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Table of Contents
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JP rev. 1.00 1.
Although John Alvin Pierce (1907-1996) has been long lauded as a major contributor in the radio navigation community, he made significant contributions in other technical fields. His first scientific work was at Harvard University involving radio wave measurements during solar eclipse periods. Later, somewhat by accident, he became involved in studying theory of phonograph recording and playback with Prof. F. V. Hunt at Harvard. This work resulted in publication of technical papers which later laid the theoretical foundation for the long-playing phonograph record, and subsequently, the stereophonic phonograph record.
Jack Pierce was recruited to assist war-time efforts at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where his knowledge of ionospheric effects on radio propagation was needed to develop new electronic methods of navigation for military use. This work led to the development and deployment of Long Range Navigation (LORAN) in the 1940s. Although LORAN found immediate and enthusiastic acceptance, Jack Pierce did not rest. He devoted the remainder of his long career to furthering radio techniques for long-range navigation, positioning, and timing. His efforts produced LORAN-C which remains in widespread use today, and also the Omega Navigation System which provided worldwide navigation and timing service for several decades. Omega was the first truly global radionavigation system: it set important precedents regarding international cooperation in providing navigation services until superseded by today's Global Positioning System and other satellite-based systems. Jack Pierce was often honored by numerous professional organizations for these contributions but he was always quick to point out that these successes in radionavigation were not his alone but the result of collaboration with other scientists and engineers.
Jack Pierce was an ardent supporter of the International Omega Association (IOA), forerunner of the International Navigation Association (INA). The INA's highest award is named in his honor: the John Alvin Pierce Award. He participated in several of our annual meetings. Thanks to the cooperation of INA members working with American Airlines and the Federal Aviation Administration, he was provided air transportation and a cockpit pass to attend our 13th Annual Meeting held 1988 in Munich, Germany. Thus, at the young age of 80 he was able to observe Omega navigation equipment in operation as it steered his flight from Boston to Munich across the Atlantic Ocean. He later said that this was the first time he had ever seen Omega operating in a moving vehicle.
Although Jack Pierce wrote his memoirs for his immediate family, he generously shared copies with several of his friends and colleagues. During his lifetime the INA, as well as other professional societies, reprinted selected portions thereof for the benefit of their membership. Because we feel that the information and personal observations contained therein will be of continuing interest to others in this and future generations, the INA proudly hosts the following material on our website.
The INA is deeply indebted to member Donald Mactaggart of Montreal, Canada, for converting the manuscript to electronic form and editing it to a suitable format. We are also indebted to Jack Pierce's daughter, Joy Pierce of Weare, New Hampshire, U.S.A., for permission to make the memoirs available to the public.
Frank C.
"Charlie" Sakran, Jr.
Secretary, INA
David C. Scull
President, INA
Introduction
After meeting Jack Pierce in Weare, New Hampshire, and reading these
memoirs, my wife described Jack as "a man of parts". He was also a
fine storyteller, and here follow the stories, on radionavigation up
to Omega, time and frequency, and many other things. Jack said he
would like to see these circulated to those in the field of
radionavigation. That dinner pre-dated the Worldwide Web, though not
by much; perhaps he anticipated the Web as well.
This document is, by definition, one man's perspective, and it is an
interesting history of the interaction between understanding of the
medium in which we live, enabling technology and geopolitics, from
the mid-1930s to mid-1980s and from VLF to HF: that is, "time and
frequency". Jack made important contributions, bringing knowledge of
timekeeping, physics and propagation to a real need. He worked with
many familiar names which have now passed into history: this is his
personal account of those times and those personalities.
Sometimes one realizes the absolutely obvious several decades after
the fact: the number of informal discussions to which Jack refers in
chapter 26 gave me an intuitive feel for the nature of the Omega
"signal in lightning". It is doubtful this would have come out of a
Washington briefing, or in as enjoyable a manner as in Jack's living
room in Arlington with the sun having been declared over the
yardarm. This induced me to a multistage hard-limiting receiver
design which preserved signal phase, was simple to produce, and
which certainly did perform better than the others. More like an
audio system than a traditional radio, it suprised the production
line by not having any twiddle knobs. Without the chats with Jack,
the Marconi Canada Omega navigator would not have been as good. So,
we were able to validate one of Jack's many visions by equipping the
Pan Am 707 fleet, and be in pole position for the rest of the Omega
story.
I have added nothing; headers, pages, footnotes and a table have
been reformatted slightly to fit on a pure-text A4/letter (210mm x
11 inch, 68 character x 55 line page).* A few personal portions were
deleted, but the 30 chapter numbers are unchanged.
Yours Faithfully, Don Mactaggart Montreal, July 2001
*Webmaster's note: If you wish to print this document, please save the .htm document as a file and print from Word or other software package. The A4 formatting will not be retained if you print from your browser, and the resulting document will be 600+ pages. When printed from a file, the document should be approximately 375 pages.
The Making of a Minor Scientist
This memoir was first conceived as a collection of anecdotes or
accounts of things that have interested or amused me, with the
idea that our grandchildren could read them whenever they might
reach an age that would allow some interest in the doings of
their ancestors.
After beginning with a few family stories and my own
earliest recollections, I became interested in the writing itself
and realized that the tales could not be told without a
considerable amount of biographical material. The telling has
therefore become roughly chronological so that later episodes can
benefit from some understanding of earlier backgrounds.
Because my own interests have been largely technical rather
than personal, most readers will consider that I have given too much
space to my scientific or developmental problems. I can only
apologize half-heartedly for this condition, as I must describe
the way things have appeared to me.
The sequence in this volume is essentially that in which the
various chapters were written, and is largely chronological
except that the chapter about Catherine was written as soon as I
could bear to do so after her death. The writing of that and later
chapters suffers from the absence of her editorial consideration.
My efforts to choose from a large quantity of recollections and then
the attempt to tell the stories in concise form have made this
the most interesting and pleasant of any writing I have ever done.
I have written very little before that did not demand my every
effort to stick to strict scientific truth. I have found myself
continuing, therefore, in a relaxed and personal way, and very
largely for my own enjoyment.
J. A. Pierce
Memoirs of J. A. Pierce February 4th 1989 iv
Father Harrington was the priest of a mixed Canadian-French and
Irish parish in Orono, Maine. His strong personality and aggressive
methods made him a focus of town gossip, especially among the
protestant youth. Much of this discussion dealt with rumors of his
hard tactics in extracting from his flock the support due the
church. In the face of these rumors, it was many years before I
realized that a parishioner in need always received a load of
groceries or a ton of coal when things were at their worst, and that
the protestant part of the town heard little or nothing about this
aspect of Father Harrington's mission.
