especially active in making their own experiments and

in trying to modify our ideas in directions they thought might suit

them better, but I think that none of their suggested changes were

accepted. There was no formality in the committee meetings, except

for some assignments of reports to be written and brought to the

next meeting. And decisions were made by unanimous agreement

(something, in my experience, only possible in a very small

committee). In most cases there were only two major contributors to

each decision, with the other two members agreeing after discussion.

The committee report was really issued twice, first in June of 1964,

and again in somewhat revised form in May, 1966. This was largely

because a somewhat more desirable method for resolving ambiguities

had been chosen, although there were many minor changes and

improvements. The report contained nearly three hundred pages in

these nine sections:

Part I The System

1. Introduction

2. System Principles and Geometry

3. Propagation

4. Signal Format

5. System Synchronization

Part II Implementation

6. Transmitting Stations

7. System Monitors

8. Omega Receivers

9. Navigation Charts and Compensation Graphs.

My contributions were primarily in sections 2, 3, 4, and 9, on which

subjects I had been making occasional reports for several years.

Sections 3 and 6 were the chief area of interest for Don Watt and

Dick Woodward, although they contributed much to the design of

synchronizing equipment and charting. Win Palmer provided a very

pretty proof that stations at widely separated places could have

their signals brought into coherence without even knowing their

exact locations. He also contributed a far-sighted preview of the

details of a digital receiver, a very advanced idea at that date,

and did much to improve our ideas of instrumentation in every area

of the project.

The first five sections of the report comprised all the system

theory and, as far as possible, proofs that it would work as

expected. The last four were matters of implementation, dealing with

possible locations for stations, required transmitter power, design

 

The Omega Report 304

of receivers and the computation and use of charts and tables for

navigators. These latter sections assumed that the system would

work, as defined in the earlier sections, and gave chiefly rules and

designs for builders and users. The report as a whole was called by

the engineers at NEL "the grey bible" and was, we were told, for a

long time the text for weekly seminars and discussion groups for

those poor people who had to put our instrumental ideas into final,

and actually superb, form.

An interesting feature of the report is an introductory table citing

the number of days of observations (from 4 or 5 up to well over 100)

made on signals from various experimental stations. There were

transmitters in Hawaii, the Panama Canal Zone, San Diego, upstate

New York, and Wales, used in various pairs. Reports are cited from

43 receiving points, covering much of the area from Alaska to Peru

and West Africa, and from the Fiji Islands to Greenland, Iceland,

and England. At this date all antennas were, of course, borrowed.

The major decision of the committee was that there should be eight

transmitters, scattered as uniformly as nature would permit over the

surface of the earth. These would be synchronized in the absolute

sense; that is, the positive-going axis crossings of the antenna

currents at all stations should occur at the same instants of

Greenwich Time. Thus, radical as it might sound at that time, there

should be no master or slave stations, and a navigator could measure

any signal as compared with any other.

In the presumably rare situation when satisfactory signals might be

received from all eight stations, there would be 28 lines of

position that could be measured, and no less than 266 different

positions, accurate or not, that might be determined from the

necessary three stations. The number of hyperbolic fixes varies with

the number of stations successfully received as shown in the

following table:

Number of Possible Fixes

Number of stations Hyperbolic Circular

================== ========== ========

1

---

---

2

---

1

3

1

3

4

7

6

5

25

10

6

65

15

7

140

21

8

266

28

The column showing the circular fixes on the previous page is

included because the navigator (or his computer) may prefer to make

a solution in terms of the distance from each station rather than in

 

Station Identification 305

the customary hyperbolic way. Such a solution is possible, even

without knowledge of absolute time, and may be preferred as it is in

some ways more simple. It is not discussed at this time as I found a

reasonably satisfactory mechanism for solving this problem

(algorithm, if you like) only after my retirement and have not tried

to publish it. It offers equal accuracy and often fewer fixes to be

evaluated and weighed for accuracy.

In ordinary Omega practice, the navigator has chosen a pair of lines

of position and determined his position from them only. The choice

of stations is often pre-selected in terms of geographic position,

and is sometimes given with an alternate station or pair in case a

suitable signal is not received from a station first chosen. With

the advent of computer-operated receivers, it is possible to average

many different solutions although the number needed, in the

hyperbolic case, may be large and the selection (or rejection. on

technical grounds) of the appropriate fixes may be rather intricate.

The choice by the committee of the number of stations was in fact

influenced by a rather shameful reason, entirely aside from the

expectation that the number would be adequate. In my original Radux

proposal I had suggested using three stations at a common frequency

with identification of each burst of signal by a difference in the

length of the burst for at least one station. I later refined this

to a method for four stations with signal durations of 9, 10, 11,

and 12 tenths of a second repeated in sequence each five seconds.

Reception from any one station sufficiently clearly to measure the

length of its burst would establish the timing and identify all

signals. When it came time for Omega, I expanded this to a pattern

of 9,10,11,12,11,9,12,10 in a ten second repetition period. This

method was studied essentially by numerical integration of the

overlaps of the pattern with a replica of itself in every possible

phase relation. The choice was the result of tedious searches

through a considerable number of somewhat similar patterns. No one

else ever suggested a better pattern and I was by no means anxious

to repeat the long search for a pattern suitable for a different

number of stations. The choice of eight was therefore somewhat

constrained by a dislike of the numerical problem of finding a

different identification pattern.

The next major recommendation of the instrumentation committee was

the result of a thoroughgoing attack on the problem of cyclic

ambiguity. We started with a chosen frequency of 10,200 cycles per

second, or hertz. I had originally suggested this number because

things worked quite well at 10 kHz and at the same time I had the

idea that 10 kHz exactly might well be reserved for a worldwide

standard frequency signal. I had recommended this for international

adoption, together with two higher frequencies that I thought would

be appropriate for continent-wide or country-wide use, but these

 

Details of Ambiguity Resolution 306

suggestions were never adopted. The Radux work had been done with

measurements made at the 200 hertz modulation frequency. It then

would save me some trouble in building my first Omega receiver if we

adopted 10,200 as the operating frequency! I was later to be sorry

for this choice, because improvement of electric power frequency

control techniques ultimately brought the precision of 50 and 60

hertz power lines to such a close tolerance that high harmonics

radiated by those lines could create serious interference at times

over and near land. It would have been better if we had offset the

Omega frequencies from such simple numbers by choosing, say, a

frequency of five megahertz divided by 1191 (yielding a frequency of

10,183.29+ hertz) or through division by some other prime number.

As mentioned above, a train of 10.2 kHz waves can be made to beat

with a similar train from another station producing nulls (or any

other points on a cycle that may be chosen for measurement) that are

separated by about eight nautical miles, or more. Our first step in

choosing a way to increase this separation was to suggest making,

from the same stations, a second transmission at 4/3 of the

frequency or 13600 hertz. The difference frequency of 3400 hertz

(which could be deduced in the receiver even though the signals at

different frequencies would be transmitted in separate segments of

the ten-second repetition period) would have ambiguities spaced

three times as far apart as the 10,200 hertz signals, and would

therefore point to one of each three periods as the correct one.

Ambiguity would thus be reduced to intervals of 24 miles. Another

step could be taken with transmissions at 12,750 hertz (in the first

committee report) so that the beat between 13,600 and 12,750 Hz, or

850 Hz, would identify one out of each four cycles of 3400 Hz,

increasing the intervals of ambiguity to 96 miles; a distance so

large that we could hope that no navigator would ever find himself

so far off course.

For the second and final committee report it was decided to change

the 12,750 Hz frequency to 11,333 1/3 Hz. This more conservative

scheme was adopted. It was, however, later determined that, in

effect, difference frequencies had more stable phases than the

carriers. The earlier proposal would probably have worked just as

well.

While this ambiguity resolution in 72-mile intervals would

presumably be adequate for any vessel with an active navigator, the

committee had a sympathetic appreciation of the plight of a lost

sailor or airman, whose problem is comparable to that of locating

drifting ocean weather observatories or other purposes for which

ambiguity resolution by adding phase modulation to the three carrier

frequencies; the modulations being at 226-2/3, 115-1/3, and 11-1/3

hertz. These further successive stages of lane identification would

extend the distance between ambiguities to 7,200 nautical miles. We

 

Details of Ambiguity Resolution 307

also pointed out that the 226-2/3 Hz modulation might be used alone

in a simple receiver with accuracy equivalent to that of Radux but

with much greater range, taking advantange of a more expensive

antenna system.

When the Navy became ready to build Omega stations, the three

carrier frequencies were adopted (and a fourth was added many years

later), but the modulation frequencies were never used. The

committtee had recognized that the technical problem of radiating

such modulation at such low frequencies was difficult and would be

expensive; something in the neighborhood of a million dollars per

station. That price, however, we regarded as a small part of the

total cost of a station. The Navy, on the other hand, had little

interest in the lane identification problem, perhaps believing that

the equipment would run with almost perfect reliability (as it does

today), and that it would be used only by human operators. The

officials charged with the building of the Omega system chose

instead to sell the idea of three carrier frequencies to the

admirals as essentially spare transmissions that would be of value

in resisting enemy jamming. I believe that it was many years before

the Navy took any advantage of the lane identification features, or

some of the other potential uses of the multiple frequencies. This,

in my opinion, was all because they did not consider the uses of

Omega for search and rescue as seriously as did the committee.

The synchronization problem was a particularly interesting one.

Suppose, for a moment, that all eight stations enjoy propagation

conditions that are completely uniform. That is, that propagational

velocities are the same for all directions and distances of travel.

This is of course not quite true. Suppose further that every station

has a clock, or frequency and time standard that can be relied upon

to maintain its characteristics so well that no error of important

magnitude will accumulate in less than twenty-four hours. Barring

catastrophic accidents, this may be expected. Now let every station

observe the time of arrival of the signal from every other station

in terms of its own clock, preferably continuously but at least once

per day. If, for example, a station should observe that all the

incoming signals are late by similar amounts, an operator at that

station would have every reason to suppose his own clock to be the

source of the error. He might, with suitable precautions, take the

correct remedial action.

It would be far better for some central authority to receive from

all stations reports of the observations of all signals. He could

then intercompare all observed errors and make an intelligent

decision about what action to recommend (or order) for each station.

If, by some chance, each of a pair of stations should report the

other's signal to be late, the assumption could prudently be made

that both observations were results of a propagational vagary; in

 

Synchronization 308

this case, action might well be deferred pending the arrival of

later data. In principle, such complete intercomparison of

observations, followed by properly chosen corrections, should result

in making the timing at every station draw closer to the standard

defined by the mean of all of them.

In practice, it is necessary to perform this sort of correction with

several precautions and approximations. In the real world one

station of a pair can receive a satisfactory signal from the other,

while the second station may not be able to reciprocate because of

an east-west difference in the rate of signal attenuation. In this

case the error not well measured must be replaced by values in

effect relayed to the central authority by other stations that did

receive the missing signal. Because all stations cannot be expected

to receive equally satisfactory signals from all other station, some

weighting factors must be assumed and gradually improved as a result

of experience. Also, because of a known slight east-west assymmetry

in the velocity of propagation, small adjustments would have to be

made in the expected times of arrival of signals.

A most important consideration is that all of the observed errors

might be simply results of propagational vagaries. If this could be

known to be the case, of course no action would be taken. In the

absence of such knowledge, only small corrections should be made

until further observations make the situation more clear.

In the practical case, the complete solution of the problem comes

from a study, not only of the current errors, but also whether the

errors are (in recent history) increasing or decreasing and how fast

they are doing so. In simple terms, an observed clock error will

require a large correction if the error is known to be increasing

with time. If the same error is known to be decreasing, the required

correction would be smaller or even possibly in the opposite sense;

the idea being to bring the error smoothly toward zero in such a way

that the corrections would cease just as the right point was

reached.

Again, in the real world, the controller can never win the battle of

adjustments, because the observing, reporting, analysis of the data,

and returning orders to the stations take time, in which new errors

may well be accumulating. I devised a method for dealing with this

problem that depended upon intercpmparison of today's, yesterday's,

and the day-before-yesterday's observations of error. This gave at

least a little information about the apparent error and its first

and second derivatives; that is, the rate and acceleration of its

changes. By a numerical integration (called time series modeling, I

later learned) I tried a lot of cases of assumed errors, both

accidental and real. in various proportions, and reported a

technique that seemed to deal with the real errors effectively. The

 

Control Principles 309

method amounted, in approximation, to making a correction of about

one fourth of the error observed today, plus one eighth of what was

observed yesterday, plus one sixteenth of the error from two days

ago. Since this series of factors probably overlapped similar series

originating at earlier dates, the summation tended toward zero if

the various errors were accidental, but toward a factor approaching

one-half of the most recently observed error if the variations

represented real errors of timing. To cite a most improbable event,

if a single real timing error should occur, followed by no others

for a considerable time, the transient effect of the error would be

completely corrected in a week or a little more. This method of mine

was used in operation of Omega for some time and, I believe, quite

successfully, but was later replaced by another which I never fully

understood but trust to have been more professional and more

satisfactory. I found it interesting that later still this problem

of coordinating all error correction was taken over by the Japanese.

There would be no point in allowing such a network of stations to

follow its own average time, which would (like any clock) gradually

drift without limit. The U. S. Naval Observatory is therefore given

the duty of monitoring and gradually correcting the timing of all

stations together to bring the timing close to the international

standard. The present excellence of frequency control techniques is

such that the Naval Observatory probably needs to make a correction

no more often than once or twice a year, unless there are other ends

to be served that need more precision than does Omega.

It may occur to a reader to wonder how, in the era when only part of

the Omega stations were operating (which lasted about fifteen years)

a new station could be brought into the network with, all of its

emissions in the proper phases. This was not unduly difficult,

because all of the Omega emissions from a station are locked

together into a tight pattern which repeats precisely every thirty

seconds. A station in a new location, therefore, can initially set

that pattern to very nearly the correct epoch by the best time

signals available. Thereafter it can be brought into exact agreement

with the rest of the network in relatively few days. Usually an even

longer interval has been required before monitoring stations in

various places can give assurance that the timing is exact and the

transmission reliable enough to be announced as available for use.

After each Omega station has made transmissions at three carrier

frequencies in the chosen segments of each ten-second interval,

about five-eighths of the time is available for other services [Four

frequencies, in recent years, occupying about half of the 10-second

period]. The Implementation Committee recommended that, during these

silent periods for Omega, each station should transmit a steady

carrier at one of eight otherwise unused frequencies. These, like

the primary Omega frequencies, would be derived by dividing 408

 

Side Frequencies 310

kilohertz by one number or another. These side frequencies, as we

called them, satisfy all the requirements for an ideal Draco aid to

navigation. They are precisely controlled, transmitted from

accurately located antennas placed in useful geographic locations,

and simply related in frequency to each other. The

computer-controlled receivers today, and other navigational

receivers not actually using Omega, are free to use these side

frequencies to constitute a dead reckoning tracker (see the chapter

on Draco) which can add to the knowledge of position in case there

is trouble or doubt about any of the Omega signals themselves. As

the Navy (or now Coast Guard, which actually operates those stations

under United States control) has never managed to build into the

stations enough redundancy to avoid the need to shut down the

transmitters for an annual maintenance period (taken, of course, one

station at a time) these side frequencies are presumably very

useful.

The recommended side frequencies, and the carrier frequencies as

well, are given in the table below. They are all submultiples of 108

kHz, actually being derived from a source of twice that frequency

for convenience in generating square waves in accurate phase

coherence. The factors, frequencies, and uses are:

Divisor Frequency in Hertz Use

======= ================== =============

40 10200 Omega Carrier

39 10461 21/39 Side Frequency

38 10736 16/19 Side Frequency

37 11027 1/37 Side Frequency

36 11333 1/3 Omega Carrier

35 11657 1/7 Side Frequency

34 12000 Side Frequency

33 12363 7/11 Side Frequency

32 12750 Side Frequency

31 13161 9/31 Side Frequency

30 13600 Omega Carrier

The side frequencies expressed in whole numbers are especially

convenient for use as frequency standards. These two, together with

the carrier and modulation frequencies and the burst modulation used

for Omega station identification, all repeat precisely every thirty

seconds. Data for the Naval Observatory's overriding control of the

exact timing of the Omega signals could be procured by observing any

or all of these signal components.

The side frequencies obtained by dividing by 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, and

39 do not obey the 30'second rule. They are made coherent with each

other by keeping all division frequencies in each station locked to

its 408 kHz standard. There is no requirement for keeping the

 

Other Ideas that Were Not Adopted 311

various stations coherent in this respect, because any potential

user of the Draco-like signals will operate by multiplying the

received side frequencies from various stations up to 408 kHz before

measuring the phase differences. The only requirement is that the

408 kHz standard in each station must not shift erratically.

The committee also planned a system of phase modulation of the side

frequencies for transmission of information from station to station

or from stations to headquarters. This was intended to be much like

the slow-speed communication experiments I mentioned in the last

chapter. This would have been highly reliable and, I think, useful,

but I do not believe that it was ever implemented in the operating

system. It was basically not necessary because the precision and

reliability of each station's frequency standard was such that

intercommunication could almost be carried out by post card.

It finally evolved that the Navy did not accept our recommendations

for the choice of the side frequencies. Perhaps because more

conventionally-defined frequencies might be easier for manufacturers

to use in Draco-like receivers, the frequencies now radiated are

certain multiples of 100 Hertz. How the phase integrity of the side

frequencies is guaranteed I do not know. The list of choices is as

follows:

Station Location Side Frequency in kHz

======= ======== =====================

A Norway 12.1

B Liberia 12.0

C Hawaii 11.8

D North Dakota 13.1

E La Reunion 12.3

F Argentina 12.9

G Australia 13.0

H Japan 12.8

I have no idea why there are gaps in the sequence of frequencies, or

why they are placed as they are.

The recommendation of sites for stations was a curious and

entertaining problem. Having decided on eight stations, various

semi-geometrical patterns came to mind. One might have four stations

north of the equator and four in southern latitudes. Each four might

be at 90 degree differences in longitude. The northern and southern

pairs might be at the same longitudes (at the corners of a cube) or

might be twisted by 45 degrees, so that as longitude increased the

stations would come alternately north and south of the equator. Any

idea of this sort is instantly defeated by study of a terrestrial

globe. Transmitting antennas have to be on land, partly because of

their size but chiefly because their positions need to be accurately

 

Sites for Stations 312

known. One discovers immediately that only 29 percent of the area of

the world is land. Only 10 percent lies south of the equator and, if

we exclude Antarctica for practical reasons, only 7 percent is land.

The land areas are very irregularly distributed and islands do not

seem to occur in convenient places for our purposes. It is useless

to describe the many hours I have spent turning a small globe and

measuring distances.

Another problem was that we could not publish a report showing sites

in foreign countries without having given those countries advance

notice, which we certainly were not authorized to do. Also, we could

not always guess what political factors might defeat any suggestion

we cared to make. I did go so far as to ask the State Department for

guidance about a moderate number of suggested places. I was

surprised at how many sites that I felt might be satisfactory were

taboo from the diplomats' point of view. One French island group was

dismissed because installations are planned with which we do not

care to be associated; meaning atomic bombs not our own!

In the end, we published in our report several sets of possible

sites, including those that we rather preferred. I have, while

writing this chapter, taken the trouble to compare this list with

the final locations of the stations. The results are amusing but not

necessarily enlightening. One station remains as in our suggestion.

Six others can be considered to have been moved between 850 and 1300

nautical miles (in one direction or another), if one makes the

assumption that each was moved from a proposed site to the nearest

actual site. The station now in Liberia remains an exception. It was

apparently moved there from southern Iran, or some other nearby

place, a distance of more than 4000 miles. This case alone may

invalidate the idea that the authorities tried to follow our

preferred list; the rough correspondence of seven of the eight

stations may simply be a statistical accident. It is a further

curiosity that except for the two stations in the United States all

the remaining six have moved from the country we suggested to

another one!

I did not actually feel the need to complain about the relocation of

the first operational station after the one in Hawaii. The Navy

decided that this should be built An Norway, almost at the arctic

circle, instead of in northern or northwestern Ireland. There was at

the time an idea, which we had accepted in our implementation

report, that operation within a few hundred miles of a station might

be unreliable because of an uncertain phase relation between a

ground and a sky wave. We could show that at certain frequencies

this effect should not be serious, but it was then hard to be sure

what frequencies might be the clean ones. In actual fact, I am not

too convinced of the serious nature of this effect, at least for the

Omega frequencies, as I observed signals from Forestport, New York,

 

Sites for Stations 313

in Cambridge, at a distance of some 180 miles, for a long time with

almost no difficulty of this kind. In the case of Ireland, such a

proximity effect might have been serious for vessels or aircraft

arriving in British waters. Similar phenomena off the Norwegian

coast may have been regarded as affecting only Norwegian fishermen,

although I am sure that some departments in the Navy were concerned

about helping navigation in the Norwegian Sea or Barents Sea.

The change from a suggested site in northern Chile was another

matter. Ireland having been moved further north and east, it did not

seem inappropriate to change from Chile to Trinidad. I went to that

island, with one of the naval officials from the Omega Project

Office, to investigate the desirability of the site which had come

under the control of the American Navy in President Roosevelt's

destroyers for bases deal before we entered World War II. I

recommended that this site should not be used, as it would be

impossible to radiate what we regarded as adequate power (defined as

ten kilowatts) from any antenna that could be erected over the

valley containing (at the end of the war) a Naval communication

station glamorously called Hemisphere Radio. Despite my objection a

station was installed there, as will be described below. It never

succeeded in radiating more than about a kilowatt, but was well

received in the Americas and in Europe. After a time and, I think,

after I retired, this station was discontinued and replaced by one

in Liberia; a rather large extension of the length of the first

move. There it provides good service but, because of poorer

transmission toward the west than toward the east, barely reaches

the east coast of the United States with satisfactory signals.

It is perhaps time to explain the identification of the various

stations. They are named, in no particular order, for the first

eight letters in the English alphabet. Each Omega reading is

identified by the proper pair of letters, taken in the sense of, the

time of arrival of the signal from the station whose letter comes

earlier in the alphabet minus the time of arrival of the one bearing

the later letter. The abbreviation AB, for example, identifies time

A minus time B, and is never cited in the reverse order of letters.

With so many cycles (or periods) to be accounted for, it is

necessary to add a fictitious coding delay so that the reading of A-

B will always be positive, no matter which signal takes longer to

arrive. This fictitious quantity is 900 periods of 10.2 kHz. Its

meaning is that the centerline of each pair (or the great circle

perpendicular at the center of the baseline between stations) always

has the identification number 900. A complete reading of the line of

position might be recorded as AB 576.24, for example, as the

readings are customarily made to a hundredth of a period. The total

number of whole lanes (or periods or cycles, in assorted

terminologies) lies between 700 and 1250 for the various pairs, but

always has the average value of 900. The correct notation should

 

More Moving / How Readings Are Defined 314

always speak of whole or fractional cycles or periods when speaking

of time units, and of lanes when speaking of distance, as the

hyperbolic lines diverge with increasing distance from the

baselines. A lane, therefore, is always thought of as a band eight

or more nautical miles wide between successive integral values of

phase difference.

The list of stations is:

Latitude Longitude

Station Location State or Nation in degrees in degrees

======= ======== =============== ========== ==========

A Aldra Norway 66.42 N 13.14 E

B Monrovia Liberia 6.31 N 10.66 W

C Haiku, Oahu Hawaii 21.40 N 157.83 W

D La Moure North Dakota 116.37 N 98.34 W

E La Reunion Island France 20.97 S 55.29 E

F Golfo Nuevo Argentina 43.05 S 65.19 W

G Woodside Australia 38.48 5 146.94 E

H Tsushima Island Japan 34.60 N 129.45 E

 

 

It will be observed that many nations cooperate in this effort, and

that the overall geographical distribution is fairly well balanced.

Half of the stations are in eastern longitudes. Only three of the

eight are in southern latitudes, but Monrovia (B) is only six

degrees north of the equator.

The great distances between stations are hard to appreciate, even

for me, and I have been studying their positions and geometries for

thirty years. The average of all the base line lengths (between

pairs of stations) is just over 11,000 kilometers or a little less

than 6,000 nautical miles. It is perhaps more meaningful if, for

each station, we eliminate the longest baseline, as that other

station, we would like to think, ought to be more or less on the

opposite side of the earth. The mean distance to the other six

stations (taken in all combinations) is a little more than 5,400

nautical miles, or 90 degrees of arc. This is approximately the same

as the distance from Los Angeles across eastern Canada, the southern

tip of Greenland, and England to Rome! The fact that useful

navigation can be performed with radio signals traversing such

distances continues to amaze me.

I have spoken in praise of the stability of modern sources of

frequency, but it is time to discus the matter more fully. Similar

final results for Omega could have been obtained with crystal

oscillators, but only with the devotion of infinitely more care and

effort than is required with the modern cesium-controlled

 

Typical Distances / The Frequency Source 315

oscillators. These are much more precise in frequency than the early

ones with which I once worked, and the new ones are markedly more

reliable.

When I write this I realize that I am not telling the exact truth.

In my later years at Harvard, I acquired an oscillator stabilized by

a rubidium resonator. This did not produce quite as accurate a

frequency as a cesium standard, but it was in some ways simpler and

more reliable. This device annoyed me by running well for a week and

then failing. I managed to trace the trouble to the glass vessel

which contained the rubidium vapor. I expressed my disgust by

telephone to the manufacturer, who promptly sent me a substitute

bottle. With great difficulty I managed to take the strange device

apart and replace the vessel. The oscillator immediately began to

behave correctly and then operated continuously and well for the

next eight and a half years!

It is obvious that if two clocks begin to diverge it is not possible

(without reference to some external standard) to tell which one is

in error. If one has three clocks and continuously intercompares

them, it is fair to assume that when one changes the other two are

probably correct. We, in the committee, carried this rule a step

farther, using the argument that these new cesium standard

oscillators were so complex that if one failed it might take a

considerable time to repair or replace it. We therefore demanded

that each station have four cesium-controlled sources of frequency

that would be continuously monitored. In case one began to deviate

from its duty, there would still be a consensus of three that would

guarantee the integrity of the transmitted phases.

We even went so far as to propose a mechanism that would average the

frequencies of the four oscillators so that the station would

operate at the mean of all four, which would presumably be more

accurate than any individual one. More importantly, by having a

device that automatically dropped an oscillator out of the averaging

process if it showed any serious deviation in frequency, this

averaging would provide a frequency source with no possibility of a

phase discontinuity caused by the failure. I believe that this idea

has not been used. It is simpler to maintain the oscillators

separately with continuous intercomparison and with only one

oscillator connected to the frequency generator and transmitter.

This kind of operation demands that should it become necessary for

one of the standby oscillators to replace the active one, those two

outputs would have to be brought into identical phases so that the

transfer could be made by temporarily coupling the two sources

together, thus permitting no alteration of phase. This is exactly

the technique used by electric power companies when another

generating station is to be added to a power grid.

 

 

Frequency Averaging 316

With four cesium-controlled oscillators at each station and eight

stations in the network, the Omega signals become one of the better

standard-frequency sources in the world. It is customary for the

important Standards institutions, such as the Bureau of Standards,

the Naval Observatory, and the Greenwich Observatory, to maintain, a

battery of many such standards, but usually more nearly in one

place. Since my retirement some of my old associations with the

frequency-standard world have brought me data intercomparing various

standards laboratories and signals. It is not too much to say that

timekeeping, at least by such professionals, has reached a stability

of about a millionth of a second per year. It may be doubted that

the oscillators in the Omega network are maintained with such

scrupulous care as those in the standards laboratories, but the

sheer number of intercompared oscillators involved must make the

Omega frequency nearly as stable.

Transmitting antennas for Omega are of two kinds. One, used at the

first two of the operational Omega stations, is the mountain

antenna, where miles of heavy copper-clad cables are strung between

insulators from the peaks of two mountains that are separated by an

unusually narrow and deep valley. The prototype of this was a famous

antenna in Java, built by Dutch engineers in or before 1920.. At

least one end of this antenna was supported by a very high cliff and

it achieved an operating efficiency and amount of power radiated

that was not equalled for many years, perhaps not until the

construction of the Goliath antenna in Russia, or perhaps the

immense antenna at Cutler, Maine. An antenna of this type was

erected during World War II at Haiku, on the island of Oahu. This

consisted of four cables, each about 7,000 feet in length, strung

across the remains of an extinct volcano crater. Its downleads

extended about 1,500 feet from the centers of the strands to the

transmitter building on the floor of the crater. This antenna was

excited, or driven, by one of the old Alexanderson alternators, a

type of electric generator which, by virtue of high rotational speed

and many magnetic poles, actually generated a low radio frequency. I

believe that a score of these machines were built before 1920, and

that thirty years later at least a dozen of them were supposed to be

still in operation somewhere in the world. I have been told that the

operation of each of these machines ceased only when the original

General Electric Company engineers, who were sent to install and

operate them, either died or retired!

The antenna at Haiku worked very well, partly because the site was

in a crater with a bottom a mile or more wide, so that the outer

ends of the antenna cables, where the voltage was at a maximum, did

not hang too close to the conducting earth at the mountain top. A

similar antenna, built in the Cascades in the state of Washington

and used in the Draco experiment, had a disappointing efficiency. I

have always thought that the difference was that this Jim Creek site

 

Antennas at Haiku 317

was in a valley with a very narrow bottom. The large sag of the

heavy cables brought much of their length too close to the slopes of

the mountains on both sides. Jim Creek was indeed very useful as a

large input to the antenna made it one of the more powerful stations

in the world. The amount of power actually radiated, however, was

only about a third of what its designers hoped.

The first Omega-like transmissions from Haiku were made from the

"small" TCG antenna, named for the type number of its transmitter.

This was the antenna used for my slow-speed experiment. This antenna

was a single strand of cable across the same crater but at a

slightly lower height and with only a thousand-foot downlead. It was

used for early tests by NEL, but later the work was transferred to

the main antenna, which had not been in use for years. The Navy

Electronics Laboratory crew working at Haiku were allowed to use the

large antenna under a curious agreement. They could transmit what

signals they pleased provided that they would rotate the armature of

the Alexanderson alternator about 90 degrees once a week, to prevent

it from developing curvature of the spine, or shaft. This reminded

me very much of the traditional Earl or Baron in the Middle Ages, to

whom the King granted a huge estate in consideration of the payment

of an annual rose, or falcon, or some similar testimonial to

subservience.

Even the large antenna at Haiku was somewhat inadequate at ten

kilohertz. When it came time to promote the station from experiments

to full Omega operation, I believe that the four strands of antenna

were increased to six, thereby achieving ten kilowatts of radiated

power. This was an early estimate of what was needed, but operation

of Trinidad at low power had shown the desirability of such an

increase.

The second type of antenna used for Omega is the umbrella. This is a

single central tower surrounded by radial cables extending from the

top of the tower toward the ground at considerable distances. These

many radials have insulators at such a distance from the tower that

they hang at about half its height. The remainder of each radial is

interrupted by several more insulators, so that the antenna part is

well isolated from the ground system below. For use at the Omega

frequency such a central tower should be about as high as any

man-made structure. I believe that the one at Tsushima is at least

1500 feet in height. In that case, the central tower takes the form

of a steel tube a dozen feet in diameter. The antenna at Monrovia is

supported by a triangular lattice mast 1157 feet high. The whole

umbrella antenna usually rests on massive porcelain insulators that

are strong enough to support the whole weight plus serious strains

from wind loading, and insulated for a couple of hundred thousand

volts. This is probably the most economical type of antenna to use

when "ready-made" mountain sites are not available, as seldom

 

Antennas at Haiku 318

happens in convenient places.

The base-insulated umbrella is the kind of antenna we designed for

the LF Loran stations at the end of World War II. We surely did not

originate the idea, but such antennas were certainly not used very

often before then.

I have only recently learned that a variant of the standard umbrella

configuration is used at the Omega station at La Reunion and perhaps

in Australia. This is the umbrella with the central tower grounded

at the base and insulated at the top from the radial top-loading

cables. A great advantage of this construction is that the tower is

not electrically hot, and it also permits some simplificati.on in

conducting to ground the strokes of lightning that invariably hit

such a tall structure. Because the grounded tower offers a short

capacitive path to ground from the high voltages on the radials

(somewhat like the situation in a valley antenna with too small a

height of parts of the radials) the efficiency is sure to be reduced

in comparison with the same antenna with an insulated base. The

large and expensive porcelain insulator, however, tends to be

mechanically the weakest part of the structure and limits the weight

that can be placed on it. The base-grounded antenna can therefore be

extended to a greater height and thus permit radiation of as much

power as a somewhat lower tower with an insulated base. The tower at

La Reunion, for example, is no less than 1,600 feet tall.

By the time when the first three experimental stations (Hawaii,

Norway, and Trinidad) were operating at two radio frequencies, I had

built a cumbersome mechanical receiver that I hope Harvard has

preserved as part of its collection of ancient instruments. It

measured phases by mechanical resolvers rotated by servomechanisms,

and showed the readings of all three pairs at three frequencies

(including the difference frequency of 3,400 hertz) on mechanical

counters mounted behind a black panel. The readings were

simultaneously recorded at desired intervals by keeping the

counters in a darkened box in front of one of our regular recording

cameras. At the appropriate instants a bright light was flashed on

in the box and recorded the readings of all the counters on a long

roll of bromide photographic paper. This whole mechanism would

greatly astonish a future generation, if it still exists.

From 1967 until my retirement this machine gave excellent service.

It was especially important in giving me readings on the pairs

connecting Norway with the low-latitude stations. The signal from

Norway to Cambridge came across part of the Greenland icecap, which

greatly attenuated the signal, and also for a long distance through

the auroral zone, where bombardment of the upper atmosphere by ions

shot off in solar eruptions at times caused important decreases in

thee time of transmission. In the minds of some people these

 

More about Low-Frequency Antennas 319

effects, combined with somewhat similar ones caused by solar flares,

threatened to make Omega useless.

A solar flare is a brilliant spot of light that appears at times on

the surface of the sun, generally close to a sunspot group and

consequently more probable in the years when sunspots are at a

maximum. These flares emit intense ultra-violet light and X-rays

that produce ionization at lower heights in the atmosphere than is

usual. This low-level ionization causes strong absorption of energy

from high frequency signals but does not do so at the very low radio

frequencies. In the frequency region of Omega, however, the lowering

of the bottom of the ionized layer makes the carrier-frequency

signals arrive earlier for a time.

A typical solar flare may cause a propagation time to decrease some

ten to twenty or more microseconds in five or ten minutes. The

effect then dies out, usually in an hour or less, but perhaps

lasting two or three hours in the case of an unusually intense

flare. Because the effect is caused by electromagnetic waves it

appears as soon as the flare can be seen and fades away with it.

This SID, or sudden ionospheric disturbance, obviously affects the

entire sunlit hemisphere of the earth, although it is certainly more

troublesome in the sub-solar area in the tropics and in the middle

of the day.

The PCA, or polar cap anomaly, is caused by electrons and other

charged particles. The magnetic field of the earth constrains them

to fall primarily into the regions some 25 to 30 degrees from the

geomagnetic poles. The effects occasionally last as much as ten

days. The PCAs build up rapidly with the arrival of the fastest

particles. Later particles shot off by the sun with less energy,

take longer to arrive and, in effect, keep renewing this unwanted

phenomenon.

My observations of the 3,400 Hz difference frequency promptly showed

me something that I had known in an academic way without really

giving it much thought. I must plead guilty to this fault, although

I suppose it to be common enough. Again and again in my career I

have adopted a course of action (or, perhaps, published a paper)

which would have been greatly improved had I only at the right time

given five minutes more thought to one point or another. I can cite

two or three ways in which the first instrumentation of Loran could

have been improved at the cost of almost no effort at all. In that

case, we had perhaps the excuse of great pressure to produce a

practical device as soon as possible. It has been made clear to me,

in the years since then, that I keep making the same mistake even

when there is no crucial importance to a problem or need to hurry in

its solution. And I have frequently noted the same deficiency in

others. In fact, I have come to believe that nothing is so difficult

 

Sources of Some Propagational Vagaries 320

as to think one's way clearly and completely through a problem.

In the case of the difference frequency I had noticed, without

thinking about it, that in cases such as the bending of the path of

a radio signal through the ionosphere the phase velocity can exceed

the velocity of light while the group velocity must be less than

that limiting value, as Einstein has taught us. This is implicit in

the basic equations defining the index of refraction in an ionized

medium.

Now if the phase velocity and group velocity (which is the speed

with which energy travels) are not very different, it is a basic

principle that the product of these two velocities equals the square

of the velocity of light. This principle may fail when the phase

velocity gets much above the velocity of light, as it does when

nearing the cutoff frequency in a waveguide or in the space between

the earth and the conducting layers in the upper atmosphere. This

failure is not of much practical importance, however, as the signal

losses become great under such circumstances, as in the 6250'hertz

experiment described above.

It was soon obvious that, when a SID or a PCA caused a sudden

reduction from the normal time of arrival of the carrier

frequencies, the difference frequency signal diverged from the

normal in the opposite sense. It was delayed instead of coming

earlier, as did the carrier frequencies. This was simply a

manifestation of the fact that, the carrier phases that I had been

observing for so long (while thinking of them as time of arrival)

were really only phase phenomena. The difference frequency, like the

signals modulated by pulses in Loran or modulated in any other way,

is quite another matter and travels at the group velocity of the

propagation medium; which is in this case the space between the

earth and the ionized layer.

It took many observations before it came to my full attention that

there was a characteristic difference in the magnitudes of the

propagational anomalies when observed at the two carrier

frequencies, 10.2 and 13.6 kHz. This was, although I had not yet

thought of it in that way, because the 10.2 kHz carrier was

considerably closer to the cutoff frequency of the medtam, which is

near 11 or 5 kHz, so that the departure from the velocity of light

was greater at the lower, of the two frequencies. When enough

experimental data had been collected, it was possible to show that,

on the average, the 13.6 kHz carrier varied only about 5/9 as much

as the 10.2 kHz carrier, and that the 3,400 Hz difference frequency

changed 7/9 as much as did the 10.2 kHz carrier and in the opposite

sense. Some of my slowness in appreciating the importance of these

ratios may have come about because all the deviations from normal

were small, within, about two or three parts in a thousand of the

 

Phase or Time? / Composite Signals 321

velocity of light. Many of the transient PCAs and SIDs were so small

that accurate measurements were not to be expected; while noise and

instrumental deficiencies caused some distortion of the results.

In any case, at the end of a year I was able to make my first report

on what I called composite signals. This was a technique for roughly

canceling the unfortunate effects of the two kinds of ionospheric

anomalies caused by irregularities in emissions from the sun. It

amounted to suggesting that observations might be made by

subtracting 5/4 of a time difference observed at 13.6 kHz from 9/4

of the time difference simultaneously observed at 10.2 kHz. This

trick, for which I deduced a theoretical justification, yielded a

composite time difference that seemed to vary only slightly when the

anomalies occurred. It did not do as well at canceling the observed

diurnal variations. The reason was presumably that the new method

corrected for changes in the ionized layer by making the measurement

at what amounted to the velocity of light. This does not eliminate

an effect produced by the associated change in layer height, because

long-distance signals have to travel at something near 3/8 of the

layer height. So when the ionized layer rises at night (a matter of

20 kilometers or so) the signal has to traverse a slightly greater

distance. The remaining diurnal variation when using the composite

signal is indeed smaller, but it is only reduced to about 1/3 of

that at 10.2 kHz or half of that at 13.6 kHz.