My own acquaintance with Father Harrington was limited because he
did not serve until the time when I might have been able to maintain
an intelligent discussion with him. The great thing about Father
Harrington, to a young protestant boy, was that he had a motherly
housekeeper named Katie Mahoney who made better sugar cookies than
anyone. Throughout the neighborhood the recognized specific for a
bruise or a scraped knee was a visit to Katie Mahoney and her cookie
jars.
My earliest recollection of Father Harrington is that he came across
the street to our house one sunny morning, when I was idling on the
front steps, and gave me the first nickel I ever owned. I seem to
recall that I was curious, rather than impressed, until Mother
explained to me how many pieces of candy Miss Gee would give me for
the coin.
I suppose that Father Harrington had come to engage Grandpa in one
of the philosophical discussions that I am sure they both enjoyed.
Grandpa certainly rated as a pillar of the Congregational Church,
and I suspect that he stood almost alone as a protestant who would
allow himself to be seen talking with the priest, who was cordially
detested by many who were not of the Catholic faith, and perhaps by
some who were.
Grandpa's qualifications as a former college president and an
Emeritus Professor of Philosophy surely struck a chord in Father
Harrington and, unlikely as it seemed, a sincere friendship must
have existed between the two gentlemen. My strongest evidence to
support this belief came, when I was eight years old, in the short
interval between Grandpa's death and his funeral. On one of those
mornings Father Harrington called and was closeted with Grandma in
the big front parlor, with the sliding doors closed and Mother and
me both excluded. For what seemed an hour, the sounds of a violent
argument could be detected but not understood. I, at least, was
amazed, as I can recall no other occasion on which Grandma permitted
Father Harrington 2
herself to raise her voice. After Father Harrington had taken his
leave, with some formality, and after Grandma had recovered her
gentle speech, she told Mother that Father Harrington had been
determined to have the bell of the Catholic church tolled during
Grandpa's funeral service - an action that Grandma considered most
inappropriate. It seems that Grandma must have won the debate
because, although I recall few other details of the funeral (aside
from the novelty of riding in a carriage) I am sure that the
Catholic bell remained silent.
One of Mother's and Grandma's favorite stories concerned an incident
that must have dated from about the time of the first nickel. When I
was three, the Congregational Church called a new minister, the
Reverend Mr. Lyman. It fell to my family to offer our house for the
reception soon after his arrival. This function was held in two
parts, one in the afternoon and the other in the evening. Apparently
Father Harrington did not feel that he could call at a time when
many protestants were present, but thought that he should convey his
respects. Showing his diplomatic talents, which were frequently
concealed, and also betraying the sharp watch he must have
maintained from across the street, he arrived at the end of the
afternoon session when all the Congregational parishioners had left
although Mr. Lyman was still there. Mother and Grandma were busy
clearing the afternoon debris and preparing for the evening session.
I have no idea where Grandpa and Mrs. Lyman may have been at this
time. In any case, the two clergymen were introduced and, of
necessity, left much to their own devices. For the rest of her life,
Mother often recalled with glee that, on returning to the parlor,
she found me in the center of the black walnut sofa with the priest
on one side and the minister on the other. In my hand was a large
sugar cookie. It may have been one of Katie Mahoney's, although that
seems improbable. After taking a bite, I would hold the cookie for
Mr. Lyman to take his bite, and then extend it to Father Harrington.
This sharing continued long enough so that Grandma could be called
to help witness it. She and Mother never tired of referring to this
as the first and possibly the last time that these gentlemen broke
bread together.
Father Harrington coveted a field, almost across the street from our
house, that was owned by our neighbor, Dr. Mayo, who was perhaps the
chief of all the protestants in dislike of the priest. Dr. Mayo
declined forcefully to sell the field to the parish but, fairly soon
after the death of my grandfather, Father Harrington, by the adroit
use of a dummy purchaser, gained control of the field and proceeded
to build a parochial school. This action precipitated the most
violent protestant reaction that I remember, with opinions ranging
through various degrees of the immoral to the illegal.
When the school building was approximately finished a motto reading
Mother Raymond / Uncle Con
3
"Saint Mary's School / for God and Country" was incised over the
door. At first this slogan did not show clearly, as the building was
set back from the street, so the letters were filled in with black
paint. This was done on a morning when Mother and I were gardening
in front of our house. It happened that the painter had only
completed the C and the O in the last word at his lunch time. During
this interval two tiny Catholic girls stopped near us while the
elder spelled out the motto for the younger one. "Saint Mary's
School", she read, "for God and Company". Then, after a pause for
consideration, "I guess the Company must be Father Harrington".
This veneration for the priest was known not to extend to one member
of his flock, Mr. Maloney. Father Harrington's appreciation of this
fact was shown when Grandma asked him what statue would be placed in
the niche above the motto. "I have not decided", Father Harrington
replied, "whether it shall be a statue of Dr. Mayo or one of Mr.
Maloney". It turned out that the statue of an angel with extended
wings and with children at his knee, that Father Harrington had
actually ordered, was too large for the niche. It was then placed on
a pedestal in the middle of the schoolyard. The niche was ultimately
occupied, perhaps more appropriately, by a statue of the Virgin.
The Coburn house, directly across the street from us, between the
priest's house and the new school, became the convent of the
teaching Sisters. The Mother Superior was Sister Mary Raymond, whom
I eventually came to recognize as very nearly a saint. At first,
however, there was no communication between our house and the
convent, perhaps because of our being neighbors and friends of the
Mayos.
Seven years after the convent had been founded, and after Dr. Mayo
had died, there came an afternoon when Grandma said to Mother,
"Harriet, put on your hat. Let us pay a call on the convent". Mother
Raymond received the ladies graciously and presently took them on a
tour of the school. In one room they found a Sister who was
lingering to finish her chores. When Mother Raymond introduced my
folks as "our neighbors from across the street", the Sister looked
up with a twinkle and remarked, "It has taken you quite a while to
get across". In spite of this slow start, happy relations came
rapidly. The friendship between Mother Raymond and Grandma, in
particular, reminded me very much of that which had previously
existed between Father Harrington and Grandpa.
The Sisters, of course, always traveled in pairs, and could go only
where they had a proper errand. Despite this limitation, Mother
Raymond was often in our house. Frequently Mother or Grandma would
bake a cake, or some other goody, and send me across the street to
hand it in at the convent door. This naturally led to the need to
return the cake tin or plate, so in a day or two Mother Raymond and
Mother Raymond / Uncle Con 4
one or another of the Sisters would return the dish; usually full of
fresh eggs as the convent kept a flock of hens. If I had so much
sickness as a bad cold, word would get to the convent and Mother
Raymond and a Sister would call. After addressing a few appropriate
words to the Lord and to me, they would settle down for an hour's
happy chat with Mother and Grandma.