There is actually another form of composite signal that can reduce

the diurnal changes to near zero on the average, but with moderately

large changes near sunrise and sunset. This can only be done at the

cost of leaving the propagational anomalies partially uncorrected.

This subject is not worth pursuing here.

I have found the nomenclature and arithmetic of composite signals

convenient in analyzing VLF propagation. I must admit, however, that

the Omega community as a whole has paid little attention to me on

this subject. Even my most reliable correspondent at NEL has never

really admitted that he believes this theory. I am gratified that

Georges Nard, the French expert at SERCEL (Societe d'Etudes

Recherces et Constructions Electroniques), who has done more than

anyone else to make differential Omega practical, uses the composite

method in his receivers. I know of no American manufacturer who does

so but, because most makers do not care to reveal the details of

their trade secrets, I have had almost no information about the

exact techniques used in most Omega receivers.

The idea of differential Omega arises from the fact that there are

diurnal changes in propagation time, the anomalies I have spoken of,

and some temporary variations that prevent exact agreement between

an observed reading and one predicted for that location. There are

problems on the other side of the equation, as well. The calculation

 

Differential Omega 322

of the reading to be expected at a given place is not an exact

science. One can only consult all observational data available and

any theory that may be felt accurate enough to be given weight. The

best that can be done is to compile a relatively simple set of rules

that on the average seem to agree with the theoretical and

observational facts. It would be all too easy to construct a set of

rules for this prediction that contain more errors than the

observations themselves. One must do the best he can to distinguish

the heavily veiled truth and then trust that actual observational

experience will lead to revision of the adopted rules to make them

tend toward perfection.

It leaps to the mind that, when making an approach to a destination,

a navigator could profit by information about what errors are

currently being observed at that point. This is one of very few

aspects of Omega that I have never investigated for myself, but

several friends and acquaintances have done so. Nothing could be

expected if the errors of measurement were themselves as large as

those to be compensated. When, however, the experimenters have taken

care that errors of measurement are small, the method is found to be

helpful over distances up to some hundreds of miles. One of the

happy results of this technique is that the problem of accounting

for diurnal and anomalistic variations may be taken from the

navigator's shoulders as, over moderate distances, these effects

should be much the same at the navigational receiver and at the

monitoring point. Most tests have indicated that the instrumental

error should not be more than two or three percent of the eight-mile

lane width, provided that the best Omega signals have been chosen

for measurement. There is general agreement that the differential

method is hardly worth the trouble of introducing the corrections if

the distance between the receivers is more than 500 miles.

If all navigators were approaching the same destination, it would be

convenient to have a radio station at that location broadcast

continuous reports of the readings observed there. These must, of

course, be measured and reported for each pair (or, preferably, each

station) that is useful in that area. The navigator then might

proceed in such a way that the differences between his own readings.

and those reported to him are reduced to zero, at which time he

should be there.

In general, this is not the best technique. It works better and also

over a wider area to report how much each current reading differs

from the standard prediction for the monitor point. These observed

deviations from charted values (or from computed ones stored in

tables or calculated in the receiver by standard formulae) can be

broadcast in various forms and on different kinds of signals.

Georges Nard manages all this very simply and neatly by adding phase

modulation to transmissions from radio beacon stations that are

 

Differential Omega / Omega in Aircraft 323

already in existence. The radio beacons themselves transmit

navigational information in the form of continuous signals that

contain information about the direction of a receiver from the

station, or that permit a directional receiver on a vessel to

determine the direction to the station. These beacons, even in the

most satisfactory frequency regions, do not give very useful results

at a distance more than two or three hundred miles, because their

errors are directly proportional to the distance. There are,

therefore, many of these inexpensive transmitters in areas of

interest to navigators except on the high seas.

The SERCEL Omega receiver has an associated receiver for the radio

beacon frequencies. Since the correction signals are coded in the

form of phase, it is easy to add them algebraically to the observed

Omega readings. This is all automatic unless the operator wishes to

disconnect the correction signals. A navigator may often not wish to

do this, however, even when far from land, as the SERCEL Omega

receiver uses, besides the differential correction, the opposite

technique which reduces the diurnal variations to such a degree that

the navigator may not feel the need to bother with the normal

day-to-night adjustments.

By about 1980, SERCEL had a network of some dozen monitoring

stations around the coasts of Europe and Africa, from Denmark to the

Ivory Coast, and throughout the western Mediterranean Sea. They were

also beginning to install a few near the Gulf of St. Lawrence and in

the Caribbean Sea. These stations broadcast signals that are useful

as far as 500 miles. The navigator, of course, chooses the one

nearest to him or to his destination, if the computer in his

receiver does not do so for him.

SERCEL claims an overall accuracy such that 95 percent of the errors

of position are within 0.3 nautical mile at 50 miles from the

differential station and 95 percent within one mile at the 500-mile

distance. I see no reason to doubt these figures.

To use Omega in a fast aircraft requires many special peripheral

devices. It bothers me to remember that we, in the early days, did

not really consider its use except on shipboard. With a ten-second

sampling rate for the signals, a plane flying at 300 knots toward or

away from a station would find the phase of the 10.2 kHz signal

changing by about twenty degrees between samples. As each phase had

to be stored for at least some part of ten seconds for comparison

with another, it was obvious, that a flywheel effect (called the

time constant) had to be used so that each signal would be smoothed

into a moderately steady value. If, as seemed reasonable, this time

constant were to be at least two minutes, our 300-knot airplane

would find its readings lagging about ten miles behind its actual

position. This might possibly be useful, but only on the assumption

 

Differential Omega / Omega in Aircraft 324

that aircraft seldom change course and usually do so slowly. If that

hope were valid, simple extrapolation of the observed positions to a

point two minutes ahead might come somewhere near the real position.

Before the age of fast and powerful small computers, we would never

have dared to contemplate the navigation of supersonic aircraft.

Another fundamental difficulty in aircraft is that, at heights where

ice crystals may form, a wire antenna (or any other that responds to

the electric field) is vulnerable to precipitation static that can

drown out most reception at the ordinary radio frequencies. This can

be avoided quite well by using shielded loop antennas that respond

to the magnetic, rather than the electric part of the

electromagnetic field of a signal. It is, nevertheless, always

advisable to use wick dischargers or other devices to help

electrostatic charges leak off from an aircraft in a way that

produces as small magnetic fields as possible at the location of the

loop antenna.

An inherent property of the loop is that, if the plane of the coil

of wire is perpendicular to the direction from which the radio waves

come, the output voltage is zero. This is the fact that makes the

loop valuable for direction finding. It is also true that the phase

of the output current from a loop antenna changes by 180 degrees

depending upon which side of the loop the waves impinge upon. These

characteristics are, for the purpose of general reception, very

inconvenient. The ordinary solution is to use two loops that are

physically at right angles, so that if the signal is weak in one it

must be strong in the other. The phase of the signal, which is what

we wish to measure in Omega, thus depends upon which side of which

loop is presented to the radio wave. A convenient way to combine the

currents from both loops is to couple them together with 45-degree

phase-shifting circuits. This produces an output signal with an

amplitude that does not change with direction, but whose phase will

change by 360 degrees if the aircraft turns in a circle. In an Omega

receiver, the signal would gain or lose a cycle in such a turn,

depending upon whether the turn were to the right or left. This

would be intolerable unless something were done about it.

The computer is easily able to solve these problems. By connecting

to it inputs from the aircraft's course and speed indicators, the

computer calculates the direction of each station with respect to

the heading of the plane, and makes a correction for the rotating

phase of the signal. This set of directions to the various stations

is also converted into directions to the stations from the most

probable position of the aircraft, which may be no more than the

last measured position. Artificial signals are generated in the

receiver, and these are corrected for each station so as to adjust

for the direction and speed of the aircraft. The actual measurement

of the incoming phases is made with respect to the aircraft standard

 

Loop Antennas / Mactaggart 325

after these individual adjustments for each station. All signals are

thus made to stand still, or at least move more slowly, to permit

accurate measurement. As the errors of dead reckoning in an aircraft

do not often accumulate at more than a fifteen-knot speed, the

overall result is to make the Omega receiver "believe" that it is at

rest, or at worst moving no faster than a ship.

I may have understood many of these facts to a minor degree, but

they were made real to me by a number of conversations with Donald

Mactaggart. Don was a bright young engineer with the Canadian

Marconi Company who wished to build a fully modern Omega receiver.

For some reason he chose to come for advice to the Implementation

Committee, or at least to Dick Woodward and me, rather than to get

specifications and help from the Navy, as did most American

companies. After several discussions, he went back to Montreal and

designed the correct equipment and constructed a computer algorithm

that has not yet needed to be amended -- a mathematical triumph

indeed.

It may be that the receiver made by Canadian Marconi performs no

better than some of its American competitors, but it certainly had

an expert demonstrator and salesman in Don. The positional output

was designed to be similar to that from an inertial navigation

instrument. A single switch allows two counters to display the

latitude and longitude, or true course and speed, or the direction

and time-to-go to any of a set of pre-chosen way points, or even

(after subtracting out all of the better-known variables) the

direction, and speed of the wind! All this, from a box that occupied

perhaps half a cubic foot, amazed me. Don flew a company airplane

anywhere he could find a potential customer and gave elegant

demonstrations. I especially remember his description of a trial for

the chief navigator of Pan American Airlines, a man whom I had met

at a meeting in Munich in 1965, and who then had had almost zero

interest in the idea of Omega.

Don set up this demonstration in a very pretty way. He inserted, as

waypoints, the latitudes and longitudes of a dozen or more small

islands, or lighthouses, or other places that could be easily

identified on a flight throughout the Bahamas and part of the

Caribbean Sea. As each one was passed, he would have the plane

follow the indicated course to the next waypoint and set the switch

to read the time-to-go for that place. As that indication approached

zero, Don would be sure that the Pan American chief navigator looked

down to see the expected point below. This could hardly fail to be

convincing when no attention had been paid to the aircraft's own

indicators of speed and direction.

It is not strange that Pan American became the first major airline

to install Omega as a routine navigational aid. It was a surprise to

 

A Few Flight Data 326

me, however, when some years later Don told me that the Russians had

become the Marconi Company's second largest customer.

I was pleased by a reporter's detailed account of a round-trip

flight from New York to Monrovia that was printed in a technical

magazine in early 1979. This gave me some longed-for data about the

accuracy actually achieved in service, and also some idea of the

precision of our old bug-bear, inertial navigation. On this flight

two separate Omega receivers were compared with a single inertial

navigation device and with positions determined by overflights of

known places. Both flights were made overnight, between ten o'clock

at night and eight AM, Greenwich Time, (with an hour's stop at

Dakar) on the outward trip; and between nine PM and six in the

morning on the non-stop return flight. Omega accuracy is commonly

supposed to be only half as good at night as by day. Accurate

positions were known at New York, Nantucket, and at three points

along the African coast. The positions indicated by the two Omega

receivers differed from each other, on the average, by less than

half a mile. For the whole round trip, all Omega positions from both

receivers differed from ground truth by an average of 1.11 nautical

miles, with a maximum error of 2.1 miles at Dakar. These numbers,

although reporting only twenty independent measurements, may be

compared with the Coast Guard's estimate of Omega accuracy, which is

95 percent of all readings within four miles at night.

In a malicious way, I was pleased that, after showing an error of

1.2 miles at Nantucket on the outward trip, the inertial navigator

failed to perform properly. On the return trip, the inertial

navigator recovered its poise. It showed errors of 0.8 and 1.3 miles

at the two known points in Africa (after leaving Monrovia), and

errors of 7.3 and 6.8 miles at Nantucket and New York.

I was recently greatly pleased to hear on good authority that Omege

was the only navigational aid used on the first non-stop flight

around the world by the famous Voyager aircraft.

I might have mentioned earlier that, aside from doubts of phase

stability, the implementation cC Omega was delayed by three factors:

(1) competition by inertial navigation, (2) the same by navigation

by satellites, and (3) by fear of hydrogen bombs.

The first of these was very natural. The guidance of missiles and

satellites had brought inertial navigation forward in long strides.

Before the time of a meeting in Munich in 1965, inertial methods for

aircraft navigation had been refined and improved to a degree

surprising to me. At that meeting, the hero of the occasion was

Professor Charles Stark Draper of MIT, to whom most of the inertial

credit belonged. The three Omega papers at the meeting were listened

to politely, but it was clear that most people thought that the

 

The "Challenger" Flight / Various Delays 327

future belonged to inertial navigation.

Overlapping the belief in inertial to some extent was a school of

thought that believed that all future navigation would be done

through satellites. This era had begun, soon after the first

artificial satellite, in the form of Transit, a system that depends

upon study of the Doppler shifts in a signal from a satellite in a

known orbit. This is the exact inverse of the observations of the

Marconi Company that I had admired in England in 1957. The accuracy

was later improved by a change to time-of-arrival methods and is now

reaching a (perhaps final) state in what is known as GPS, or Global

Positioning System. When it achieves its full twenty-four

satellites, GPS promises to give worldwide position, including

height, with a precision of ten meters or better for military

purposes. It is, of course, forbiddingly expensive, and the

military, under great pressure, have only agreed to let it be used

for civil purposes in a degraded form, perhaps accurate enough for

most navigation while still with enough errors to discourage use by

an enemy! In this case, I could agree with a theory which I scouted

in the case of Omega, as will be mentioned below: that if sole

reliance were placed on GPS a declaration of war might take the form

of the disappearance of the navigational satellites.

I actually served for a year on a NASA committee working toward this

end, but was dismissed (under the pretext that I had asked to be

relieved for reasons of health) in some ignominy as I declined to

believe that all other navigational efforts of the government should

be discontinued. In any event, faith in the future of some yet-to-

be-named satellite method caused more delay in getting approval for

Omega.

The third obstacle was what seemed to me an obvious attempt to

frighten governments contemplating the installation of Omega

stations. This appeared first in Norway, as far back as the first

installation of an experimental station there. The stories

circulated in newspapers and magazines claimed that the Omega effort

was in support of the Polaris missile development (quite untrue) and

that such a station would be the first thing attacked in case of

nuclear war. The Norwegian government paid little attention to these

stories, apparently in the belief that the Omega system would be of

great help to its commercial shipping and fishing interests.

The only place that I seriously felt should be the site of an Omega

station was at the extreme southern end of New Zealand, preferably

as far as possible into the offshore islands. This would counter a

distressing tendency for the sites chosen for stations to creep

northward and unbalance the overall geometrical pattern. I was much

surprised to find that the exact same arguments as in Norway

appeared in the New Zealand press, and on the radio. I was lucky

 

Political Interference 328

enough to be asked for comments on this matter by a New Zealand

reporter who had become interested in refuting these ideas. I am

still happy to have a small file of letters from him. He was able to

show, not only the identity of the arguments with those in Norway,

but in many cases the use of the same paragraphs in the news

stories. I do not know how much influence these may have had, but

the New Zealand government refused to allow Omega a site in that

country. I hope that this contretemps was not the source of the

anti-nuclear distrust that has now excluded American warships from

New Zealand harbors and broken the ANZUS alliance.

After long delays, the Australian government gave Omega a home

there, but for many years the unnecessary Trinidad station was kept

in operation while there were more delays in the choice of a site

and in completing construction in Australia. It was, as I perhaps

mentioned earlier, only in August, 1982, that the Omega transmitting

network was finished. Omega had had to survive even one era when

Australia was determined to put the station in an area to which the

government wished to attract tourists! Fortunately, the final

decision was to put it where it should be; as close as was practical

to the New Zealand area.

* * *

In the end, the success of Omega had one unpleasant effect for me.

For a dozen years, the Bureau of Ships had added occasional sums to

the grants through the Office of Naval Research (including equal

contributions by the Army and Air Force) that supported a large part

of my work at Harvard. In about 1968 the Omega Project Office of the

Navy, which had taken over management of Omega from the Bureau of

Ships when action was taken to build the system, decided that

research was no longer needed. To this end, its contributions to

Harvard were no longer made, although the research agencies of the

three military services continued their faithful support. This

considerably curtailed the research funds available to me and, as

costs were continually rising, caused a gradual decrease in my staff

that continued until my retirement a half dozen years later.


I have mentioned one or two of the ways in which the Navy, the only

government service willing to support the Omega effort, failed to

adopt the recommendations of the Implementation Committee. I did

not, for example, worry much about the delayed decision to use the

side frequencies, or to the change in the choice of frequencies when

they were actually radiated. Also, I am by no means sure that the

Omega stations have ever used the full complement of four cesium

frequency standards we wished for but experience has shown that the

signal reliability is very satisfactory in any case. It is also true

 

Other Personal Disappointments 329

that I have evidence that the precision of signal synchronization is

less than it should be even though direct interstation comunication

probably has not been installed.

I find it more serious that Omega has never been equipped for

continuous signal emission. It disturbs me to hear that the various

stations are shut down, one at a time, for some weeks for annual

maintenance. I feel that probably one or two extra stations might

well have been added to our choice of the number eight. There is

some evidence that the service is thin in a few areas at some times

in the day and year. This deficiency must be greatly exaggerated

when an operating station is shut down for maintenance, which

happens in one of eight selected months for one station or another.

To me, the most disappointing omission is the other frequencies that

we proposed should be emitted in the form of phase modulation. These

transmissions, expensive as they might have been, would have

provided the kind of unattended position finding most critically

required for search and rescue purposes. In recent years a fourth

frequency has been added that resolves ambiguity to 288 nautical

miles, nominally. It is hoped that this distance can be extended,

effectively to infinity, by measurement of the times of arrival of

the various bursts of signal. Such measurement would have to be

accurate to a few milliseconds of time. Many years ago, when the

low-frequency Naval station in the Panama Canal zone was

transmitting a short burst of signal each second as a method of time

distribution, I made some studies of the precision I could achieve

by measurement of the time of arrival. I found a standard deviation

of about half a millisecond, but only with a very strong signal, a

"pulse" each second, and a very long integration time.

Today's techniques are no doubt more accurate, but bursts of much

weaker signals come only each ten seconds (unless they are made on

each of the four transmitted frequencies) and useful integration

times should be no more than a very few minutes. It appears to me

that this technique may be hard to use to gain the necessary

precision. I have read no papers that disclose results from such a

method and have not heard that it has been successfully tested.

In the last year before my retirement there was a very interesting

effort to reduce to practice a search and rescue system under the

name GRAN, or the Global Rescue Alarm Network. This proposed that

the phases of all Omega signals should be retransmitted in the form

of modulation on a signal of 400 to 500 mHz, that would be relayed

to a shore-based station through a geostationary satellite. Position

of a vehicle or man in distress could thus be determined on shore

and transmitted to a rescue vessel.

This project was, for a short time, carried forward by a small group

 

Other Personal Disappointments 330

operating with support from the Navy, the Coast Guard, and NASA. At

the time I first heard of their work they had demonstrated

successful relaying of Omega signals by satellite with little more

than the power of a flashlight and with no requirement for a

directional antenna. The leaders of the work came to me for ideas

about extending the range of ambiguity resolution. I suggested the

addition of a fourth frequency at 10880 kHz which offered resolution

to a nominal 360 nautical wiles. Further resolution was loosely

suggested through the use of signals from more than the required

three stations, or through the pulse-timing idea described above, or

both.

In the fall of 1973, such signals at four frequencies were received

in Texas from the experimental stations at Forestport (New York) and

Trinidad. The measurements were brought to me to be put through the

lane identification process. The results, to me, were quite

satisfactory although in the middle of the night there were many

instances of failure of the identification of the 10.2 kHz cycle.

The lower frequency identifications were entirely satisfactory. I

attribute this difficulty in part to the rather short distance from

ForestPort (about 1300 nautical miles) but primarily to the fact

that only approximate calculations of the expected phases were

available. These measurements were made on only four nights in

October and five in November. I was at that time busy developing a

correction method, based upon intercomparisons at different

frequencies, that made it possible to correct, to some extent,

observed data for errors in prediction. This technique enabled me to

dispose of the night-time errors except for a few cases.

Perhaps my report of these difficulties discouraged the

experimenters, or perhaps (as rumor suggested) there was some

administrative difference of opinion about assessing the costs of

the experiment to the three governmental departments involved. In

any case, my visitors suddenly stopped coming to see me and the

project apparently collapsed.

I greatly regretted this, and hope that the work may some day be

revived under happier auspice; as the Omega signal offers unusual

opportunities for such signal relaying in a very narrow bandwidth. I

had really felt great interest, and confidence, in the idea that an

inexpensive piece of gear could be operated hand-held in a lifeboat

(or could float free in case of the sinking of a ship or aircraft)

and would call a rescuer promptly to the scene of an accident.


My most distressing experience, in respect to Omega, was to find

that upon my retirement all communications from the Navy and Coast

Guard (which had assumed operating control of the Omega system)

 

The Proposed Global Rescue Alarm 331

ceased at once. I could only assume that no one wished any

experimenting to continue that might contribute new ideas to

complicate the lives of those charged with constructing and

maintaining an operating system. I have mentioned above the

unfortunate results (for Germany) that followed upon Hitler's

abandonment of scientific research after 1939, so I will decline the

opportunity to repeat that lecture here.

* * *

I am still pleased that none of my efforts to aid navigation earned

me any money directly. Both at MIT and at Harvard, all funds were

granted to the institution which then paid me whatever it was felt

that I deserved. In both cases it is likely that my success at what

I was doing caused some increases in salary, but I have always been

able to enjoy the happy feeling that I was the perfect amateur,

doing what I felt was right in the national interest without thought

of personal gain. I did, as a matter of fact, refuse many offers of

a consulting agreement, as I usually felt that what was wanted was

not my expertise but the use of my name. It is also true that I

greatly enjoyed my resulting freedom to criticize anyone or any

institution!

There are other aspects of my doings in connection with Omega that

may appear in later chapters. If I had thought things through from

the beginning of these memoirs, I would have tried to maintain

better separation between my technical affairs and the personal

stories that must be more likely to interest others. I shall, to try

to restore the balance a little, close this chapter and devote

whatever else may be found in these pages to matters much more

likely to please my family or others.

 


332

 

27.

 

Some Travels in 1965, 1966, and 1967

 

In February, 1965, a civilian administrator in the Omega Project

Office and I flew to Trinidad to inspect the site of the Hemisphere

Radio station mentioned in the last chapter. The place was still

under the control of the U. S. Navy, as a part of the base that

continued to be maintained there.

Our first surprise was to find that no plane reservations could be

made to Trinidad for a week or more and that no hotel rooms would be

available if we could get there. We had accidentally chosen to go at

the time of Carnival, just before the beginning of Lent. When we did

get to the island and learn more about that festival, we agreed that

it was essential to time any future visit more carefully, as will

appear below.

I had at that time no passport that had not lapsed. At the Pan

American desk at Kennedy Airport I was surprised and somewhat amused

to find that an old Army ID card, probably issued in connection with

the traveling I had done for the Research and Development Board

seventeen years earlier, was the only identification that the

airline was sure would permit my return to the United States. It did

work perfectly, when needed.

In Trinidad, Rex Stout, the Project Office representative, and I

were driven to the naval base at Chaguaramas, in the northwest

corner of the island, where a beautiful site gave an overview of the

small islands dotting the Dragon's Mouth, the western passage

between Trinidad and Venezuela. This was the same strait where our

Pan Am clipper had had such trouble taking off in 1944. We were

assigned rooms in the bachelor officers' quarters, which had been an

old millionaire's mansion before the base was leased to the Navy.

The large and airy house had two wings extending forward to enclose

a well-kept garden with many handsome tropical trees in blossom.

This area was inhabited by a gorgeous scarlet macaw, fully three

feet long, who was always to be seen in the garden or perched

somewhere in the colonnade that overlooked it. We were told that he

had flown over from Venezuela some twenty years before and had

stayed on that property ever since.

When we were taken to see the old wartime, or really postwar,

transmitter building, I made my first close acquaintance with the

tropical jungle. The valley over which the antenna had hung, and

which was proposed for the same use again, had an area of a square

 

333

mile or more. A track used for occasional inspection by jeep had

been kept hacked through the growth of twenty years since the whole

area had been cleared. We could therefore be driven to the building,

which was among the most substantial I have seen. It was of

reinforced concrete with a bomb-proof flat roof five or six feet

thick and with walls to correspond. My hesitation, above, in calling

this a wartime building is because, in a common military fashion,

the station had operated throughout the war but the bomb-proof

building was not finished until after war had ended.

There were no windows in the building, but it had three or four

openings a few inches high just beneath the roof, or ceiling. These

had admitted a colony of surely ten thousand or more bats. The

interior was filled with them, their sounds and their smells. In

what little light there was, I could admire the dexterity with which

a bat could fly along, just under the ceiling, and suddenly invert

himself to seize an inconspicuous roughness to suspend himself on,

upside down of course. The performance of this feat had to be quick,

as there were few empty spots and always hundreds of bats looking

for a landing place. It was barely conceivable that this barren and

stinking cave could be made into a suitable building for a

transmitter.

This site was near the bottom of a valley between ridges nine

hundred or a thousand feet above the valley floor. There was a

cement perimeter a dozen feet wide surrounding the building and

holding the jungle at bay at that distance. I had seen a plan of the

area and knew that there was a small gully a few yards away from the

building. As I wished to see how much of an obstacle this might be

to laying a good wire ground screen, I started from the edge of the

cement to go see as much as I could.

The growth of vegetation was amazing. I cannot say how much was

trees and how much vines, many two to three inches in diameter. The

entangled canopy extended to a height of thirty feet or so. I went

to the edge of the cement, forced the vines apart until I could take

one step into the jungle. As I tried to clear the way for a second

step, I realized that it would certainly take me all morning to

reach the little gully, and retreated to the edge of the cement.

I was much interested to learn that the proposed clearing of this

square mile of difficult terrain, for the installation of the ground

system, would be done in the old-fashioned way by a myriad of

workers with machetes. I suspect that the growth was so intertwined

as to entangle even a bulldozer, but possibly the choice was simply

a matter of utilizing a cheap labor force.

I made some calculations, on the spot, of the power that could be

radiated from an antenna covering most of the valley. I found that

 

Bats / The Tropical Jungle 334

the required power for Omega could not be reached without putting a

row of towers four or five hundred feet high along the crests of the

ridges to raise the height of the antenna. The valley was simply too

small. The cost of so many towers, sturdy enough to hold the heavy

cables under great tension, seemed to me excessive. I recommended

that Trinidad should not be adopted for a station, unless such

towers could be used. As so often happened, the Navy paid no

attention to this suggestion and built a station there anyway. A

year later I was to have the surprise of seeing the same building,

now tile-lined and air-conditioned, with a fine transmitter

installed where in 1965 the bats had lived and multiplied in peace.

The view from the top of the transmitter building was impressive.

The whole valley was a rich and quite uniform green. A half mile or

more away there were three or four green fountains extending above

the general level of the jungle, where the green climbed up and fell

back in festoons. These were the rusted remains of lattice radio

towers a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet tall. In one case, the

cross-bracing could be detected among the vines after the existence

of the towers had been called to our attention.

The base commander lent us his little seaplane to fly over the site.

I was greatly impressed to find that, even from a low altitude, one

could not distinguish any difference between the jungle where a

clearing had been only twenty years before and the original jungle

that surrounded it. This was my most impressive demonstration of the

power of nature in replacing or covering the works of man, even

though I had known that some of the woods I had roamed in as a boy

had been cleared fields a century earlier.

When I left Trinidad to come home, it was convenient to stay

overnight in a hotel in Port of Spain while waiting for a morning

plane. I spent part of the evening sitting beside the hotel's

swimming pool and watching a small bat drinking from it. The bat

flew, for half an hour or so, in an ellipse almost the size of the

pool. As he (or she) came by near me on each circuit, he would

descend from a height of four or five feet to almost zero, drop his

lower jaw, and apparently take up a few drops of water, much as the

old steam trains scooped up water from troughs between the rails.

The bat could not have caught much at each trip, because it

continued this activity for so long. It occurred to me that the

intent might have been to pick up insects, but the pattern was so

uniform, always going down to the surface at nearly the same place

in the pool, that I felt quite sure that water was the objective.


The Navy asked me to give one of three papers about Omega at a

meeting of an international association of Institutes of Navigation

 

Another Bat / Munich 335

in Munich in August. I prepared a paper on the general idea of

hyperbolic navigation at very low radio frequencies, with special

emphasis on the trigonometrical features that operate so strongly to

limit the dilution of accuracy when using very long baselines. The

other two papers were given by friends from NEL and NRL. They dealt

more with practical matters and the results of experience.

This time I managed to avoid the pain associated with using military

transportation and flew to England by commercial airline. I did not

have much time there, but did pay calls in or near London upon

acquaintances and correspondents. I flew, one evening, to Munich on

a plane of the British European Airline, which stopped at Frankfurt

for immigrations and customs examination. This was the simplest and

shortest, not to say most farcical, border crossing I ever

experienced. We were herded off the plane, without our bags, and

into the immigration area. When my turn came I extended my passport

to a suave and polished gentleman of about sixty years. He smiled

gently, took the document by a corner between thumb and finger and,

without opening it, handed it back. I did my best to return his

courteous bow and passed on into the customs area. This was

completely empty of both bags and officials. With nothing else to

do, we all got back onto the plane and proceeded to Munich.

I had long realized that the one year of German I had foolishly

taken had done me little good. I was quite sure of it when I could

barely direct the taxi to my hotel. But a few days later I was

cheered to discover that I was beginning to understand a few words,

here and there.

This deficiency did not matter, as the meeting was prepared to deal

with several languages. It was held at IKOFA, a park-like area with

many varied exhibition halls and meeting places. The room for our

meetings was the first I encountered with full translation

facilities. A wire antenna looped around the room radiated

translations of all the papers and discussions in a half-dozen

languages. We could turn the selector on a box connected to our

headphones and amuse ourselves by trying to decide whether the

speaker in Spanish were getting ahead of the one in French, for

example. All our papers had been sent ahead for translation in

advance, but the translators also handled the discussions with what

seemed equal ease and accuracy. My paper was the first and only one

of mine that I know to have been printed in both French and German

and, if I was told truthfully, in Russian.

The meeting went on for several days, and covered some aspects of

navigation that were not of much interest to me. There was, of

course, plenty of time to see some of Munich and its uninhibited

night life. I recall one night club where I ate the most delicate

and delicious schnitzel I ever had. There were seven or eight of us

 

The Meeting in Munich 336

crowded around a circular table with a sort of pedestal in the

center. This turned out to be the resting place for a good-sized keg

of beer which we drew upon at will. The show was presumably very

funny and was greatly appreciated by the large and vociferous crowd.

About the only bit I understood was when the ardent swain's trousers

fell down in the presence of the mayor. This was clear in any

language.

On our most formal evening we were invited to an abendessen in

Ratskeller zu Rathaus, or a dinner in the Council's dining room in

the cellar of the city hall. Several of us went to this function in

what was probably the fastest taxi ride I ever took. I sat in front

with the driver and, to keep from seeing the way in which we hurtled

through traffic in the heart of the city, watched the speedometer

hovering between 100 and 110 km/hr most of the time.

The dinner itself was notable for well-arranged seating so that each

of us had reasonable exposure to some of the dignitaries of the host

association and of the city and state, as well as an assortment of

our co-workers in other countries. My chief memory is of the

meticulous care with which one of the hosts explained (while.the

waiters carried out) the tradition that in Munich one does not allow

a guest's beer glass to become empty. Mine, I noticed, seemed to be

replaced each time the level got down to about a half. This occasion

was my one and only experience in drinking toasts in beer.

On another occasion we drank at the Hofbrauhaus, the beer-hall that

became notorious as Hitler's early meeting place. By Munich's

standards I suppose it was relatively small, seating two or three

thousand people. The sight and sound of so many Germans all singing

and enjoying themselves was interesting in itself. I understand that

some of the brewing companies' tents, that are set up for the

Octoberfest, seat as many as twenty thousand.

Our meetings must have extended through parts of two weeks, as I had

pleasant experiences during the weekend. On the Saturday I spent the

day alone at the Deutschesmuseum, possibly the finest scientific and

technical museum in the world. I happened to start by going down

into a mining exhibit dug far into the ground below the museum. I

think it included at least iron, coal, and gold mining. .1 wandered

from place to place underground, through shafts, corridors and

galleries, with models of all operations at full scale. I began to

wonder whether I would ever come to the surface again, but I did so

after nearly two hours.

The transportation exhibits were magnificent, extending even to

fairly large trading ships of various eras. My favorite in this

section was a canoe like Hiawatha's, with the delightful label

BIRKENRINDENKANU. I still quote this occasionally as an example of

 

Munich and Oberammergau 337

the way the German language frightens one off by running three or

four English words into one. Until one learns to take such a

compound word apart, this style can cause great confusion. Another

remarkable exhibit was the chassis and engine of the automobile

which won the improbable race around the world from New York to

Paris in 1908. I do not think that this grandfather of all long-

distance races went through Alaska, as in the movie farce The Great

Race, but it did involve the long overland run from Vladivostok to

Paris in the days before filling stations, and took several months.

If I remember rightly, it started in February, the winning car

arrived in Paris in June, and the second place car in September. In

its exhibited form, the car has had ninety-degree sectors cut out of

the cases of the gear box and differential, so that the strength and

elegance of the gears can be seen. It was one of the finest pieces

of machinery I ever expect to see, and kept me fascinated for a long

time.

The exhibit that most pleased and impressed me was a room full of

Heinrich Hertz's original experimental gear, with which he

demonstrated the fact that radio waves are simply light waves with a

far greater wavelength. The museum seemed to have all of his plane

and parabolic mirrors (made of wires) and prisms (made of pitch).

How he accomplished all he did continues to amaze me, as his only

deteption mechanism was to look for tiny sparks with a magnifying

glass. To be sure, he had James Clerk Maxwell's electromagnetic

theory to guide him but, as a brilliant experimenter, he must have

regarded the theory with at least a degree of skepticism.

I had entered the Deutschesmuseum when it opened in the morning and

left it only when dinner time approached. It was a happy, tiring,

and fruitful day for me.

On the next day I became the complete tourist, and took a bus trip

to Oberammergau. I was drawn to this, while my Omega friends went to

Salzburg, because I remembered Grandma telling me about how she and

Grandpa had gone there for the Passion Play in 1910. Our tour went

through the beautiful alpine scenery of Garmisch-Partenkirchen, the

ski resort used for the winter Olympics in 1936.

I knew that the Germans tend to worship the memory of Goethe. I was,

nonetheless surprised by the reverence displayed by the tour guide

when, in a town whose name I forget, he pointed out a bronze plate

on the front of a small restaurant, which commemorated the fact that

on a day in 1771 Goethe had had lunch there!

My own lunch, also in a town I do not remember, was called a

bauernomelett. It must have taken four eggs to bind together the

liter or more of potatoes, ham, onions, and other fragrant things.

 

Munich and Oberammergau 338

It was half the size of a football, and I could not eat as much as

half of that.

After a stop at a most baroque church on the mountain above

Oberammergau, we finally reached that village only twenty minutes

before the shops closed at four in the afternoon. This no doubt

saved us collectively a lot of money. We were able to glance into a

number of the woodcarvers' shops, but there was not time enough for

comparative shopping. My only souvenirs were two tiny hedgehogs

which still remind me of Herkemiah at Ak-Bulak as well as of

Oberammergau.

Munich became even more memorable as, early in the next week, I fell

victim to my last fairly serious attack of epididymitis. After

spending two days in pain in my bed in the Excelsior Hotel, I

managed to pull myself together and get to a plane to England, where

I had an appointment to give a colloquium at the Royal Air Force

research station at Farnborough. To my surprise and relief, the

trouble got better as I traveled and I was able to give my talk

without too much discomfort. I did not stay long in England,

however, and I am happy that since that year I have had no more than

twinges of my old difficulty.

* * *

Rex's determination to see the Carnival in Trinidad bore bitter

fruit for him but much fun for me. By February, 1966, the Omega

station in Trinidad was ready for testing. We had made reservations

and taken steps to reserve (at our own expense) the necessary

tickets for the 8everal major Carnival attractions during the five

days ending with Shrove Tuesday.

Possibly Rex talked too much at the office. Or perhaps the idea of

Carnival was just too much to be resisted by his boss, Max Polk, the

Omega Project Officer. He bumped Rex and decided to do the

inspection of the station himself. I fancy that he tried to do the

same thing to me, as he wished to take along a close friend in the

Navy. If so, that scheme failed and I was allowed to make the trip

as planned. Max was a captain in the Navy, having the same rank as

that held by the commander of the Trinidad base. This fact was to

become very beneficial.

We arrived in Port of Spain with nearly a week of Carnival

remaining. The festivities had been. building up for several days

before that, with minor celebrations of many kinds, including many

parades through the city by steel orchestras each of which carried

with it a large group of celebrants jumping up. Max and I were met

by our official host, the resident captain, and given our tickets to

the various attractions, and also guest memberships at the Country

Club. These were thoughtfully made out in the names of Mr. and Mrs.,

 

Farewell to Munich / Trinidad Again 339

in case we wished to take along some substitutes. We were taken to

the same BOQ at Chaguaramas and were given the keys to a car rented

forus by the naval base.

In the first day or two we managed to make an hour's visit to the

Omega station, which was neat and clean and working perfectly,

though with limited power. After that visit, we were quite busy

sightseeing and learning how Carnival works. It seems that the

festivities are largely in the hands of bands, which are not musical

but groups of people ready to parade and perform together for

several days with little rest. One or two bands consisted of as few

as 300 people, but some of the more enterprising ones contained as

many as 2,000 celebrants. A band is reputed to begin preparing

costumes for the next Carnival within two weeks of the end of the

latest one. The costumes, in each band, are all coordinated to fit

with whatever theme the band has chosen. One of the more spectacular

bands in 1966 was dressed as Roman soldiers. The costumes were

little less than magnificent and, from a distance of a few yards,

showed no anachronisms and no imperfections of detail that we could

detect. This band was divided into four quarters, each in its own

color: red, green, blue, or yellow. Those in each color marched, or

danced, in a group. There were no differences in costume throughout

the band except for the color of the different regiments.

In its many public appearances, each band was accompanied by its own

orchestra (which is what, in this country, we would call a steel

band) often of a hundred performers. When the appqarance was at one

of the functions in front of the grandstand in the Queen's Park

Savannah, the orchestra would pass beside the ramp that led up to a

platform several feet high in front of the grandstand. Forming on

the far side of the platform, the orchestra would play jumpup music

while the band marched, a dozen abreast, up the ramp and danced its

way across to the descending ramp. I no longer have any idea how

many bands and orchestras there were, but they surely were numbered

in the dozens, if not scores.

The steel orchestra plays upon a family of instruments devised by an

unknown genius. He found that the top or bottom of a standard oil

drum (a very common commodity in Trinidad) could be made into a

surprisingly pleasant instrument. By properly heating, hammering,

and tempering the steel drumhead, a dozen or more dents or bosses

can be so shaped that each responds to a drumstick with a note in

the musical scale. A group of a hundred performers playing these

instruments can produce an exceedingly loud, yet very musical and

exciting result. Much music has been composed for these orchestras,

all of it toe-twitching and highly suitable for jumpups. These are a

kind of local dance that I find it totally impossible to describe.