The memory of Mother Raymond will always be especially dear to me as
she, more than all others, found the right words to renew my courage
after the death of my mother. This event was perhaps particularly
hard because it happened after I had come to fully realize how much
Mother had sacrificed for me all my life and before I had become
able to do much for her in return. Without my finding the words to
say any of this very well, Mother Raymond seemed to understand.
Certainly her sympathy and support saved me from extreme depression,
if not worse.
The rapport between our rigidly Congregational household and our
Catholic neighbors may have been enhanced by the memories of a black
sheep in the family, of whom I think Grandma was somewhat proud.
This gentleman was her brother, Joseph Converse Heywood, who was,
until the age of forty or more, the dramatic critic and an essayist
on the New York "Sun". He also wrote immensely long epic poems on
biblical subjects, such as "Salome". These must be, today, totally
unreadable, but in the Victorian era they were favorably received,
possibly in part because of "Uncle Con's" position as a critic. Some
quotations I recall in publisher's "blurbs" might have made one
think that Heywood was a second Shakespeare. In that era Uncle Con
had the reputation, according to Grandma, of being the only man in
New York who knew every possible place where one could buy a drink.
This status came to an end when Uncle Con married a very wealthy
woman of the Catholic faith. Almost the first the family heard was
that the new couple had moved to Rome. The second surprising piece
of news was that Uncle Con had become American Chamberlain to the
Pope, which authorized him to wear a remarkable uniform, fortunately
only required on State occasions. He lived in the Palazzo Torlonia,
where he assembled what was reputed to be the finest private library
in Rome. His ring, along the lines of that of an archbishop, and a
magnificent portrait of him in his uniform, wearing the most
generous bifurcated beard I have ever seen represented, came to
Grandma after Uncle Con's death and were objects of veneration to
me.
There must have been some substance to these tales. Grandpa and
Grandma made their only trip to Europe a half dozen years after
Uncle Con's death. In Rome, Grandma mentioned his name to someone
with the result that the Vatican opened its doors for the visitors.
My grandparents were granted an audience with the Pope and were so
generously entertained by Cardinals whose names I no longer remember
that Grandma often referred to this episode throughout the rest of
her life.
* * *
My favorite story about Father Harrington came to me third hand,
through Grandpa and Grandma. Because my grandparents were both
personifications of honor, I cannot conceive of their having
modified this, or any other, story except perhaps by smoothing any
rough edges to forestall someone's hurt feelings.
It seems that after many years of his service in Orono a purse was
made up for Father Harrington to make possible a trip to the Holy
Land, followed by an extended visit to Ireland. I have heard that
the Father's wealthier parishioners found a way to suggest to him,
while in Ireland, that he would be maintained there permanently if
he cared to stay. This part of the story may well be apochryphal. If
there was such an offer, it was declined.
On his return, Father Harrington told Grandpa about a shipboard
encounter. One morning, after he had been pacing the deck reading
his prayers, he was approached by a young man in the garb of an
Episcopal curate. To open the conversation, the curate said, "I see,
Father, that you have been reading your prayers in Latin. I assume
then that you know that language well." Father Harrington agreed
that he was an excellent Latin scholar, so the young man enquired
about Greek, of which Father Harrington admitted to a perhaps
exceptional knowledge. The enquiry then proceeded through Hebrew and
a number of modern languages. Father Harrington claimed at least
adequate knowledge of all of them. At last the young man said, "You
are really an unusual expert in languages, Father. It makes me hope
that perhaps you may know some of the language that Christ spoke
when on earth. I have always longed to hear a few words spoken in
Aramaic". At this point Father Harrington exhibited some modesty,
but admitted that he had a slight knowledge of that language. "Would
it please you", he said, "if I were to recite the Lord's Prayer for
you in Aramaic?" The offer was, of course, gratefully accepted. In
telling Grandpa about the occasion Father Harrington concluded, "I
said it for him and sent him away perfectly happy". Then, after a
quizzical look (and in what Grandma later conveyed to me in a
somewhat exaggerated brogue), "I said it in Irish, but it did him
just as much good".
* * *
Father Harrington's Appreciation 6
I do not intend this anecdote to indicate any lack of respect for
the memory of Father Harrington. I can best restore the correct tone
by quoting the priest's "Appreciation" that was dated on the day of
Grandpa's death and published in a Bangor paper. It read:
"It is 16 years last October since first I met Dr. Fernald. I loved
and admired him then, and my love and admiration for him have
intensified and increased as years rolled by.
"He was a gentleman in the true sense of the word, noble in acts,
refined in manners, wellbred, educated, courteous, kind and
honorable, and carrying into public life the high standard of his
private morals. He was a true type of the gentleman of the old
school, which is unfortunately fast passing away but which has left
its impression in the generation in which he lived and its influence
even in the present. All, irrespective of creed or politics, revered
and loved him, for he was an upright citizen, than whom there was no
better in Orono: charitable, both in word and deed, whose good
works, in their entirety, are known only by Him who scrutinizes the
heart.
"He always helped to legislate what he considered best for the
benefit of the community, and as a neighbor, with all the
characteristics of a Christian gentleman. Dr. Fernald's memory will
be long and fondly cherished by his friend,
"John M. Harrington
"Orono, Jan. 8, 1916"
2.
My maternal Grandfather died a few weeks after my eighth birthday,
so I directly recall relatively little about him. The best evidence
of his ability and devotion to duty is to be found in, or between
the lines of, his "History of the University of Maine". He was
called to the Professorship of Mathematics and the Acting Presidency
of the Maine State College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts in
1868, when the first class matriculated. An interesting footnote is
that he and the Farm Superintendent, Samuel Johnson, were the entire
faculty for the first year. I have never known what the duties of
the Farm Superintendent may have been, but he, like Grandpa, had a
Master of Arts degree from Bowdoin.
Before going to Orono, Grandpa had spent several years as a teacher
or principal at some of the better known academies in Maine. He
served the college (and, later, University) for nearly forty years
except for two or three in the 1890s when his health failed. An
indication of his trials is to be found in the fact that the total
of the state appropriations for the college in the first four years
of his presidency in his own right (beginning in 1879) was $6,500.