It requires as much energy as go-go dancing but has, somehow, a more

joyful and less sexual character.

 

Carnival 340

 

When driving around Port of Spain in the evening, we would often

meet a large group of dancers following an orchestra. We soon

realized the extent of their fatigue. Because the group occypied the

whole street we would, if cornered by it, turn off the engine and

let the dance sweep by us on both sides of the car, usually taking

ten or fifteen minutes to pass. The dance has, as its name implies,

rather more vertical than horizontal motion. Those dancers who

managed to get close enough to the small car would invariably lean

against the top, suported by an elbow, and allow the car to hold

them up as the rest of the crowd forced them along until they were

pushed off at the other end of the car.

It was probably on the Friday of the Carnival weeke9d that we were

moved into Port of Spain. For a time I did not understand why we

were being transferred to the Queen's Park Hotel, but the reason

ultimately became clear. There seems to be a rule that during

Carnival local people may not occupy rooms in hotels. We, as

foreigners, could have rooms that would be convenient as resting and

relieving places for the naval officers and their wives who would be

attending Carnival. As a result of these rules, the club took two

rooms in our names. One was a beautiful large one on the front of

the fourth floor, with a long balcony overlooking the street and

across to the savannah where the formal entertainments were held.

The second room was a small double one in the rear of the hotel

where it was hoped that it would be quiet enough for us to sleep. As

a matter of fact, noise from the festivities hardly bothered us at

all, as we did not often try to rest and, when we did, were

generally tired enough to sleep anyway. When we were taken to the

large room, we found an unusual feature. A big closet, had a shelf

bearing several dozen bottles of liquors. It seemed that the

officers' club had also provided this supply and used it on the

honor system, whereby each officer paid for what he used. As hosts,

Max and I were exempted from this arrangement and told to help

ourselves to these supplies as desired. It became common to find our

balcony occupied by several officers and wives, chiefly in the late

afternoon. Of course, the club liquor was far cheaper than that

served in the hotel bar downstairs.

I am sure that there was a major show on the main stage that Friday

night but do not recall just what it may have been, except that the

devil was a major character in the performance. Saturday night has

blotted Friday out of my memory. That was the night when the

attraction on the stage was the selection of the King and Queen of

the Carnival. These choices were supposed to be made entirely on the

basis of the best and most extravagant of the costumes worn by the

leaders of a dozen of the more prominent bands. These costumes were

generally so large and complex that the human in the middle was

visible only as a face, if that. Many, especially those worn by men,

 

Choice of the Queen of Carnival 341

were often six or eight feet broad and deep, and many even higher

than that. One strong man representing King Neptune carried a

brilliantly decorated costume (on a sort of concealed scaffolding)

that was reputed to weigh three hundred pounds. He could only cross

the stage in little four-inch steps, obviously taken with great

effort.

One band, representing playing cards, violated this tradition. The

female leader was a "high yaller" woman well over six feet tall. She

wore a brilliant scarlet sleeveless floor-length gown that clung

closely to her superb figure. Her costume was a flat sheet of giant

playing cards that extended well out sideways but not at all to the

front or rear. This device concealed none of the lady's own charms,

which were copious, magnificent, or what adjectives have you?

Max and I realized from the reactions of the audience near us that

this violation of custom was most incorrect. By this time, however,

the effects of the officers'club liquor were being felt and we

applauded the playing-card lady vociferously at every appearance. At

the end of the show, toward one A.M., the decisions of the judges

were announced. To our surprise and delight, the judges also had

apparently been overcome by the lady's charms and the leader of the

playing cards was named Queen of the Carnival.

After this Saturday night show a certain conclusion had become

traditional. The part of the audience which had the use of the

Country Club went there when the show ended and enjoyed a jumpup

until five in the morning. At that hour it was correct to repair to

a church to take communion. Because Max was an Episcopalian, we went

to the service at the Church of England. I had never taken communion

in England but, even so, only one aspect of the rite surprised me. I

understood how the congregation knelt at the altar rail in groups of

forty or fifty; and, having seen it done in the movies or somewhere,

I was not surprised at the curious gesture of sticking out the

tongue for the priest to place the wafer on it. I was, however,

startled by the dexterity of the young priest in serving the wine.

It came in a sort of huge brandy snifter that would, when full, have

held at least two quarts. The priest held it cradled in one hand

with the other supporting the base. With some kind of a twitch I

could not fathom, he shot into each open mouth about a tablespoonful

of the wine. This, from a vessel with a four-inch hole at the top,

impressed me as a skill of a very high order.

The popular theory seemed to be that if, after taking communion, one

slept for the rest of the day on Sunday it should not be necessary

to go to bed again before midnight Tuesday. It. did not work that

way for us for, on Monday morning, we were awakened by a tremendous

noise that came echoing up through the atrium that extended upward

from the lobby of the hotel. It seemed that a large orchestra had,

 

The Carnival Spirit 342

formed up at the entrance of the hotel and suddenly started playing

surely the loudest music I ever heard. Further sleep instantly

became impossible.

Somehow the details about Monday escape me except that, in the early

evening, Max and I decided that we should stop drinking the Navy

bourbon and go downstairs to see what was being served at the hotel

bar. With difficulty we wormed our way through the crowd in the

lobby and got into the bar and provided ourselves with glasses of

planter's punch. Working my way back to the lobby, I looked (or a

clear spot and was lucky enough to find a corner with a pretty girl

alone in it. She was wearing a pair of silver earrings in the shape

of starfish. As a conversation opener, I asked if these were a

local product, because I thought our friend Madelene Pierce, a

marine biologist, would like a pair like them. The girl said that

they were a gift and she did not know where they came from. While

saying this, she removed the earrings, took off the matching brooch

that I had not noticed, and dropped them all into my shirt pocket. I

have often used this story as an excellent example of the spirit of

Carnival. The girl earned at least a good dinner by way of thanks

before rejoining her group of young people. She came from

Manchester, New Hampshire, and was employed as a teacher of English

in a company school in the Venezuela oilfields. She gave me her

address, but I was wise enough not to try to see her again.

Catherine enjoyed this story, but side-tracked the pin and earrings

before they ever got to Madelene. Catherine continued to wear them

frequently as long as she lived.

I must admit that we did get out to the Omega station a second time,

I think for at least an hour, during the week that we spent in

Trinidad. We also had lunch once with the commander of the base at

his lovely home overlooking the Dragon's Mouth. My only real

reflections of this occasion were of a very good meal and the

pleasure I took in seeing a five-foot iguana resting on a big branch

of a tree a few feet from the railing of the captain's porch.

On Tuesday, the final entertainments in the Queen's Park Savannah

finished in the late afternoon. By that time, all were certainly

tired. Quite a naval group was chatting quietly, glasses in hand, on

our balcony as the last performers were leaving the savannah. The

band representing playing cards came out into the street and, for

some unknown reason stood around there with its center not more than

fifty yards from us. At this point something, perhaps whisky,

inspired me to get up and say, "I'm going down to see if she (the

Carnival Queen) is as beautiful close to as she is several yards

away." The lobby and street were fearfully crowded, but I put my

shoulder down as a wedge and forced my way out and down the road. I

had no way to tell how close I was getting to my objective until I

suddenly broke out of the crowd and into an open space a few feet in

 

The End of Carnival / Norway 343

diameter with the Queen, and me, conspicuous in the center. It had

not occurred to me to prepare any remarks for this occasion and I

was at the moment speechless with the surprise, as well as her

nearness and the overpowering smell of sweat from the lady and her

entire entourage. No way to explain my sudden appearance occurred to

me except to bow low, snatch the lady's hand, and kiss it, mumbling

congratulations on her selection for her high honor. I suspect that

she was the most surprised Carnival Queen in recent years as I

slipped back into the crowd. Looking up to our balcony when I got

free enough, I had a fine view of the naval group enjoying an acute

attack of hysterics. Max, of course, brought this story back to the

United State; amplifying it the while, and had much fun distributing

it among my friends. I am sure that his version, by the time he had

a chance to tell it to Catherine, was far better than mine.

As the Carnival was wearing to a close, surely from fatigue, the

Tuesday evening was spent at a jumpup at the Country Club. Our

fairly large group spent most of the evening over drinks at tables

bordering the dance floor. In the latter part of the evening, it was

a frequent occurrence. for one or another of Trinidad's very pretty

girls to slow down her dancing near one of our tables and ask the

time. One or another of us would look at his watch and reply,

perhaps, Ten-thirty. This almost invariably provoked the response,

Oh, my God! I'll never make it!

It became abundantly clear at midnight, when, the music and dancing

stopped. The room was instantly littered with bodies, lying wherever

they happened to be when the Carnival period ended. The same was

true of the city in general, as in our drive back to the hotel

similar inert forms were to be seen scattered over the lawns,

sidewalks, and even streets.

In the morning the base commander came to take us to the airport,

first paying our hotel bill from a large wad of American hundred-

dollar notes. These were, he assured us carefully, officers' club

funds, not naval ones.

* * *

In August of 1966, Dick Woodward, Lowman Tibbals, the leader of the

Omega work at NEL and my closest friend there, and I flew to England

for a meeting with the radio navigation people at the Royal Aircraft

Establishment, and then to Norway to see the Omega station being

built there. This was a double pleasure for Dick and me because just

after World War II we had had a two-years' acquaintance with Bjorn

Rorholt, a young Norwegian flyer. He had served in the Underground

during the war, had flown in some capacity with Bernt Balchen, and

had frequently been parachuted into his homeland. His services in

the war had earned him a reward of two years in America, most of

 

The End of Carnival / Norway 344

which he chose to spend working with my research group at Harvard. I

still have no idea why he made this choice. In the intervening years

he had become a colonel in the Air Force and, in 1966, was serving

as Chief of Communications for the Norwegian Joint Services. This

gave him a professional as well as personal interest in Omega and

also in the big VLF communication station then being built for NATO

in northern Norway.

Bjorn had mistaken our date and we surprised him in the morning a

day earlier than he had expected. Nonetheless, he rose to the

occasion, arranging an excellent dinner for us on that same day.

This introduced a Norwegian custom new to us. Many people choose to

work from morning until about four in the afternoon and then enjoy

the big meal of the day, to be followed by supper some time in the

evening. Our meal was obviously at one of the better restaurants and

I enjoyed my first ptarmigan although I have forgotten the

Norwegian name for it. Another small group had been invited to meet

us. These were the senior engineers engaged in building the NATO VLF

station. I was pleased to find that this group was headed by my old

acquaintance Captain Burke, who had retired from the Navy after

completing thq big VLF station at Cutler, Maine. Nothing untoward

happened at the dinner, but we found out later that Mr. Burke and

Bjorn were rather at swords' points over many diplomatic problems

concerning the construction of the station. Apparently each of the

parties to the controversy had been throwing his weight about to an

unnecessary degree.

Fortunately, a few days later, the same people, with others,

attended a large cocktail party given, if I remember rightly, by the

American company which had the contract under NATO. At this function

I performed one of my easiest and most successful diplomatic chores.

I spent much of the evening, cocktail glass in hand, chatting with

the heads of the two groups, telling each of them some of the

stories I happened to know about the achievements of the other in

various difficult situations. I was to hear later that, while Burke

and Rorholt did not become bosom friends, they did decide to respect

each other, and afterwards worked together very successfully.

In a few days we saw some of the charms of Oslo, of which I remember

chiefly Vigeland's amazing statues in Frogner Park. We also spent an

interesting time visiting Tron Horn, the chief expert in stringing

long cables over fiords, which is very necessary in building the

Norwegian electric system. I was surprised to learn that, in the

climate of northern Norway, one of the desirable reatures is to let

the center of a long span drop to about a thousand feet over the

water. If the center were higher than that, there would be an

unnecessarily great strain on the cable, while if it drooped lower

heavier ice-loading would make the total strain greater than it need

be. I asked Mr. Horn what was the length of the longest span in the

 

Elementary Diplomacy 345

electric system. After a few seconds of thought he amazed me by

saying "About five kilometers, or 3.1 miles." This man's experience

was of great value to Omega, of course, although, in a mountain

antenna, there is a great premium for not letting the spans droop

lower that safety demands.

Omega profited by the use of a cable-hanging ship, made by equipping

a wartime landing craft with hoisting engines and cable reels. This

ship was sent anywhere it was needed for such purposes as raising

the Omega antenna. In this case, as in some others, it had been

necessary to hoist the necessary gear by helicopter to the tops of

the mountains. These were so fractured by freezing and thawing that

they had little structural integrity. The first operation was to

drill dozens of holes through the rock and pump into them enough

cement to make the whole peak of each mountain one block of

concrete. After sufficiently strong pulleys had been mounted at the

take-off points, the cable ship would string the antenna anross the

fiord, buoying it up to lie easily at the surface. Lines would then

be carried up at each end of each span, reeved through the pulleys,

and brought back down to the winches on the cable ship. Sailing as

necessary from one side of the fiord to the other, the cable ship

could then hoist each antenna strand into position, so that men on

the mountains could make permanent attachments. The antenna at

Aldra, as the island is called, or more properly at Bratland, the

name of the hamlet on the mainland, was used for a time with two

strands across the water. These were later extended by addition of a

third, each of the three going to a different peak on the mainland.

Dick and I, who had known Bjorn in Cambridge, had a very pleasant

dinner with him and his wife, whom we had also known as they had

been married while he was in America. We were especially delighted

with his smoked salmon, which he had caught himself and had had

smoked by some great expert in that ancient art. Bjorn was proud,

not to say vain, of these fish, and had long been promising us (by

mail) that he would have some waiting for us when we got to Oslo.

The salmon were fully worthy of his praises, being the most delicate

and delicious that I ever ate.

After a few days of introductions to the city and to military and

other people interested in either Omega or the NATO communication

station, Dick, Lowman, and I were escorted to the edge of the arctic

by Bjorn himself. We flew to Trondheim by commercial aircraft and

then went further north in a Norwegian Air Force helicopter. This

was, we quickly discovered, a magnificent way to view the fiord

country. We flew, usually, at more or less half the height of the

mountains so that we had elegant views into the fiords. The

sightseeing ships full of tourists looked like pretty toys below us.

Landing near the site of the future NATO station, we were shown the

 

Cable Hanging Techniques / Oslo 346

rocky saddle inside which three caverns had been excavated. These

were to be the rooms for the large transmitter and for the two

outlying loading coils for the two halves of the mountain antenna. A

light strand of antenna had been suspended across the valley with a

lead-in down to a hut on the top of the saddle, where a small

transmitter was being used for the first actual tests at the site.

We climbed the saddle, several hundred feet high and covered by

rocks and brush, in our city clothes as a snowstorm was beginning.

This may have been the first occasion on which I felt the effects of

the emphysema that had resulted from forty years of smoking, as I

remember that I had great difficulty in keeping up with the other

members of the party, and that they clearly felt a little concerned

about my difficult breathing and fatigue. To this day, I do not know

why we climbed this minor obstacle, except that Bjorn was so pleased

with the progress being made on the station that he wished us to see

every detail.

I found the tunnel that had been bored through the width of the

saddle very interesting. Bjorn had a story, which I don't

necessarily believe, that the Norwegians had talked NATO into

financing this access route, between the tuning points and the

transmitter, because it was desired as a passage for school children

between their homes at one end and their school at the other. If

this be true, I can easily understand the desire of parents not to

have to send their children up over this saddle in the winter. We

observed that the tunnel was quite large, permitting a two-lane road

of generous width, and was entirely rough and unfinished above

although the road was smoothly paved. Apparently both of these

features were matters of economy. The size was especially important

as it allowed ordinary earth-moving equipment to move in and out

readily during the tunneling; and it was left untiled because that

was considered to be a necessary economy. In Norway, excavating in

the rock is common and is done very professionally. Biorn told us

that the entire tunnel, a little less than a mile long, had been

bored (from both ends) in three months and at a cost of half a

million dollars. We Americans agreed that in our homeland the plans

alone for such a tunnel would have cost a half million, and that the

time taken for the whole would probably have been three years rather

than three months.

This is as good a time as any to mention a legend we heard several

times. It seems that trolls resent the activities of humans in these

northern climes unless the people excavate places in the rocks that

may serve as accomodations for the trolls. It is therefore wise to

dig as much as possible to divert the malicious actions that

otherwise might ensue. We usually heard this story from trained

engineers, some of whom had studied in England or America. It was

obvious that these acquaintances tried to laugh as they spoke about

the trolls; nevertheless we fancied that we detected a

 

Trolls / Bodo 347

stratum of belief underlying the amusement.

As we left the NATO site and flew toward Bodo, where we had hotel

accomodations, I learned about a most convenient ability of a

helicopter in such a northern region. After a time the snow became

so thick that the aircraft's windshield wiper failed to keep up with

the accumulation. When this condition became severe, the pilot would

find a small place along the shore where he had room to land. He

could then get out and scrape the windshield clean!

Bodo is a small city of perhaps 30,000 people, and is the capital of

Nordland county, if that is what such a region is called in Norway.

It was essentially new and notably neat (even for a town in Norway)

because it had been totally destroyed by the German occupation

forces during World War II. We arrived late and left early, so I

really recall little more than a very good dinner in the hotel.

When we visited the Omega station, a half dozen miles south of the

arctic circle, we were lucky enough to see a fantastic feat of

helicopter flying. The station was then operating, though at less

than nominal power, and there was still much construction activity

on the mountains. As time had passed it had been found that the top

of the mountain on the mainland was enshrouded by clouds too

frequently. A cableway had therefore been constructed to the top

from a flattish area about a third of the way up. A commercial

helicopter was employed in flying supplies, such as sand and cement,

up from the edge of the sea to the lower end of the cableway. The

small helicopter was paid by the ton hoisted to the plateau and the

pilot therefore wasted little time in returning after he had dropped

a load. Instead of flying down in a normal attitude, he would tip

the helicopter up to an angle less steep than the slope of the

mountain and slide down at an increasing speed. In this part of the

trip the forward-moving tips of the blades of the helicopter

exceeded the speed of sound. The descent was thus made to the

accompaniment of rapid succession of sounds like the explosions of

giant firecrackers, which could be heard from a distance of six or

eight miles.

As we approached the station, our military helicopter toured the

antenna supports at the tops of the mountains and then landed a mile

or two from the station where there was a flat place at which we

could wait for cars from the station to pick us up. During this

pause the commercial helicopter came banging down the slope. The

pilot was clearly minded to show the Air Force crew that they were

not the only ones who could fly helicopters. Instead of stopping at

the normal place to pick up his next load, the pilot continued

another half mile along the coast, still at a very high speed. He

came over the water at a height of no more than ten or fifteen feet

until nearly opposite us and at a couple of hundred feet out from

 

Construction on the Mountain 348

the shore. As he reached this point he swung the aircraft up into a

steep climb and checked his ground speed by accelerating his engine.

This maneuver brought him to a complete stop at a height of about

fifty yards. At the peak, his rotor blades seemed exactly vertical,

for a moment. As he dropped he returned to the horizontal, with the

engine still at full throttle, brought the helicopter into a normal

attitude only a few yards above the water, and chugged sedately back

to his base to pick up his next load. We were sorry that there was

no way for him to know how deep an impression he had made. Our

flight crew could only fill our ears with excuses because the Air

Force would not allow them to try such a stunt.