I always knew that Grandpa had lived to be greatly respected and
honored. Once when I was a boy I found an old trunk in the attic
containing diplomas attesting to nearly thirty honorary degrees. It
is interesting that, in his History he mentions only three of these,
two from Bowdoin and one from Maine.
Grandpa was of about average height for his era, but of an erect,
not to say proud, carriage. He was distinguished in his later years
by a glorious pair of snowwhite sideburns extending as low as his
chin, while the chin itself was clean shaven. I am sure that he
never appeared in public, even to walk to the Post Office for the
mail, without his frock coat and silk hat. He used to delight me in
church. After seating his family in his pew, he would settle himself
at the end of it and extract from somewhere a beautiful black
watered silk skullcap which he would adjust carefully to protect his
bald head. I used to suspect that the organist timed the first bars
of "Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God Almighty", with which the service
always began, from the settling of Grandpa's skullcap.
One recollection is of my delight when on somewhat rare occasions
Grandpa 8
(possibly when I had been good) I was allowed to sit on Grandpa's
bed in the morning, or on his lap in the evening, and operate his
great, gold, minute repeater watch. I seem to remember that this
worked with a single bell ringing the hours, then double strokes for
the quarters, and finally single strokes again for the remainder of
the minutes; but my memory may be incorrect about this detail. The
memory certainly is aided by one of Mother's favorite photographs of
her father that showed Grandpa and me, complete with long blond
hair, on Grandpa's knee and looking at his watch.
I can understand not having forgotten the time when, returning from
a winter walk when I was about six, Grandpa and I broke through the
ice of the "frog pond" two or three hundred yards behind our house.
The water was about up to Grandpa' chest, but I think he managed to
keep me from submerging. Placing me on his shoulder and holding me
with one hand, he broke the ice with the other until we reached the
shore. I have never heard that there was any, witness to this
mishap. This is a pity, as I should treasure a description of
Grandpa, in his customary frock coat, coming dripping up out of the
pond.
In all probability this episode ended with my being dosed with
Mother's favorite specific for coughs or bronchitis: white of egg
beaten up with honey and, if the need were severe, a little whisky.
Grandpa would, of course, never allow liquor in the house, except a
bit for medical purposes. He could not, I suppose, forestall the
occasional gift of a bottle. After my folks were all dead, I found a
dozen or more excellent liquors in a remote corner of a cellar
cupboard. This collection included the only bottle of Napoleon
brandy I ever saw, so I deduce that Grandpa had instinctive good
judgment or had taken a bit of advice from someone.
One of the proud moments of my young life was when I stumped Grandpa
with an anagram. A frequent game at our house, probably to teach me
to spell, was to pass each other scrambled cardboard letters that
would form a word when put into the proper sequence. In one game,
near the end of his life, Grandpa admitted defeat in trying to
arrange the word "carrying" which I had given him. Possibly my
bedtime pressed upon him; it is inconceivable that he would have
deceived me by pretending something that was not the exact truth.
The only serious talk with Grandpa that I can recall was when he
told me that, because of the changing times and the spread of
education, I would know more when I graduated from high school than
he had had to know to graduate from Bowdoin College. Although I
readily admit the principle, when I compare my grandfather's ability
with my own I cannot help feeling that, for once at least, Grandpa
had made an error in judgment.
Grandpa 9
Often in the years after Grandpa died, presumably at times when I
displayed the somewhat violent disposition I had as a child, Grandma
would remind me of Grandpa's proud claim that he had never in his
life lost his temper. Occasionally she would thoughtfully amend this
statement by recalling that from time to time circumstances had
forced him into an intense state of "righteous indignation".
One of these occasions may have been when a small screw came out of
the rotary beater and was lost in the whipped cream topping for the
dessert for a dinner of the Conversation Club. Time did not permit
Grandma to do anything except serve the dinner and hope. Fortunately
nothing untoward happened until after the guests had left, when
Grandpa produced the screw from his vestpocket and demanded an
explanation of how such a thing could have been allowed to happen in
his house. GrandPa's indignation at this time may have been
accentuated by the partial elation of what Grandma often cited as
his favorite household dictum: "Anything really worth eating is
better with whipped cream on it".
My Fernald grandmother was born in a farmhouse in Weld, Maine. Her
middle name commemorated Elijah Lovejoy, a famous cousin of her
father who was called the first martyr in the abolition movement,
and is alternatively venerated for having lost his life in defence
of the principle of the freedom of the press.
After her mother died when she was six years old, Grandma was sent
to live with a favorite aunt, the former Harriet Converse, in New
Bedford, Massachusetts. The husband, Cornelius Howland, was a
relative of Henrietta Howland Robinson who later became famous as
the miser Hetty Green, a financier who left a fortune of a hundred
million dollars in the early part of this century. Grandma sometimes
referred to "having played" with Hetty Green when she was a small
child. Because my encyclopedia tells me that Hetty was ten years
older than Grandma, I incline to the happy thought that Hetty may
have been Grandma's babysitter.
Two years after his first wife died, my great grandfather married
Phebe (Kimball) Russell, a widow who brought two stepsisters into
the family. One of these, Susanna, later had a daughter Elizabeth
(Merrill) Hay who always remained a favorite "niece" of Grandma, and
who lived to be a member of her church in Portland for eighty-eight
years. I mention these geneological details only to support the
suggestion that Grandma returned from New Bedford in time to have
most of her schooling in Bethel, Maine, to which her father, a
former schoolteacher, had moved after his second marriage. This
question of where Grandma was educated interests me as she somehow
acquired a formidable amount of learning in her early years.
Grandma began teaching at the age of fourteen, presumably in Bethel.
Grandma 10
She once told me that it was in a typical one-room schoolhouse and
that her first pupils ranged in age from five to twenty-two. She was
proud of the fact that on her twenty-first birthday she was teaching
her twenty-first term of school. This claim I find barely possible,
on the assumption that Grandma taught in the first year after her
marriage, as she was presumably five months pregnant with my mother
on her twenty-first birthday.
I knew that Grandma had been a teacher as a girl, and even that she
had been able to help some now forgotten professor to prepare a
Latin grammar and, I think, dictionary. I also knew that she had
helped unofficially in any way she could in the early days of the
State College. I was, however, surprised, long after Grandma's
death, to find that she was listed among the faculty, in the third
year of the college, as Instructor in French and German.
Grandma and Grandpa met when she was teaching in the public school
at Bethel and he came there as principal of Gould Academy. A year or
two later when he had moved, or at least been appointed, to Houlton
Academy, Grandma finally chose a time when her father seemed to be
in a good mood, for an important question. The father was Winslow
Heywood, a taciturn man about whom I know only the detail that he
believed it best to eat only one kind of food at a meal. This meant
that his unfortunate wife had to prepare meat, potatoes, vegetables,
pies, and cakes so that, whatever he decided to eat, there would be
enough for his entire meal.
At the chosen time, Grandma approached her problem as follows:
"Father", she said, "Would it be all right if I should go to teach
at Houlton next year?" "No", said her father. "Well, Father, would
it be all right if Mr. Fernald and I were married first?" "Yes",
said Father, ending the conversation on that subject.
I gradually realized, as I was growing up, that Grandma had a
phenomenal memory. Much of this discovery came to me at Commencement
times when our house seemed to become a sort of secondary reunion
head quarters. For two or three days there would be a steady stream
of old graduates, many of whom had tears in their eyes as they
recalled, for example, how it had been Grandma, back in the 1880s,
who had managed to say the magic words that had prevented the young
men from dropping out of college. These and similar testimonials to
her mothering of the college interested me, but were not surprises.
What did astonish mG, as more and more evidence accumulated, was
that Grandma not only always recognized the old students but almost
invariably knew whom they had married and the names of their
children.
* * *
My highest tribute to Grandma's powerful memory comes from the Fall
of 1922, in my third year of High School. When I had begun studying
Latin as a freshman, I had had great hopes of help from Grandma.
These hopes were in vain, because she believed that I had to learn
for myself, and she resolutely refused any help at all. The Latin
classes were quite small with the result that the third and fourth
years were combined into a single class. I happened to enter this
pattern in the "bad" phase and found myself leaping from last
Spring's "Gallic Wars" into this Fall's "Aenead". After a few weeks
it must have become obvious that I was floundering, for one evening
I succeeded in getting Grandma to take the book and explain a
construction that baffled me. Having done this without difficulty
she, of course, found the book in her hand and almost automatically
began to read, because we were a family that read out loud to each
other as a matter of course. Grandma read the Virgil in a beautiful
translation, without hesitating over a word, exactly as though it
had been a novel in English. I was astonished, because I had thought
that one read two words of Latin and then looked up the third in the
vocabulary. Grandma however, became interested in the story and read
aloud for nearly two hours while, after a partial recovery from my
amazement, I made notes as fast as I could. When bedtime approached
she finally closed the book and leaned back in her rockingchair.
After a few minutes thought she said, "Do you know, I believe that
it's fifty two years since I looked at a Latin book".
While Grandma's phenomenal memory and great intelligence certainly
were an asset in her social relations, as in everything else, I
think it must have been her gentle urbanity that endeared her to
most people. It seemed to me that she was seldom really surprised at
anything, least of all by my pranks and misdemeanors. She apparently
felt that these taught their own lessons, and did not often allow
herself to show that she had heard of them.
In conversation, Grandma invariably expressed the expected degree of
surprise, but in such a soft and courteous way that I felt that,
having foreseen everything, she was simply making the orthodox
replies to conversational gambits. For minor occasions of a totally
unexpected and private nature, such as the breaking of a dish, she
reserved her only exclamamation, "Great Jehosephat!"
Grandma got more pleasure out of a Victorian era joke or an amusing
happening than anyone I ever knew. It may be a hundred times that I
heard her chuckle when something reminded her of an occasion when
she had been enquiring for some part time help. She was called to
the door by a burly Irish woman who said, somewhat belligerently,
"You the woman what wants someone to do cleaning? Well, I'm the lady
what wants the job".
Grandma left a number of compositions, mostly poetic, that she had
written in various eras. A long poem in "epic" form, abounding in
classical references, is a clever and eloquent tirade called "The
Whole Duty of Woman". This is written in an accurate imitation of
the style of the women's magazines of the late Victorian period, and
deals with the ultimately overpowering weight of the myriad social
and familial obligations falling on the shoulders of a married
woman. Another composition, a long paper to be read to a women's
club, describes her summer in Europe with Grandpa after his
retirement. This is presented in exactly the tone of a travel book
of the 1910 era; a vastly different language from that of her
letters and other examples of her prose.
My favorite of her surviving compositions is a series of "charades"
in verse. These use, as do acted charades, "my one" or "my first" to
represent the initial syllable of an unknown word. I have copies of
more than a hundred of these written in assorted styles and meters,
many of them in recognized verse forms. A sample follows:
Time was when a big my one was well nigh filled
Each day with plenty like my whole, and we
My second but the biggest; in our scorn,
Our ignorant scorn, we deemed the little ones,
Which now are rare as pearls, as only fit
For casting before swine. How times have changed!
My last! yea double my last! O tempora!
O mores! fain would we now fill ourselves
With what in former days the swine did eat.
It may be helpful to remark that this charade, like most of
Grandma's others, was composed at the time of the shortages in the
World War I era. I suspect that this form of amusement was adopted
to keep her mind occupied in the years immediately following the
death of my grandfather in 1916.
Grandma apparently had fun in composing charades in various verse
forms, including one imitated from Victor Hugo which starts with a
verse of one line having one syllable, followed by the second in two
lines of two syllables each. The count builds up gradually to seven
lines of seven syllables and then descends in the reverse pattern to
end with a single syllable.
Grandma's Poetry 13
Grandma seems to have been especially interested in a number of Old
French verse forms, as she names them in several cases where she
employed them. An example is the Virelay:
It is a gala day. A mass
Of people, drawn from every class
Waits patiently along the street.
Upon the lawns, in the cool grass
Many a little lad and lass
Trips round on eager, restless feet.
Their questions older ears harass.
Ah! now is heard the blare of brass.
The fife's shrill note, the drum's loud beat
As these their joyous strains repeat,
My one appears with movement fleet,
But held in steady, firm control,
Adorned with flowers gay and sweet.
On my grandfather's farm complete
My two was builded by my whole,
A safe, though not a still retreat,
From which strange sounds the ear did greet
From what was then almost the sole
Source of my two; which now seems droll.
My three no meaning has t'unroll,
Unless to multiply by three.
A little child, whose wished for goal
Was Alice's queer rabbit hole
Or mirror's back, was taken to see
Stuffed beasts, from elephant to mole.
As on his sight the walrus stole,
"Where is my whole?", inquired he.
I am fond of these charades in part because they are the only two
that I am sure I recall reading in my boyhood. The second also is
remembered as it contains a reference to me in the last verse. Like
most of these charades, it is full of resonances, such as the
reference to the goosequill pen that spans the second and third
verses, The answers to the riddles are, of course, "Potato" and
"Carpenter".