As suggested above, the Omega antenna in Norway had required much

reinforcing work on the mountains at the ends of the strands of

cable. Some details are of interest. On the mainland side, the

mountain top approached knife-edge sharpness. Before even the

solidification process could be begun, much material and several

workmen had to be hoisted to the top. The first operation was to

lower men and supplies to build a small cabin and a landing pad for

the helicopter. The former was needed at once to provide a place

where a few men could stay when a cloud descended on the mountain

with little warning. The very idea of the landing platform gives me

qualms. It was a square wooden structure three meters on a side! To

find a perch for even a small helicopter on this, with such a steep

mountain ridge under it and when buffeted by the winds to be

expected in such a high and exposed situation, must have called for

a pilot with the traditional nerves of steel. It should be no

surprise that the later work took advantage of the cableway.

It is curious that seeing the Omega station did not interest me as

much as hearing these stories about how things are done in Norway.

Of course, I had previously seen many radio transmitters, all of

them very similar, and some had presented far greater engineering

problems. In any case, many of my reactions in Norway were similar

to those I had felt when I learned of the cheap telephone

communication available on the Finnish ship in 1936.

The peaks of surprise and admiration came when we were back in Oslo

and Bjorn took us to see the headquarters station of the military

ultra-high-frequency communication network. This station was

invisible to the eye of the casual visitor. We were introduced to it

when Bjorn drove us up to the television tower on the heights at the

end of Oslofiord. This was the standard European tapered tower of

reinforced concrete with antennas at the top and below them a bulge

two rooms wide and several stories high. This space contained the TV

operating rooms and transmitters. When we approached the tower,

instead of continuing to the normal parking area around the base,

Biorn turned off the road into an unimproved dirt track through a

grove of small trees fifty or more yards below the top of the hill.

 

An Invisible Communication Network 349

He parked at the edge of this road at the back of the hill, near a

small building rather like the end of a small garage partly buried

in the sloping ground. A key unlocked a padlock on an

undistinguished yet sturdy door leading into a small tunnel, as

rough and unfinished as the much larger one we had seen at the site

of the NATO station in Nordland. This tunnel led us horizontally

into the hill for a hundred yards or more and ended at an obviously

stronger door with a more impressive lock. Beyond this, we found

ourselves in a brightly lighted and highly modern communication

station containing many transmitters and some of the offices of the

military network.

This cavern was directly under the television tower and buried far

underground. Another locked door let us into an elevator car which

we found was the normal one used by the public for access to the

observation gallery in the bulge. Buttons in the elevator allowed

the public to travel between the ground floor and souvenir shop, the

TV transmitter area, and the observation gallery, but showed no

indication that there was anything below the ground level or that

there were a couple of levels in the bulge that contained parabolic

antennas for the military system. These levels were reached by the

use of a key to an inconspicuous lock on the elevator control panel.

The antennas of the military system were pointed as necessary in the

directions to relay points leading to all parts of the country. All

of this network was more or less parallel to the normal telephone

system but was completely independ0nt.

The antennas in the tower were not the only resource of this

installation. Scattered in the woods below the public parking area,

but still not far below the top of the hill, there were a number of

small wooden buildings that could only be called shacks. These had

been red, but the paint was blistered and peeling, and the small

windows looked as though they had not been cleaned for years. They

were so dingy that, from the outside, one could not detect that they

concealed almost nothing except large holes in the ground. These

buildings covered reserve parabolic antennas, all mounted on

hydraulic lifts that could, in an emergency involving loss of the

television tower, be activated to bring these antennas up to a

considerable height with each pointed in exactly the right

direction.

All of this ingenuity was not what most impressed me. This system

had been set up in a way that could not be imagined in the United

States. All of the electronic equipment had been picked up in the

surplus market, subject only to the requirement that it could work

reliably at the correct frequencies. We saw labels from Philco and

General Electric, the English Marconi Company, and one or two French

and German suppliers. There is much to be said for using ingenuity

 

An Invisible Communication Network 350

and determination instead of dollars.

The most surprising bit of data Bjorn gave us was that this entire

network of, I believe, 140 stations was operated by a total full-

time staff of less than that number of people. The stations,

scattered completely around the entire perimeter of Norway, were

capable of operating unattended. At every site an inhabitant nearby,

perhaps a farmer with no more than minimal technical understanding,

was kept on notice to get to the station in case of any failure. If

he could reactivate the power supply or make some other correction,

well and good. If the difficulty were beyond his capacity, he was

authorized to call upon any facilities of the Norwegian armed

services. They would respond at once to any call for help and

enquire into the degree of necessity only after the station had been

restored to full operation.

One unimportant detail pleased me. At Harvard, my group had used

some morse code intercommunication between rooms. A single letter

was the call of each person. That letter plus a question mark meant,

Where are you? and would be answered by a room number. An

individual's letter followed by a number meant to answer a telephone

call on that particular line, and so on through many brief messages

and responses. Bjorn had apparently liked this arrangement and we

found a trace of it in this military network. A call to, say, the

Nordland area would start with what corresponds to our area code.

The area would respond with a dial tone so interrupted as to form a

repeated morse letter, thus confirming at once that the caller had

reached the correct zone before he dialed the local number.

We were not asked to keep any of this information secret. The whole

apparatus was simply made inconspicuous. This has many advantages as

compared with an activity that inspires curiosity, as the Norwegians

clearly knew as well as anyone.

It happened that Dick and I finished our visits in Norway three or

four days earlier than we had expected. We went immediately to

London, hoping to change our reservations to cross the Atlantic.

This was when we discovered that the tourist season no longer ends

at Labor Day. It was impossible to arrange an earlier departure, so

we became simple tourists and had a very relaxed and pleasant time.

We visited the Tower of London (for me, at least, the first time

since 1936) and took sightseeing-bus rides that brought us to

museums new to us, and to other attractions. I even surprised myself

by spending an hour and a half in happy contemplation of da Vinci's

Madonna of the Rocks while Dick wandered in other parts of the

National Gallery. For some reason I don't understand, in London I

have always been able to reserve theater tickets at short notice,

and we took full advantage of that happy arrangement. So we managed

to pass the required time with no boredom whatever.

 

A Short Stop in England 351

 

* * *

In 1967 it seemed to us that a trip to see the World's Fair at

Montreal might be our last chance to do something as a family before

the children stopped having long summer vacations. Bob was then 22

and Joy 20 years of age. We accordingly chose a date, bought

passports to the Fair, and arranged reservations in Montreal.

Catherine ran into an obstacle when she suggested leaving our

dachshund, Gretchen, in a kennel. The dog was such a pet of all of

us that Catherine received no second to this motion. We therefore

saw to getting all Gretchen's innoculation and health certificates,

while Bob applied to his Draft Board for permission to leave the

country, a requirement that very much disgusted him. At the Canadian

border, in both directions, the immigration officials surprised us

by carefully reading every word on the dogs papers while they

politely declined to be interested in Bob's permission. I doubt that

he was ever again so insulted!

Our reservation turned out to be in a little French rooming house.

We found it conveniently located and equipped, and even with

elementary kitchen facilities, but the four separate beds we had

requested did not seem to be available. It was unfortunate that my

French was far behind me, if it ever had been useful in spoken form,

while no one at that time in the house knew any English. We finally

worked it out that the proprietor, who spoke English but operated

two similar places, would not be available until supper time. So an

afternoon was practically wasted before he arrived and so juggled

rooms that we were satisfied. Once this had been done, we found the

place quite satisfactory.

My French had another hard time in the morning when I was sent out

to get coffee for all, with varying demands for no sugar, or no

cream, or double cream. The only cafe' in the immediate neighborhood

was presided over by a statuesque and beautiful woman who had the

greatest difficulty in detecting what I wanted, but I finally got

all the orders filled correctly. Thereafter, for some reason or

other, I recall no further linguistic difficulties.

The problem of Gretchen solved itself beautifully. A small animal

hospital not too far away would take her as a day student if we

would pick her up each evening before dinner. The dachshund adjusted

well to this regime and we had the pleasure of her company at night.

We also found an ideal place for breakfast next door to the animal

hospital, so we patronized that regularly and reserved our own

kitchen facilities for snacks. The breakfast place had a curious

pricing method which I discovered by experience. Our bill was always

75 cents each plus 15 cents, no matter how much or how little anyone

 

Facilities at Expo 67 352

ordered.

At the Fair we let the children pretty much alone to wait in line,

if they wished, for the most popular exhibits while, with one

exception, Catherine and I set a policy of going in to see only

those things that did not require any waiting at all. Joy happened

to have a school friend living in Montreal, so she spent much time

doing things with her. Bob made new acquaintances as necessary and

took care of himself very well, so we met occasionally by

appointment or sometimes only when we got back to our quarters at

night.

It happened that I had suffered a ruptured spinal disc a year or two

before and in 1967 was using a rather rough and large cane. This led

to two interesting events. When we first went to the exposition

grounds it seemed best to start by taking a ride on the minirail, an

elevated transit system that ran through much of the fair grounds.

We found one of its stations close to the entrance and rode around

to see how the various areas were arranged. It was natural that the

minirail ride ended at the Canadian Pavilion, so we went in to see

that first. Outside, we had noticed a number of Royal Canadian

Mounted Police in their scarlet uniforms and had not yet discovered

that the Expo police wore entirely different uniforms. Inside, the

Canadian art exhibit seemed the best one to start with, so we went

in there and found it interesting enough to keep us for thirty or

forty minutes looking into various galleries. After a time I

realized that wherever I went there was a Mountie within a yard or

two of me. As I moved from one gallery to another, sometimes a

policeman would wander along with me, and at other times I would

find a different one in the next gallery. Just as this fact began to

worry me, there was a flurry of activity at the other end of the

large room we were in. A group of eight or ten people, most of them

in correct morning dress, were escorting two well-dressed but more

informal visitors. As this group passed out of the pavilion, all of

the Mounted Police vanished as well. Before we ourselves left we

made some enquiries and tound that the distinguished visitors were

the King and Queen of Greece, being shown through the exhibits. The

security force in the scarlet coats had obviously been unsure that

my stout cane did not conceal a firearm. With perfect courtesy, they

never approached me but made sure that one officer or another should

always have me within his reach.

At almost the end of our visit the cane had a different, but equally

courteous, result. Until then, Catherine and I had clung to our

policy of not waiting in line. There was, however, an unusually

excellent international art exhibition that we all wanted to see. On

several different days we had failed to get to this museum before it

bacame filled. Expo 67 had an admirable policy of allowing visitors

into the museum until a comfortable number were inside, and then

 

The International Art Exhibition 353

admitting others only as the earlier arrivals left. On our last day,

we again failed to get to this exhibit before a long waiting line

had formed. We decided that we had no alternative but to wait.

After about five minutes of leaning on my cane at the end of the

long line, I was approached by one of the regular Fair police.

Without preamble, be said to me, "Are you alone?" I replied, "No. We

are a family of four." "Bring them", he said, rather brusquely, and

led us toward the side of the museum. On the way, he kept using his

walkie-talkie, speaking in French. At a looked side door, a second

policeman let us in and conducted us to an elevator so that we

avoided a long flight of stairs to the exhibition area. This

courtesy saved us what I bad estimated as two hours of waiting;

extra time that we were delighted to have at the exhibit. Catherine

and I each found a few paintings we had admired, either in Russia or

in western Europe, and since then had wondered whether we would ever

see these old friends again. I am sure that this exhibit was, for

us, the highlight of the Fair.

I no longer remember any of the other national or state exhibits

except for the Finnish artifacts that were displayed in a most

memorable way. Large frames enclosed collections of all sorts of

manufactured objects, from sets of china to tapestries and even gun

barrels, all so grouped as to simulate impressive art. The

cumulative effect of a large room full of patterned groups of this

sort was overpowering and still not forgotten.

Recalling our happiness at the New York World's Fair in 1939 and

1940, we searched for but could not find a Finnish place where we

could rest and drink coffee and eat schmeerbrot (however it should

be spelled) the delicious open-faced sandwiches of Scandinavia and

Finland. Catherine did presently discover the approximate equivalent

in the Scandinavian Pavilion. This was nothing more than the wide

entrance hall leading to an excellent dining room and an equally

good bar. There were little tables along the sides ot this area,

where we could sit interminably and be brought delightful sandwiches

of smoked salmon, shrimp, or even scrambled egg and eel, drinking

akavit and watching the long lines of untutored patrons standing in

line for hours to get into the dining room, We spent a large part of

many happy evenings there.

 


 

354

 

28.

Solar Eclipses

Having been an astronomer before her marriage, Catherine was

interested in eclipses of the sun and had had an excellent chance to

see her first one not far from Mount Holyoke College while still a

student there. I cared little about these phenomena, before the one

in the Soviet Union at which I met Catherine. Thereafter we both

paid more than casual attention to them. It is now at least fun for

me to recount the circumstances in which one or both of us made such

an attempt. The order might as well be chronological.

1. January 24, 1925

At this date Catherine was a sophomore in South Hadley and already

studying astronomy. She was, during her undergraduate years, keeping

a line-a-day diary. In it I find no mention of the eclipse until

January 14 when she saw Miss Farnsworth about the eclipse. On the

morning of the 24th, Catherine and other interested girls took the

seven o'clock train to Windsor, Connecticut, some thirty miles

south, and watched the eclipse on a brilliant winter morning. In her

diary she wrote, "Eclipse wonderful. Got our shadow bands OK.", but

found it equally worthy of mention that there were 69 more days

before spring vacation.

On the same day I was suffering from having to take the final

examination in a course on Ancient Civilizations at the University

of Maine. I have not yet forgiven Professor Huddleston for ruling

that my only choices were to see the eclipse or to pass the course.

He would not even let me go to the window for a quick look at the,

partial phase. I now remember almost nothing about the course except

for one of the professorial jokes: Mark Antony went down to Egypt

and tripped over Cleopatra. He got up, brushed himself off, and

said, Excuse me, and wilt thou?' -- and she wilted! I am not at all

sure that the joke is worth more than seeing the eclipse.

April 28, 1930

This interesting eclipse occurred during Catherine's years at the

Lick Observatory. It was a California special, being of almost

unique brevity. The earth was so nearly at the extreme end of the

penumbral shadow of the moon that the eclipse was reputed to be

total on the mountains and annular in the valleys along the path of

totality. Catherine saw it, but I do not remember just where. She

reported the width of the shadow as only a hundred yards or so, and

that a group trying to observe the eclipse had to make very careful

observations of the positions of the sun and moon in the weeks

 

More Eclipses 355

before the eclipse and did, in fact, move its camp once or twice to

be sure of being on the centerline at the right time. I. find that

the duration of the eclipse was predicted to be 1.5 seconds, but it

could not have been so long if Catherine's figure for the breadth of

the shadow is correct.

For my own part, I am sure that I never heard of this eclipse until

after I met Catherine.

3. August 31, 1932

Catherine was travelling in Europe at the time of this eclipse,

which came in the era when I was experimenting with 5-meter amateur

radio. I rather foolishly drove over to the region at the base of

Mount Washington to see if I could detect any eclipse-induced

variation in a signal from the top of the mountain. The weather

turned out to be rainy with solid clouds.

The only happy result of my effort was my making, by way of radio,

the acquaintance of Alexander McKenzie, who would become a lifelong

friend. He was then operating an experimental station on the top of

the mountain; the nucleus of the present Mount Washington

Observatory. Mac, or Alex, which he now prefers, turned up again as

the editor in our Loran division, where he.was responsible for the

clarity of most of our reports. He also became one of the editors of

the book about Loran which was published as volume four of the

Radiation Laboratory Series of twenty-eight books about the wartime

work.

4. June 19, 1936

This was, to me, the most important eclipse that ever happened. It,

or at least the trip to the Soviet Union and return, has already

been fully described in Chapter 7.

5. October 1, 1940

Catherine and I attended this one together in South Africa, as

described at great length above in Chapters 10 and 11.

6. July 9, 1945

At this time Catherine was busy taking care of our eight-month-old

son, Bob. I was equally busy making tests on Low Frequency Loran. In

this connection I wished to examine these new signals over land at a

considerable distance. It occurred to me that it would be amusing to

drop in on Dr. Donald Menzel, the former leader of the eclipse,

expedition to the Soviet Union, who was preparing to study an

eclipse in western Canada. It was easy to fit these two enterprises

 

The "Telster" Eclipse 356

together, so I took the small plane, which had been lent us by the

Army Air Force for testing purposes, to Regina, Saskatchewan. There

I talked two officers of the Royal Canadian Air Force into driving a

staff car the hundred miles to Bredenbury. where Don's eclipse camp

had been set up.

Everything started smoothly. I walked into Don's tent but, as I

should have expected, he was so busy that, he hardly noticed me. I

did, however, have an opportunity to meet a lady astronomer from the

Lick Observatory who remembered Catherine vividly. When the eclipse

arrived, fairly early in the morning, there was a dense cloud

overhead but with a completely clear sky all around the horizon in a

band from five to ten degrees wide. Thus we missed the eclipse but

nevertheless saw a most beautiful sight. The orange light around the

visible part of the sky, which is characteristic of a total eclipse,

was reflected in bright spots from the lowest areas of the cloud.

These orange spots, by contrast, turned the remaining parts of the

cloud a gorgeous deep purple. The effect was rather like the path of

moonlight reflected from water, but upside down and extending all

around us, instead of being in a rather narrow strip.

This was disappointing to the Canadian officers, and even more so to

Dr. Menzel and his crew. The patch of cloud over us could not have

been more than perhaps twenty miles in diameter, and I learned from

news reports that this was the only cloudy place along the entire

Canadian part of the eclipse track. So my whimsy cost me the sight

of my first visible total eclipse at which I had no duties. The

tests of LF Loran, however, were quite satisfactory.

7. October 2, 1959

This eclipse proved to be a total fiasco for both of us. The path

was practically in our back yard, so we took the children and stayed

overnight in a motel in Nahant, a dozen miles east of Arlington. As

the sun in that location was supposed to rise in mid-eclipse, we got

up in deep darkness to find ourselves under black clouds in a heavy

and persistent downpour. We could not even detect any brightening as

the time approached when the eclipse was supposed to end.

8. July 20, 1963

The track of this one passed through western Maine and we finally

got the children to see a total solar eclipse, although only by a

slim margin. The American Association of Variable Star Observers, of

which Catherine had been a member ever since her college days

(although she never, so far as I know, observed a variable star),

decided that the eclipse made a splendid opportunity for a meeting.

This was, technically legitimate as the brightness of the sun does

vary a little, although by no means noticeably. A second cousin of

 

The "Telster" Eclipse 357

mine, Cyrus Fernald, lived in Wilton, Maine, not far from the

eclipse path. He was a stalwart of the AAVSO and, as it happened,

Catherine had known him for years before she ever heard of me. The

AAVSO decided to take its telescopes to a site between Wilton and

the Telstar station in North Andover, Maine.

The Bell Telephone Laboratories was then making its first

experiments in transmitting television signals between America and

Europe, using a satellite called Telstar which was, I believe, the

first active satellite used for that purpose. Through Cyrus and

Catherine I found myself asked to arrange a visit to the Telstar

station for the entire AAVSO party. This came about because, before

1950, Dr. James Fisk had retired from a promising career at the Bell

Laboratories and become a professor of Applied Physics at Harvard,

where I had a slight acquaintance with him. After two years, he had

returned to the Bell Labs and, by the date of the eclipse, had

become its president.

The pressure by Catherine and Cyrus upon me was intolerable, so I

wrote Dr. Fisk to ask him to arrange a visit to the Telstar station

for a group of about 120 people with considerably greater scientific

understanding than the general public. It was perhaps unfortunate

that the eclipse came on Saturday afternoon so that the only

reasonable time for people to get to Andover would be late Sunday

morning, as many would need to leave for home that afternoon. After

I had written this request, nothing was heard about it for a

considerable time. Just as I was getting quite concerned, the phone

began to ring and I soon found myself talking to telephone company

people in Boston, Andover, New York and, for some reason I never

learned, in Washington. I could then visualize Dr. Fisk as having

written "Do this" on my letter, and leaving it to an army of

assistants to make the detailed arrangements.