* * *
Grandma's serenity was too alert and interested to be called calm or
placid. She was quiet and gentle, yet she never in her life missed a
Grandma's Poems 14
nuance. She had, in her day, done a great deal, helping with the
struggling college to an extent that can never be known; raising
five children and somehow getting them all through college without
any very recognizable financial resources; and most certainly
freeing my grandfather for his duties and interests to a truly
nineteenth century degree. In her old age, when I knew her, she must
have been more content with her life than is usual today.
Her end was very characteristic of Grandma. As nearly as I can
judge, she simply died of old age, perhaps accelerated by an attack
of sciatica. The sciatica put her to bed, from which she did not
recover the strength to rise, and she died quietly after a few
months. She spent much of the intervening interval composing
crossword puzzles for solving even the most difficult ones had long
been too easy to interest her and planning her funeral. She felt
that she could do this better than anyone else, because of her
unexcelled knowledge of local protocol and local animosities. She
left complete instructions: who were to be bearers and who honorary
bearers; what the minister might be encouraged to say and what ideas
he might be advised to avoid; the music and who should be asked to
play and sing it; and who should be invited to ride in the first
car, the second, and so on.
I suppose that this plan gave grandma her last feeling of
satisfaction with her work. She certainly wrote it with pleasure,
and I shall always remember the keen interest with which she read
and explained the plan to me. Fortunately, I have now forgotten the
reasons why certain pairs of gentlemen and, especially, of ladies
could not be asked to share a car.
At the end, I am sure she was ready and glad to join her husband in
the cemetery lot at the crest of the river bank, across the
Stillwater River from the campus. She had once told me, in a remark
I still find it very difficult to explain that Grandpa had chosen
the lot because from there "he could keep an eye on the University".
I know remarkably little about my father and his family because he
died before I was a year old and thereafter it always hurt Mother to
talk about him. His people, among whom the elder sons had been John
Pierces for generations, had moved south in the early 1800s and had
lived in North Carolina, where my grandfather had a nursery
business, until shortly before the Civil War. They then moved to
Father / Mother 15
Indiana, where Father was born, and then to southern Illinois, where
he grew up.
Father graduated from the University of Michigan and took his law
degree at Columbia University. While in New York he met Mother, who
also was studying there. Although they became engaged in that era,
he, in true Victorian fashion, had to establish himself before the
young couple could be married. He chose to go to the Washington
Territory so that his law office could grow with the new state. The
financial panic of 1893 cost him most of his savings so that it was
not until 1897 that he felt secure enough for marriage. As a result,
Mother told me sadly, they were engaged for ten years, in the last
nine of which they did not see each other until Father came east for
the wedding. I have always felt that this ten-year wait followed by
less than eleven years of marriage helped to explain why it was so
hard for Mother to talk about Father and their early days.
Father died of pneumonia in the summer of 1908. Somehow, within a
month, Mother managed to bring my sister and me to Orono to live
with her parents.
Like her parents, my mother must have been a remarkable person.
Unfortunately for me, because she was forty-one years old when I was
born and because of illness and tragedy, she had lost much of her
sparkle in the days when I knew her well.
Mother was two years old when Grandpa was called to Orono. She was
the first of five children, all the others being boys. She must,
therefore, have learned her homemaking skills early in life. She
graduated from the Maine State College in 1884, before she was
eighteen years old, and then went to New York where she became a
graduate of Melville Dewey's first class when he founded his library
school, which later became part of Columbia University.
This training qualified her for one of the first professions open to
ladies. She spent some time cataloging university libraries, among
them, I remember, Michigan and Pennsylvania State. She was employed
in the same capacity at Maine for a year or so and then, in 1890,
became the first fulltime librarian there. She also inaugurated and
taught a course in Library Science.
Mother retired from these duties to be married in 1897 and went to
Spokane, Washington, with my father. My only sister was born in 1898
Mother 16
and I made my appearance nearly ten years later. After father's
death in the following year, Mother, with the two children, returned
to Orono. My sister died just before her twelfth birthday in 1910.
After Grandpa died in 1916, Mother and Grandma devoted the rest of
their lives primarily to raising me; not an easy task as I was
headstrong and Father did not leave a very large estate.
Mother was an excellent musician. She had had, I was told, a fine
singing voice with a range of more than three octaves. She called
herself a mezzo-soprano but could sustain any quality from alto to
coloratura. Unfortunately she had lost most of this talent by the
time I was old enough to be interested. Mother was also a remarkable
pianist. She was the only person I ever knew who could
simultaneously sightread and transpose difficult music, so that she
could play in any desired key. She owned, for some reason, one of
the rare Norris and Hyde pianos with a transposing keyboard, a
device that slid the keyboard as much as half an octave in either
direction. She never used this feature her self, finding it better
to transpose the music mentally, but the piano was a great source of
interest to me.
Mother had a fine collection of sheet music, classical and romantic.
There was certainly nothing more "popular" than, say, Massenet or
perhaps Ethelbert Nevin. Because she liked variety and had such a
fine collection, she never troubled to memorize anything. I came to
grieve over this habit because, by the time I was in High School,
she was developing cataracts and could no longer read music. Rather
than try to satisfy herself with second rate playing, she simply
gave up the piano and never touched it again, although she kept it
meticulously tuned for my ineffectual efforts to learn to play it.
Mother, as befitted a former librarian, was an omnivorous reader and
either she or my grandparents, or both, had assembled an excellent
library with sets of Scott, Thackeray, Dickens, Stevenson, and so
on. There were also large numbers of reference works and
biographies, and Grandpa's books on mathematics and physics, from
which I practically learned to read. The nineteenth and early
twentieth century novelists were all there, as far as Joseph Conrad
and William J. Locke. I am sure that there were no speed reading
courses in those days. If there had been, Mother should have taught
them. I never knew her to spend more than an hour reading a novel
and, to keep from wasting time, she was always knitting as she read.
It seemed to me that she would turn a page after each dozen
stitches. I used to make a game of reading, much more slowly, the
same books and trying (by what I hoped was clever questioning) to
find some detail she had missed. The invariable result was that she
had not only appreciated everything that I found, but also learned a
few things that I had not.
Mother 17
I should mention "The Skimmers" as it was a book club that might
well have been more widely imitated. I believe that Mother and
Professor Stevens were among its founders in the 1890s. The club
consisted of forty families and was divided, for convenience, into
eight groups of five near neighbors. During the summer, a selection
committee would buy forty new books of current interest. In the
fall, each book was kept by a family for a week and then passed on
to the next family on the list. On every fifth Monday I (as a child
of a group leader) would collect the five books in the group and
take them to the next group leader, and also distribute the five
books that were passed to us. At the end of the college year, each
family had read, or at least had had access to, all forty books. The
year ended with a party and an auction at which the books were sold,
usually for about half of the purchase price. Thus, unless one
wished to buy some of the books to keep, the cost for reading all
forty was about half the price of the average book, or a dollar or
so. The list of subscribers and groups was kept on a bookplate in
each book, so that the sequence was available to all. The bookplate
was charming and I am sorry I do not know who drew the decorated
heading. It gave the name "The Skimmers", supported by a milkmaid on
one side and a cat with a bowl of cream on the other. Occasionally
someone would fail to pass on a book on Monday, so that it was
necessary for a child to go to extract it, but in general there was
little difficulty of this kind. The club was still operating when I
left Orono in 1933, and I still miss it.
Mother's cataracts, of course, ultimately brought her reading to an
end. One eye was finally operated on, but not too successfully. In
her last few years, she could read the spots on a deck of cards but
not much else. As a result she spent most of her time playing
solitaire. I think she once claimed that she knew 140 different
games. When I was available, we played thousands of games of
cribbage. This was her favorite and worked very well as I could do
the pegging for both of us. She was also very fond of Russian Bank,
but I never mastered its intricacies well enough to give her a
stimulating game.
Mother suffered severely from diabetes which greatly reduced her
weight from what it had been in her happily married days. I do not
think that she ever admitted this illness perhaps because, although
insulin had been discovered before she died, there was no real
treatment for the disease available in Orono. I, at least, only
learned the nature of her trouble at the time of her final illness,
which fortunately did not last long.
My grief at remembering Mother comes largely from having known her
only at this dull and uninteresting end of a life that must have
begun in, for its era, a very exciting and stimulating way.
Fortunately, after I had been away for much of the time for four
Mother / Sister 15 18
years, I, with my first wife and Mother's first grandchild, was back
in Orono with her for the last year or two of her life.
My only sister, Margaret, was nearly ten years older than I. I
barely remember her, as she died of rheumatic fever when I was two
and a half years old. I do recall one or two things about Margaret.
The most distinct is an occasion when I was guest of honor (or, more
likely, a substitute for a doll) at a children's tea party with a
miniature tea set, at a little table on our front porch. I remember
that there was a total of four at the party, and I like to think
that the other guests were Elizabeth Chase and Barbara Dunn, as
these were the two of Margaret's friends whom I knew best in later
years.
3.
When I was four years old, Mother took me on a winter and spring
trip to visit various relatives, but I remember only a few
vignettes. My only recollection of this first visit to Cambridge
where Uncle Merritt was Professor of Botany, is of falling out of
the strange bed and rolling under it, thereby creating something of
a furor. In New York (where Uncle Rex was an executive of the Ginn
and Company publishing house and therefore the source of many fine
boys' books while I was growing up) I have a clear recollection of
playing in the park on River side Drive, close to the Soldiers' and
Sailors' Monument, and watching the ships in the Hudson River. I
also remember a very pretty scene, at the old Hippodrome, where a
complete sailboat rose slowly from the water in the stage pool, with
a number of bathing beauties clinging to the rigging.
We must have spent some time in Chicago, for I had my only taste of
Kindergarten there, and I remember seeing a tremendous sea turtle in
the Field Museum, as well as a giraffe most of which was on the
first floor but whose head extended up through a hole and could be
seen in an upstairs gallery. This must also have been the museum in
which I saw the walrus and asked for the carpenter. In Chicago we
were visiting two maiden sisters of my father, Mary, a
schoolteacher, and Imogene Pierce, who was the longtime secretary of
the Poetry League of America, or of some other institution with a
similar name. At Wausau, Wisconsin, we visited Aunt "Allie" Edmonds,
her husband, and my only paternal cousins. My only recollection
there is of wading and sailing a toy boat in a flooded area that
should have been part of the vegetable garden.
I remember very little of my early school years, except that I never
learned to write well. I was naturally left handed, at least in
writing, and I grew up in an unfortunate era when teachers could not
decide whether to convert me or leave me alone. The problem seemed
to be a matter of local option in each grade and, in the various
years, I was changed back and forth too much. I can at least testify
that left handed Palmer Method is a total failure.
I was supposed to be "delicate" and I surely did have more chest
colds and fevers than most of my friends. I recall several weeks in
a dark room when I had the measles. Fortunately this happened at
Christmas and sympathy with my being sick at that time brought forth
an unusual number of presents. It was arranged that every hour
Mother would bring in a clothesbasket of wrapped gifts. I could
select one if I either took my medicine or drank a glass of milk.
The basket was replenished regularly and remained full, I think, for
my entire period of convalescence.
I had a protracted illness when I was in the fifth grade. I do not
believe that it was especially serious, but I am sure that Mother
and Grandma worried about rheumatic fever., In any case, I was kept
at home for two or three months and my school assignments were
brought to me. The studies went so well that I was encouraged to
skip a grade when I went back to school. This I still regard as a
serious mistake, for it brought me to college at too early an age,
when I was not ready to take full advantage of the opportunities. It
was an easy error to make as, growing up in a highly literate
family, I had learned to read before I started school and never
found my studies very difficult. My best lessons, outside of the
home, probably came from roaming the woods and fields, building toy
boats and kites, and helping friends who had the luck to live on a
farm. My finest boat was probably an alleged model of the America's
Cup defender "Resolute". My toy took to the name so well that on her
maiden voyage she sailed so straight and so sturdily up the river
that I never saw her again. At least she was a beautiful sight as
she disappeared in the distance.
The kite I remember best was related to the "Resolute". I made
mostly tailless bow kites, but this one was an old-fashioned
hexagonal model about eight feet tall and covered with brown
wrapping paper because I could find nothing else in large enough
sheets. I had to borrow a neighbor's barn floor to assemble it and
enlist a pair of friends to help fly it. After it had towed us
across two or three fields, with some damage to us at the
intervening barbedwire fences, we finally had to tie it to a fence
post as we could not assemble enough boypower to get it down. It
flew from the fence post for three days before it finally carried
away and disappeared during the night.
I soon developed a knack for originating toys that had some local
popularity. The earliest was probably a line of toy boats, and even
submarines, with rubber bands for power and with propellers cut out
of old tin cans. These, in general, were much more successful than
my attempts at model airplanes, and were widely imitated. A more
lethal device was a slingshot mounted on a narrow board with a
trigger mechanism and sights. Since this separated the problems of
stretching and aiming, it had excellent accuracy, especially when we
could find a supply of buckshot or steel balls for ammunition. One
of my friends who built an especially powerful version of this
weapon claimed that he saw a bird fly into a bush a quarter of a
mile away. He said that he let fly at the bush and killed the bird,
but he was recognized as the most stalwart liar in the gang.