When the great Saturday came, we drove for an hour or more from our

motel to the appointed field in a heavy rain. This gradually

decreased, but we ate our sandwich lunch in the car and set up our

projection telescope in a drizzle, as did all the other AAVSO

members and their families. At almost the latest possible moment, a

small clear space in the sky, perhaps six or eight degrees high and

twenty degrees long, appeared in just the right place. The clear

spot among the clouds drifted a little but managed to contain the

sun continuously from first contact to a few minutes after totality

ended. We saw all the important effects very well, but in the time

between third contact and the end of the eclipse the clouds became

opaque again.

On Sunday morning we drove to Andover in clear weather, getting

there at about eleven. Instead of needing, as did the uninvited

public, to peer into the balloon dome, some 200 feet in diameter,

 

The Telstar Party 358

through a plate glass window, we were escorted through double doors

into the dome itself. The huge antenna, essentially a conical horn

forty or fifty feet long with an attached 115 degree mirror at its

larger end, was laid horizontally on a rotating platform that filled

most of the inflated sphere. This platform was mounted on

essentially trolley-car wheels that rolled on a 150-foot circle of

rails that had been leveled and smoothed to about a thousandth of an

inch. The horn and mirror rotated about a horizontal axis while the

whole platform rotated about a vertical axis, with both motions

controlled by computer to let the antenna follow a satellite as it

crossed the sky.

Between the track for the antenna and the dome itself, ten or a

dozen large picnic tables had been set up. We were all seated at

these and given an excellent lobster luncheon while the manager and

the chief engineer of the station explained its details to us. One

interesting and non-technical feature was a group of small holes in

the center of the top. It seems that after the sphere had been

inflated but before the equipment had been installed, a heavy storm

had deposited enough snow on the top to depress the canvas into a

large dimple because the available air pressure could not support so

much weight. When the snow melted it left a pool weighing many tons

high in the air with no way of getting access to it. The solution

was to engage a local farmer to bring his hunting rifle and shoot a

few holes in the ceiling. The water gradually drained down through

the holes. After the driving equipment and some heaters had been

installed, the internal temperature was such that snow never

accumulated again.

After the luncheon and discussion, we were shown through the entire

station. I remember being especially impressed by the extent to

which normal telephone techniques had been used, so that people on

the telephone companies' staffs could easily adapt to this new

development.

Before and during the time when we were eating and talking, the big

antenna had been searching for the first Telstar satellite which had

been lost (or more probably had fallen silent) a few days before. It

was being searched for by followtng with the antenna the track

through the sky from which it was believed that the signal would

come. To increase the likelihood of success, this moving average

position was modified by adding a spiral scan that alternately

increased and decreased in radius. This combination of motions, when

changed into altitude and azimuth terms, caused a most curious and

ever-varying back-and-forth rotation of the wheels on the track and

of the cone on the platform. It is my impression that contact with

that first satellite was never re-established, but I am not sure. At

least, telephone and television communication across oceans is now

so common as to excite little interest, except for the few people

 

Telstar / Our Last Eclipse 359

who understand all of the difficulties.

It is perhaps not necessary to add that, since this splendid

luncheon and reception of the AAVSO group at Andover, the magnitude

of my telephone bill disturbs me much less than before. And I trust

that all the AAVSO members join me in this sentiment.

9. July 11, 1972

We made up a party of four for this eclipse and chose Prince Edward

Island as the place to see it. Professor and Mrs. Bancroft Sitterly

flew from Washington to Bangor, where we met them with our car.

Benny was the astronomer who did so much to elucidate the

mathematics of Loran navigation in the Radiation Laboratory, and

Charlotte was the astronomer who had shared Catherine's bed at the

Lick Observatory more than forty years earlier. Both have remained

among our closest friends ever since we met them. We drove across

New Brunswick, stopping to traverse the covered bridge, almost a

quarter of a mile long, that crosses the St. John river at Hartland,

and to see at Moncton the tidal bore which, at that distance up the

Petitcodiac River, was little more than a rapidly rising tide.

Taking the ferry to Summerside, we drove to Charlottetown and found

the rooms we had reserved. We visited the hall in which the Canadian

Federation of Provinces was established and, of course, Green

Gables, as both ladies had been fond of the story of Anne.

On eclipse day, we drove to the north side of the island, where we

understood that the eclipse would last longest, but retreated to the

southern coast when a thin haze developed in the north. We saw the

eclipse well and attracted a good deal of interest with our

telescopic projection of the partial phases, as we had set it up in

a public park.

The next day after the eclipse we started for Nova Scotia,

fortunately according to plan, as we had to wait from before noon

until nine-thirty at night to be let onto a ferry. Happily, we had

many books in the car so that all could read while we waited in

line; but we were very irritated when every truck full of chickens

or potatoes was sent on the next terry while passenger cars waited.

At Truro, the proprietor of our motel had waited up for our arrival.

From the motel grounds we could watch the tidal bore in the next

morning and evening. This was better than the one at Moncton, as the

initial bore came up the river over bare sand at a height of about

two and a half feet. This was followed by a great many secondary

surges that brought the depth of water up to fourteen feet in forty

minutes. We did some exploration of the south coast of Nova Scotia

before other appointments made by the Sitterlys forced us to let

them leave by air from Halifax. We decided that we would meet again

to see more 6f Nova Scotia the next year. That trip was postponed by

 

Prince Edward Island / Summary of Eclipses 360

someone's illness but fortunately did take place in 1974.

* * *

I believe that Catherine. thought that she had tried to see eight

total solar eclipses. I am unable to find listed in our astronomy

books more than seven that she could have seen. In either case, her

record was remarkable as she actually saw six eclipses in seven

chances, if not seven out of eight. I too have been in attendance at

seven total eclipses, but have seen only four, a much more normal

ratio.

 


361

 

29.

My Last Years at Harvard

 

The five years before I retired in 1974 were largely devoted to

studying some interesting details of propagational phenomena that

seemed to me important in the use of Omega. There was a gradual

decrease in research funds, as I said above, because the Omega

Project Office had decided (wrongly, I felt) that because the system

was reaching operational status further research would not be

required. This fact did not trouble me as much as might be expected,

however, as I was quite annoyed at the thought of the many years of

what seemed unnecessary fears and delays since my proposal of the

idea. In other words, I was getting old and weary. I also realized

that the Navy could have become tired of having me suggest new ideas

and modifications that might interfere with its somewhat placid and

leisurely habits.

* * *

For four years I occupied a position on the Science Advisory

Committee of the U.S. Coast Guard, a new effort for them. I was made

the leader of a small panel worrying about problems in electronics.

While we examined many aspects of the varied services performed by

the Coast Guard, perhaps our most important contribution was to help

convince the Commandant that the service would benefit from having

its own Research and Development Laboratory. At about the time I

retired, the nucleus of such an organization was established in

temporary quarters on the coast of Connecticut, pending arrangements

to build a permanent laboratory on the grounds of the Coast Guard

Academy in New London.

After I retired from the Committee, was interested to find that I

was given a Public Service Commendation calling attention to my help

in the development of vessel traffic systems. This referred to an

effort of the whole committee, with which I had relatively little to

do. It was essentially another example of the old problem of

relieving the captains of ships of some responsibility, especially

in cases where danger to other vessels was of paramount importance.

It was very clear that it would be necessary to give the Coast Guard

the right to require certain behavior of vessels when entering

American harbors or traversing the coastal zone where traffic was

heavy. This problem was exactly equivalent to air traffic control,

where some rights had to be withdrawn from individual craft to

increase the safety of all. In this case, it had to be approached

through the testing of a system of harbor advisory radars which

 

362

could identify approaching vessels and offer suggestions about their

movements. The time for supplanting the absolute authority of

captains had surely arrived, but for a while the Coast Guard had to

operate in a purely advisory capacity. In some cases, such as when

large oil tankers turned northward in San Francisco Bay to pass

through a region that was often occupied by a thousand or more small

sailboats which theoretically had the right of way, things were very

difficult indeed. The only solution, as in the English Channel and

many other congested areas, was to allocate routes to various

classes of vessels, and to give the Coast Guard authority to enforce

the rules. All this took a lot of time and a lot of diplomacy, but

not much of either of them was required from the Committee.

At that time the Navy was making arrangements to have the Coast

Guard operate those Omega stations under U.S. control. I spent some

of my Advisory Committee time in trying to encourage the Coast Guard

to adopt an aggressive policy of supporting research on Omega, but

with no results whatever, at least before my retirement. It was much

too easy for the Coast Guard to perform only the operating services

that the Navy would pay for and to exert none of its own guiding

influences. I hope that this policy has by now been corrected.

The Coast Guard had two customs with respect to the committee that

had my entire approval. They called meetings, usually of three days

duration, at many different places so that we could see for

ourselves some of the very varied things they did; and they actually

paid the committee members a modest fee of $100 per day, which was

then unusual among government agencies. They even called all

meetings to begin in time for dinner on the evenings before the

business sessions in order to legitimize an extra hundred dollars

for each of us.

I found amusing a few details about some of the meetings. One that

was perhaps interesting rather than amusing was a session at

President Nixon's Western White House, which he liked to have used

for conferences of small groups when he was elsewhere. The White

House consisted of two or three single-story temporary buildings on

the property of a Loran station that happened to be adjacent to the

President's new home at San Clemente, California. I did not visit

the Loran station, but we did have time to tour the grounds which

surrounded the President's house and admire the quite attractive

sentry boxes scattered here and there among the trees.

Particularly interesting was an artificial hill which Mr. Nixon had

caused to be erected by marines from Camp Pendleton to cut off a

distant view of trains on the coastal line, which unfortunately ran

behind the bluff between the estate and the ocean. We, of course,

all came home with an assortment of valueless souvenirs, such as

match books and paper napkins identified as belonging to the Western

 

The Coast Guard Science Advisory Committee 363

White House.

Having grown up near 45 degrees north latitude, I was somewhat

surprised, when we had a meeting at Mobile, Alabama, to find that

that was the home port of the helicopters used to search for

channels through ice floes for ships in the arctic regions, as well

as to carry out search and rescue missions as required. It took me

a little time to realize that the helicopters were as likely to be

dispatched to the south polar regions as to the northerly ones, and

that they might as well be stationed at some place having a

comfortable climate.

I have always thought of the Coast Guard as a nuts and bolts sort of

practical service, with a myriad of assorted duties, that could

undertake successfully almost any job. This complimentary attitude

was a little damped by the discovery that it had taken until that

year (1971, I believe) to learn that for service in the arctic and

antarctic it was better to paint the helicopters in fluorescent

orange rather than in the Coast Guard's customary white. I thus came

to realize that a governmental body may follow an old habit

slavishly, without any actual thought, as easily as I can.

At Governor's Island in New York harbor the committee found much of

the perimeter of the island occupied by large heaps of dirt from

many excavations. We were told that extensive changes had just been

made in the sewage system of the base, on which about 6,000 people

lived, with thousands more who came each day by ferry. There had

been, I believe, some twenty-odd outlets which had discharged raw

sewage into New York harbor. The Coast Guard had recently been

assigned the duty of inspecting ships' dispositions for the

treatment of sewage, and it had become embarrassing to have such a

large problem of its own while being required to discipline even

small ships for having inadequate sanitary provisions.

As a result, the various small sewers on the island had been dug up

and connected to a new main conduit passing under Buttermilk Channel

to South Brooklyn, where it joined a larger New York City sewer. It

was, of course, not a responsibility of the Coast Guard .that the

New York sewer then passed two blocks farther south and emptied into

the harbor.

One of the members of the committee pointed out that it was

unfortunate that the Coast Guard had to expend some of its efforts

in these inspections of incoming ships, as there were surely more

porpoises swimming in an ocean than there were men sailing on its

surface.

I hope that these anecdotes are not taken as implying any lack of

respect for the Coast Guard. I have always admired it as an over

 

Coast Guard / Old Ironsides 364

loaded Service which does not expend its energy on training, as do

the military and naval arms, but works hard and faithfully at

impossibly varied and difficult tasks, from mounting guard against

icebergs and drug smugglers to replacing buoys in the Mississippi

River and inspecting life-preservers on small pleasure craft

operated by owners of doubtful sobriety. These officers and men

could not be given too much praise. It will be a fortunate day when

our national budget gets under control so that they can be

adequately funded for the important services they are obliged to

perform.

* * *

In my boyhood I was an avid reader of tales of the exploits of the

United States Frigate Constitution. As a delayed consequence, I took

steps in 1973 to get myself invited to take a very short trip on Old

Ironsides when I heard that she was about to go into drydock for a

three-years refitting. Fortunately, this turned out to be the first

year when ladies were allowed on such a turn around cruise (so

called as the ship was taken out into the harbor and turned each

year to make the effects of weathering equal on both sides), so

Catherine and I were duly invited, to join the ship at the somewhat

inconvenient hour of seven in the morning.

The Constitution was towed from her normal berth in the Charlestown

Navy Yard two or three miles along the Boston waterfront before

turning back and entering the drydock in which she would be

refitted. She carried a Naval band, which played more or less

continuously, and was accompanied by fireboats squirting high

fountains of water and by innumerable small boats carrying people

with cameras. We were also kept in view by four or five helicopters

taking movies of our slow progression. Catherine and I, and perhaps

a hundred, other guests, were given handsomely illuminated

certificates attesting our contributions to the success of this

voyage and designating us as Honorary Navigators in the Continental

At the end of the voyage Catherine's lameness made it a little

difficult as the ship was then in a huge dry-dock and we had to

debark over a very long and steep gangplank. She was, I think, quite

pleased to be helped ashore by no less than two Lieutenant

Commanders. She later took a little pride in being one of the first

ladies to travel on Old Ironsides, until I found that in 1849 the

ship had had to convey an American Consul from Tripoli to

Alexandria. Catherine then had to give up her claim, because the

consul's son was born on board, an event that could not have

occurred without a lady present. The son was, of course, named

Constitution McCauley.

My interest in Old Ironsides brought me a curio I enjoy. It was

given to me at the time of my retirement by Ryder Eriksen, the only

 

Old Ironsides / Nova Scotia 365

technician who stayed in my group at Harvard throughout my post-war

years. This souvenir is a pair of book-ends, cast in a metal that

seems to be at least partly bronze. They were made of material

removed from the frigate Constitution at the time of her renovation

in 1927-1930, and had been bought by Ryder's father. The form of the

bookends is the conventional ship's steering wheel with a medallion

of the ship under sail in the center. At the bottom of the medallion

are data about the ship and British vessels she defeated;

 

Launched 1797

1812 Guerriere Java

1815 Cyane Levant


 

In Chapter 28 I described the trip Catherine and I took with

Charlotte and Bancroft Sitterly to see a total eclipse in Prince

Edward Island. On that occasion we had a very happy time exploring

parts of Maine and New Brunswick, but in Nova Scotia saw only the

narrow strip of between Truro and Halifax. We fully intended to go

to Nova Scotia again the next year, but something made us postpone

the trip until 1974.

I cannot remember the dates with precision, but I fancy that I

technically retired on June 30th of that year somewhere in Nova

Scotia. The trips in 1972 and 1974 were made in the best period;

that is, when strawberries had come into the market while the

lobster season had not yet ended. I fancy that it was in New

Brunswick in 1972 that Banny and I standardized the pink and white

luncheon; that is, a bowl of lobster stew followed by strawberry

shortcake. Thereafter we enjoyed this fine menu nearly every noon

while we were in the Maritime Provinces.

For this second joint trip to that area Catherine and I took the

ferry from Portland to Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, while Charlotte and

Banny flew to Halifax. We visited Peggy's Cove and other points of

interest near Halifax and then drove along the southeast coast,

stopping at every village that seemed interesting. After a night at

Antigonish, we crossed the causeway onto Cape Breton Island, our

chief objective.

For several days we made our headquarters at a delightful inn at

Baddeck, on Bras d'Or Lake almost in the center of the Island. As

three of us were then forced to use canes, we stayed on the ground

floor of an annex that was just opening for the season. This

 

The Marconi Site 366

building had an attractively furnished parlor, and rather long

private rooms that gradually changed from bedroom near the door to

living-room at the end near the windows, which looked out upon a

yard and garden with flowering trees. Almost immediately after our

arrival a procession of seven or eight chambermaids came into the

parlor, each bearing two or three brass candlesticks or decorative

utensils that had obviously just been polished to begin the season.

The dining room, in the main inn, was also beautiful, but insisted

on serving meals far more complete and delicious than any of us felt

we needed. Fortunately or unfortunately, the only other place for a

good dinner in Baddeck had recently been damaged by fire and was not

open for business!

From this inn it was an easy day's run to any of the points of

interest in that most eastern part of Nova Scotia. We spent one day

touring the Cabot Trail, in a clockwise direction so that we could

end with a memorable dinner at Keltic Lodge. Another day was spent

mostly at Louisbourg where the fortress (which William Pepperell,

assisted by one or two of my remote ancestors, captured temporarily

in 1745) has been handsomely restored. In Baddeck itself we found

the Alexander Graham Bell museum very interesting, with its,

concentration on Bell's devotion to kites and aircraft in the latter

part of his life.

My most memorable stop was at Glace Bay to see the site of Guglielmo

Marconi's first wireless station on the North American side of the

Atlantic. The place does have a small monument, but it is not well

advertised so that I had to enquire at a bank to get instructions

for finding the site, even though it is really in the city itself.

It is on the top of a rocky headland (a very poor site for a low-

frequency radio station) perhaps a hundred feet above the water, and

with a magnificent view of the sea.

There was a little dirt and grass in crannies, but half the area

seemed to be completely bare. The footing of one tower was nearly

intact, although the frost had heaved it into a tilted position, and

I could identify the hole from which the remains of another must

have been recently removed. There had originally been four towers,

but I could find no trace of the other two positions although the

geometry of the square, some four hundred feet on a side, seemed to

be clear. The footing that still existed was not more than five feet

square and perhaps two feet in thickness; a rather small support

for a tower two or three hundred feet high and carrying part of the

weight of a complex network of heavy wires or cables.

The remains of foundations for three buildings could still be

identified. They were of concrete only about five inches wide and

barely deep enough to establish a plane just above the rocky

surface, the height ranging from six to eighteen inches. These

 

The Marconi Site 367

footings, like those of the towers, were made of concrete with

minimum cement and lots of sand and small stones. The top surface of

the tower support, however, was decorated by a layer of waterworn

pebbles of various colors, presumably brought up from the beach

below the cliff.

The sight of these remains gave me an answer to a question that had

intrigued me for years why did Marconi abandon this site after at

Glace Bay after only two or three years of use and replace it with a

new station less than ten miles away on the other side of a

peninsula? The niggardly use of cement clearly suggested to me that

a financial problem had forced construction of a station that soon

began to need repairs.

It seems clear that Marconi could afford nothing better until after

he had proven the utility of transatlantic wireless communication.

I fear that my three companions did not share my happiness in

exploring this bleak promontory. They were, however, very patient

with my pacing of dimensions and trying to see all of what little

there was.

The word seeing reminds me of my surprise at Banny's acute vision. I

did all the driving on these trips with Banny beside me in the front

seat, and no automobile ever traveled with such an excellent

navigator. He invariably had mastered the maps before we reached any

waypoint, but what really amazed me was that he could always read

the names on the street signs at a hundred yards distance, and often

before I had detected the sign itself. I need not say that we never

overshot a turning point. And Banny was close to eighty years old in

1974!

After the Sitterlys left us, again by airplane, Catherine and I took

the ferry from Yarmouth to Bar Harbor. This was a day trip that got

us there at or just after dusk. We decided that word of some

suspected smuggler had reached the customs officers, as we waited an

hour or more for service and then had to get out of the car while

they searched every nook and cranny. We were lucky to reach our

motel in Ellsworth soon after midnight.

 


368

30.

 

After My Retirement

 

Almost as soon as we returned from Nova Scotia in 1974, I began to

compose this memoir, The project went ahead rapidly throughout most

of the first year. I wrote, as I still do, almost entirely by pen,

especially with a beautiful big Mont Blanc, given me at retirement

by the last three people in my group. After a few months in whic4h

I, from time to time, revised parts of the composition, I typed it

double-spaced and for several years continued to edit it

occasionally.

In May of 1975 the Navy presented me with the Robert Dexter Conrad

Award for Scientific Achievement for my work on Omega. This is, or

was, the Navy's only award for science. It was named for Captain

Conrad, who had been Admiral Purer's deputy, in the former Office of

Research and Inventions. At Admiral Purer's retirement, Captain

Conrad had become a leader in the organization of the Office of

Naval Research until he suddenly succumbed to leukemia and died. I

was greatly pleased that the Chief of Naval Research, Rear Admiral

Richard Van Orden, whom I had known a little as a Lieutenant-

Commander at San Diego many years earlier, chose to come to

Cambridge to present the award in person. I was greatly surprised to

find that the award included a gold medal, which I had never heard

about until the Admiral produced it and pinned it onto my jacket.

The years before the disintegration of Catherine's health were

brightened for us by three honorary memberships in societies formed

to support special interests. The first, in 1977, came from the

International Omega Association, a small group interested in that

specific aid to navigation. Another, in 1979, testified to

recognition of my contributions by the much larger Institute of

Navigation; and the third, in 1980, was from, the Wild Goose

Association. This consists of people especially interested in the

development of Loran. I have thus learned that there are at least

two small societies formed by aficionados of aids to navigation in

which I am still deeply interested.

These, like most such certifications of honorary membership, made

rather exaggerated statements about abilities and accomplishments

which I do not feel it necessary to quote. I do, however, cherish

especially these memberships in groups that presumably know

accurately what I have done.

In the summer of 1987, I was asked by the editor of the quarterly

 

369

newsletter of the International Omega Association to write a short

account of the origin of Omega to be quoted in that publication,

This I wrote in three parts, one dealing with my youth and early

activities at Harvard, and one part each about Loran and Omega. I

had assumed that these would appear in successive issues of the

newsletter, but the editor decided to use all my material in a

single special issue, which was published in very attractive form in

July, 1988. It was embellished by an introduction by Eric Swanson,

the still-active expert from NEL (now the Navy Ocean Systems Center)

who probably knows most about my work. This special issue also shows

two or three pictures of me, in various eras, and a copy of the

letter of congratulation from the Assistant Secretary of the Navy

for Research and Development on the occasion of the awarding of the

Conrad Award. The editor, Bob Revel, also topped off the issue with

my answers to a few questions he had asked. The Special Issue is a

very attractive booklet and I am grateful that the IOA has given me

enough copies so that I can send one to each of my descendants.

I am confident that this editor was also the instigator of a

proposal to send me to Munich in the coming October to attend the

Annual Meeting of the IOA. This plan is largely to allow me to see

Omega in operation as a navigational aid, as I had happened to

mention that I had never seen it at work on a moving vehicle. I am

happy to have the invitation and trust that I can attend the meeting

as scheduled and so learn much about developments in the use of

Omega in the fourteen years since my retirement.

Another event that is still in the future will presumably be the

awarding of the Elmer A. Sperry Award, given under the auspices of a

consortium of five large societies of engineers. This, I am told, is

to be given this fall to the Omega System, with me as its

representative.

The system is thus to be complimented as a distinguished engineering

contribution which,, through application, proved in actual service,

has advanced the art of transportation.

I speak here of these future expectations only because I now feel

quite sure that I shall complete this long memoir before the autumn

season is over.


In the chapter about Catherine I did not mention the fact that some

six months before she died I had succumbed to the lure of the

personal computer, at least in the form of a word processor. At that

time I had completed this memoir through Chapter 22. I had not

written much in the preceding four, or five years, but had edited

and re-edited the earlier work at odd moments. I had also enjoyed

 

My First (and only) Computer 370

the inestimable advantage of Catherine's sharp eye and sensitive

ear. She had read and improved much that I had written.

It happened that I bought the computer at one place, the word-

processing program at another, and a printer at a third. I was a

little startled and worried, when I came to put them together, to

realize that I had no experience with a computer and a total of

thirteen pounds of instruction books. All went quite smoothly,

however, and I was soon making fairly efficient use of the machine.

This was about the most fortunate timing of a purchase I had ever

had. There was much text well prepared and needing little

modification ready to be put on to discs. Thus, in the most

difficult six months of Catherine's illness, I was able to go to the

keyboard, at any time when I was free for a half-hour or so, and

transcribe my typewritten text with no requirement for more than

purely mechanical operation. I found this to be a most valuable

relief and therapy. I could devote my attention to the typing,

releasing my mind from the continuous worry, and still hear

Catherine if she needed anything. It may not be too much to say that

this simple task alone perhaps maintained my sanity during that

terrible period.

It is interesting, at least to me, to observe how much the quality

of my writing has declined from Chapter 23 onward. This may be

caused by the absence of Catherine's good advice, or perhaps by my

advancing age, but I feel that much of the decline arises simply

from the loneliness I feel in her absence. It is clearly harder to

get myself re-started at writing since her death, and at times

months go by before I can attack writing again. It is a great relief

to find myself so nearly finished, except for the index I hope to

compose. I look forward to this part as a purely mechanical

operation requiring little thought and, in a way, much like the

earlier transcription to the discs.

I am glad that Catherine did not hear of the need of our daughter

Joy to obtain (or possibly to agree to) a divorce, after sixteen

years of marriage and three children. I learned about the problem of

a divorce only a couple of'months after Catherine died. It soon

became clear that the best solution to Joy's and my problems would

be for me to sell the Arlington house and to buy one we could share

in New Hampshire where she had good friends.

Joy managed the selection of a house very intelligently. She kept a

couple of horses, a pony, a goat, and several house pets. We

therefore would require a place with barn and paddock, which greatly

limited the possibilities. Joy had, and still has, a close friend,

also horsey, who, with her husband, was having a new house built in

a neighboring town. Joy caused me to come to New Hampshire to be

 

Selling and Moving 371

shown several houses by a realtor. None of them were at all

satisfactory, but they taught me to understand the prices that were

being asked in the vicinity. After dismissing the realtor, Joy then

took me to see the house of her friends, complete with barn,

paddock, and riding ring. I had no hesitation in agreeing to buy the

property, subject only to the assurance by a realtor friend in

Arlington that I could sell my house for enough to pay for the

property in New Hampshire.

Because we had to give Joy's friends time to finish their new home,

I sold my house in May for delivery in August. The sale was amazing

to me, as I then had no true idea of the real estate market in the

Boston area. It happened that my house was put on the market on a

Monday, two days after the newspapers had announced that Boston had

become the most expensive real estate market in the country. Silly

as it sounds, this seemed to have given people the idea that then

was the time to buy. My realtor friend (and former neighbor) brought

her force of agents to see the house in the morning. At eleven-

thirty they left to phone their potential customers, and I had a

busy afternoon, both at the telephone and at the door. At seven-

thirty that evening I signed the agreement to sell at considerably

more than the asking price. I actually received nearly twenty times

what Catherine and I had paid for the house in 1946, despite the

fact that it was about a hundred years old, in poor condition, and

on a small lot.

Because of the necessary delay in delivery, I could take my time in

disposing of things that would not fit into the smaller house in New

Hampshire. The only really difficult part was having to get rid of

about three thousand books, keeping only a thousand favorites. Soon

after my retirement I had finally prepared a card index of our books

and discovered that Catherine and I had bought a book for each five

days since we had been married. Of course, it was also hard to get

rid of the card index, as I could not find time to search out and

remove the cards as books were sold or given away.

Catherine had been such a good cook that I could give her new and

fine cookbooks several times a year. These were among her favorite

reading in her later years. I was delighted to find that the Schles

inger Library at Radcliffe, well-known for its collection of cook

books among other things important to women, was strong in foreign

cookbooks but relatively weak in American ones. They were happy to

accept about two-thirds of those that Catherine left. I can

therefore enjoy the idea that Catherine's name is preserved, if

nowhere else, on the bookplates of a hundred or more cookbooks in

that library.

I moved to Weare, New Hampshire, a town of about 4500 people less

than twenty miles west-south-west of Concord, at the end of August

 

New Hampshire 372

in 1986, almost two years ago as I write this. The house is small

but attractive and the accomodation for animals is satisfactory.

Until I moved, a few days after Joy had occupied the house, I

expected that Joy and her daughter Jenny would be the only other

inhabitants as her two sons had chosen to live with their father. I

found that the older boy, Chris, had already left his father. At the

end of the next school year his brother Brett also chose to join us.

This makes the place somewhat crowded, but we have had two small

rooms finished in the basement so that we get along without too much

pressure for space.

Joy is an avid trail rider and a very aptive member of the New

Hampshire Equine Humane Association, a sort of minor S.P.C.A. for

horses that endeavors to teach people not to buy horses and then

neglect them. She keeps herself busy with her job, with frequent

rides with friends, and at times joining organized trail rides. At

any moment there may be a requirement for rescue efforts, if reports

of underweight or otherwise mistreated animals have been reported.

* * *

When I retired I could not have believed that I would spend fourteen

years writing this memoir. It has been great fun for me to do the

remembering. Now that I have finished all I plan to write, I look

forward to compiling an index and then making enough copies for all

my descendants and perhaps a few friends.

When I get this done, I really will get at a four-drawer file of

papers that I could not bear to throw away when I retired. Some of

these may contain information interesting enough for the archives of

either Harvard or the University of Maine. I shall need to devote a

fair amount of time and energy to straightening out a rather

disorganized mass of material and composing enough introductory

explanations so that others can make some sense out of whatever I

choose to leave for them. This chore should help to fill my ever-

more-declining years.

 

FINIS

 


INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 373

 

AAVSO at Solar Eclipse 357 Conway, Mr. 138

Ak-Bulak, Kazakhstan 47 Cottage at Queenstown 113

power supply at 56 returning the keys 136

Alaska, a trip to 217 Cruft Laboratory 38

homing to Norman Wells 221 Crystal Oscillators 208

American Academy 230 Cutler, Maine transmitter 291

Appleton, Sir Edward V. 48 costs of site 289

on SS Loran 174 Cycle matching 195

lecture at MIT 206

AT Loran 191 Davidson, David 149

on weather vessel 165

Baker, Captain 109 deBettencourt, Joseph 107

Balloon-borne antennas 193 Dippy, Robert J. 150

Bar Harbor, Maine 41 Dow, Richard P.

Benner, Harold 90 and "Jim" 96

Bent, Arthur 45 Draco, proposed Nav Aid 261

Bermuda tests, first 156 theory 261

on LF Loran 195 problems 264

Beverage, Harold 298 at Jim Creek 267

Blimp Trip, the 162 results 272

Boston Symphony 143 "VLF navigation" 274

Boyhood, my 19 DuBridge, Lee A. 150

Bridgman, Mrs. Percy 104 in England 185

Burke, Captain 292

in Norway 344 Eagle Project, the 184

Bush, Vannevar 149 Eastham, Melville 149

project C 150

Canadian Arctic, trip to 198 Bermuda trip 156

Catherine's Palace 53 Loran agreement 189

Chaffee, Emory Leon 38 Eclipse in Connecticut 354

with Admiral Furer 197 Eclipse in Russia 47

with John H. Hammond 298 in Maine 356

Cape floods 121 in Prince Edward Is. 359

Capetown, South Africa 111 in Saskatchewan 194, 356

Change Ringing 284 in South Africa 106

Churchill, Manitoba 198 the rim of the sun 125

Clock comparisons 242 in the Soviet Union 47

College, Arthur 95 England in 1936 48

Cohen, I. Bernard 202 later in 1936 83

Compton, Karl 150 in 1944 173

before A.D.L. lecture 206 in 1957 280

"Comradely tea party" 65 Essen, Dr. Louis 235

Conrad award 368 definition of second 254

"Copper battle wagon" 40 and change ringing 284

Conant, James Bryant 149 Examination by provost 222

his "haircut" 224

 

INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 374

Fenn, Courtenay Hughes 102 Heywood, Joseph Converse 4

Fernald, Harriet Converse Heywood, Mary Lovejoy 9

career 9 her powerful memory 11

the Skimmers 17 her writings 12

Fernald, Merritt Caldwell 19 Hickman, Roger 38

Fink, Donald 149 at Harvard Club 108

RCA contract 159 Higgs, A. J. 125

to England for SS Loran 170 Homing to Norman Wells 221

Finland 50 Horned toad, the 231

travels in 79 Hunt, Frederick Vinton 38

Finnish ship 50 and phonographs 85

ship-to-shore telephone 49 Hurricane of 1938 101

the last night out 50 Hyperbolic navigation 152

Fisher, Clyde 112 chart computation 166

Fog in London 179

Foster, Cdr. John Ralph 161 Inspection of Equipment

Fourth of July picnic in the Soviet Union 72

in the Soviet Union 69 Interference trials 177

Frequency Comparisons 237 International Omega

routine reports 243 Association 368

with Atomichrons 247 Introduction

British vs. American 238 by Jack Pierce iii

Furer, Admiral 197 by Don Mactaggart i

Garfield, Mason 154 Jim Creek 263

German use of Gee 183 Johannesburg, U.S.Africa 130

Gledhill, John gold mine 130

in Queenstown 114 speaking at University 132

Johnson, Mary 108

Halliday, Eric 125

Hammond John H., Jr. 298 Kazakhstan 47

Hampden, Walter 98 Keary, Joseph 107

Harrington, Rev. J. H. 1 Kennealy, William

trip to the Holy Land 5 boxes for Russia 72

appreciation of Grandpa 6 the L.F. speaker 94

Harvard Administration 108 Kerr, Donald 155

Harvard, early years at 38 King, Paul 40

Harvard Kopie 133 applesauce 63

Harvard Stadium 43 Koussevitski, Sergei 144

watching football 44 Kruger Park 127

Harvard Tercentenary 86

Helsinki 51 Lancaster, SS 107

travels in Finland 79 Lawrance, Richard 189

Herkemiah 60 Leningrad 54, 72

Her Majesty's Emeralds 286 May Day parade 55

Hermitage Museum 73 return to 71

inspection of gear 72

 

INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 375

Leningrad (cont.) 72 Old Ironsides 364

millimarlenes 76 Omega 300

Lenin's Tomb 54 philosophy of 302

LF Loran 192 VLF experiments 303

balloon antennas 193 Implementation Comm. 312

cycle matching 195 synchronization 308

"Little Blitz", the 180 sites 314

Locusts 134 frequency control 315

Long baseline transmitting antennas 316

measurements 314 my 3-frequency data 332

Loomis, Alfred 150 composite signals 321

divulging secrets 156 differential 322

Loran, first field trip for aircraft 323

Bermuda measurements 156 reports of results 326

Receiver modifications 150 obstacles to progress 330

adoption of the idea 152 GRAN 330

the first blimp test 162 mountain antenna 331

Lyman, Theodore 2 O.S.R.D. 149

Mactaggart, Don 325 Packard, Frederick 97

Marconi Company 282 Palmer, Winslow 196

Marconi site in Glace Bay 367 Pan American Airlines 325

Marriage to CSSP 103 Pershing, General John. J 28

Maxfield, Joseph 95 Phonograph pickup 85

May Day in Leningrad 55 patents 92

Melville, Mr. and Mrs. 140 Pierce, Catherine

Memorable Concerts see Catherine Stillman

the Glass Armonica 256 Pierce, George Washington 38

Monteux's birthday 259 re royalties 93

Menzel, Donald 47 "Jim" 96

in Saskatchewan 194 Pierce, John Alvin I

Meteoric Ionization 99 career 15

Millimarlenes 76 Pierce, John Alvin II

Mimno, Harry Rowe 36 introduction to radio 22

the "Shadow" 44 schooling 23

my B.A. 85 swimming the Dead River 35

Mitchell, H. T. 239 radios for fire towers 36

Morris Liebmann prize 232 Pierce, Margaret Lovejoy

Montreal in 1967 351 western trip 278

Multiple Reflections 104 Pierce, Martha Jane

departure from Maine 29

Navigation, Inst. of 370 Pierce, Robert Bancroft

Navy, service with 209 western trip 278

N.D.R.C. 150 Polaris comnunications 287

New Hampshire, move to 371 distributed transmitter 289

New Haven railroad 26 slow-speed keying 292

Norman Wells, homing to 221 Portsmouth, England 280

Norway, a visit in 1966 344 Pote', Alfred J. 60

 

INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 376

President Conant's haircut 223 Selvidge, Harner

Presidential Certificate at Bar Harbor 40

of Merit 212 in Finland 56

Pretoria 122 "Shadow", the 45

"Professor Pierce" effect 126 Shaw, Henry S. 36

Promotion to Division head 189 Simultaneous presentation

to the lEE and the IRE 202

"Queen Mary", on the 173 Sidney Sussex College 282

Queenstown, C.P. 112 Sitterly, Bancroft W. 190

the cottage at 113 in Canada 353

observing techniques 116 Sitterly, Charlotte Moore

thunderstorms 117 in Canada 359

bioscope 113 Soga, Miss 122

pickaninnys 119 South African eclipse 102

shopping 120 Soviet economy 73

erosion 122 Sperry Award 369

Afrikaans language 124 Sporadic E Ionization 101

trip to Kruger Park 127 SSBN "George Washington" 297

SS Loran, the idea 170

Radar 84, 149 trials 171

Radiation Laboratory 150 in Europe and Africa 176

Radux 225 Stillman, Catherine

Ratcliffe, J. A. 238 meeting in USSR 64

Raymond, Sister Mary 3 in Denmark 82

Read, William 107 marriage to 103

Reade, Cdr. Lyle 231 Street, Jabez C.

Recording the B.S.0. 144 first loran receiver 148

Dr. Koussevitski 144 to England 174

Rogers, Marion Caroline Swope, Henrietta 165

marriage 29 Symphony, Boston 144

Roelofse, J. C. 111 Szendrei, Mike 114

Rubles 67

Russian Eclipse trip 47 Table of Contents iii

in Ak-Bulak 56 Taylor, Margaretta

Catherine's Palace 53 Adelia (later Fenn) 102

Hermitage Museum 53 Telephone company, little 31

Leningrad 54, 72 Thompson, Mr. and Mrs. 111

Moscow 70 Three-service contract 208

on the Volga River 68 Thurlow Award 212

Tierney, Walter 161

Saunders, Frederick 95 Tijuana customs 233

Schonland, Basil F. J. 107 Tizzard, Sir Henry 150

Second, definition of the 249

ephemeris time 246

consultative committee 252

 

INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 377

Travels in the Sixties

Trinidad in 1965 332

Munich in 1965 334

Trinidad in 1966 338

Norway in 1966 343

Montreal in 1967 351

Trinidad, first visit 140

URAD 62

US Coast Guard 169

Science Adv. Committee 361

Very Low Frequencies 235

diurnal variation 239

Visas for Trinidad 139

Volga River, on the 68

van Heerden, Martin 119

Verwoerd, Mr. and Mrs. Bob 112

Wartime work at MIT 149

Watson, Prof. Fletcher 165

Watson-Watt, Sir Robert 84

at Boston Garden 207

Wild Goose Association 368

Williams, Jack 189, 217

Winter in London 179

Witwatersrand, Univ. 107

Woodward, Richard H. 149

Yorkshire, ride from 178

Zeeman, Pieter 111

 

INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 378

 

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