Toys and Such 21
Another exaggerated toy was a broadbladed propeller launched from a
string wrapped spool. Our version was made of heavy gauge galvanized
iron that we found somewhere. These devices were a foot or so in
diameter and could fly 200 yards and still out a swath a dozen yards
long in a hayfield when they came down. Another unlikely toy was a
dart half an inch in diameter and twelve or fifteen inches long,
feathered like an arrow and with a darning needle inserted in its
nose. These could be thrown a hundred feet or more but with dubious
accuracy. Strangely, I can not recall any one being seriously
injured by any of these gadgets. Possibly providence takes special
care of children and fools when they are combined in the same
individuals.
One of my close friends, geographically as well as emotionally, was
Sam Clark. Sam was, in one era, cursed with having to come home from
whatever we were doing at 4:OO P.M. to feed a dozen or two of hens.
We never found out why the hens needed their food at four rather
than at some convenient time, but this fact forced us to devise an
electrical solution to the problem. We hung a board, pivoted at one
edge, along the roof of the small henhouse, with the other edge
supported by a catch that could be tripped by a solenoid. The
solenoid was actuated by a battery connected through the hands of an
old Ingersoll dollar watch set, of course, to trigger at four
o'clock. We could then arrange the feed for the hens along the board
so that it would drop into the middle of the floor at the required
time. We thought this was wonderful, but Sam's father vetoed the
idea because the food was supposed to be mixed with the chips on the
floor so that the hens would have to scratch for their meal. This
ruling required another burst of invention. We placed another wide
board against one wall of the hen house. This extended parallel to
the floor, which it almost touched, and was hinged at the top edge.
An arm, fixed to the board, extended horizontally out through a slot
in the wall. Fortunately that side of the hen house was supported on
posts and was several feet above the ground. We could then attach a
heavy weight (supported by another trigger mechanism we had linked
to the first board) through a rope several feet long to the outboard
end of the lever arm. Thus, when the food was dropped in the hen
house the weight also dropped but had farther to go than did the
food. The net result was that the food reached the floor and was
immediately covered by a flying cloud of chips that been piled
against the board along the wall. This device passed inspection by
Sam's father, but unfortunately the problem of reliability raised
its head within a few days. The heavy current for the solenoid
burned the hands off the watch and, since we could not afford
another watch and no one seemed to have an alarm clock that was not
needed, the experiment came to an untimely end.
My most enduring interest was radio, beginning when Harold Hamlin
let me listen to signals on a set he had made in 1916 or 1917.
Thereafter I was always trying to make a receiver that would work.
There was, of course, no money for any such foolishness so my coils
were, at first, the traditional Quaker Oats boxes wound with wire
taken from abandoned Ford Model T spark coils. I tried many kinds of
detectors, none very successfully (partly, of course, because few
stations were audible in Maine before 1920). Fortunately our upright
telephone had the old fashioned receiver with exposed binding posts.
I could disconnect it and take it upstairs to try to detect a
signal, but had to be careful to hear the telephone if it rang so
that I could get the receiver back before Grandma tried to answer
the call. My explosive descents of the stairs with the receiver
eventually called attention to what was going on, and after a few
months (when it was clear that my interest had not subsided) money
was found for a secondhand set of head phones.
I somehow induced the old Federal Radio Commission to grant me an
amateur transmitting license before I was thirteen. This did not
really do much for me for two or three years, but by 1923 I had
amassed a little equipment that really worked. Between then and 1927
I was fairly active, making the "brasspounder's league" occasionally
by relaying a considerable number of messages and engaging in a
little of the excitement of the first amateur transatlantic
communications. I surely wasted far too much time and money on
amateur radio before I first left Orono, but I feel that it taught
me some interesting and probably useful things.
I had had to wear glasses to correct astigmatism from the time when
I was seven or eight years old. In those days, this alone
disqualified me for most sports. As a result, tennis was the only
sport I ever became at all proficient in, and I gave that up at
about twenty after a shoulder dislocation made it impossible to play
for a couple of years. Before I "retired" I became able to brag of
having played a set with Big Bill Tilden, the most famous player of
the era, who happened to visit the wealthy family of a friend.
Through Mr. Tilden's kindness, I won one game. I fenced for a year
in college finding, oddly, that the foil felt more natural to my
left hand although my tennis was righthanded. I had a pair of skis,
left over from an uncle, and spent much time on them. It was chiefly
cross country skiing, although I did steal some practice on the
college ski jump.
Through my high school years I had, like Tom Sawyer, a way of
getting out at night without disturbing my family. Mine was over a
shed roof and down an antenna pole. It was a great joy when I
discovered that I could climb up the outside of the little college
observatory, open the slide in the roof, and get in. Thereafter I
spent most of many nights there becoming fairly proficient at using
the telescope, although I really never did anything very useful with
it. Curiously, no one ever disturbed me at this practice. I have
Schooling 23
often wondered what, if anything, my family (or anyone else except
the occasional boy I took with me) may have known about it.
High School itself seems to have left very few noteworthy
impressions. I took the "classical" course with all the math and
science (except biology) I could get. I had four years of Latin and
three of French, neither of which has stood by me very well. At
least the inscriptional Latin I find on various walls at Harvard
seems to be a closed book to me, and although I read French well
enough for my scientific purposes I have never been able to maintain
a conversation in it. I feel sure that I knew more Physics than my
teachers, and probably made that fact evident, but they never seemed
to resent it.
One episode in High School amused me greatly at the time although I
have since become less proud of it. In our senior year one of the
major assignments in English was a composition in fictional form.
This seemed to terrify the ten or twelve others in the class. Being
goodnatured, or soft, I agreed to help someone and the news spread.
The result was that I eventually wrote all of the dozen stories
myself, varying the subject matter, style, and even orthography in
accordance with my estimates of my comrades' abilities. The effort
seemed to be successful, as everyone received about his normal grade
on the composition. Two of the best were, I think, used in the
school yearbook, and I never heard of any repercussions from the
management.
I was, as tacitly insisted upon by my family, class valedictorian. I
seem to remember that my speech must have been in the best
nineteenth century tradition, and I am sorry that I do not have a
copy of it. It would today, I am sure, be supremely funny. This last
minor triumph marked the end of the period when all my studies were
easy for me. Henceforth, it would be necessary to do more studying.
My well formed superiority complex actually lasted just a little
longer. Maine had recently adopted the "Freshman Week" idea, and I
took a number of placement exams in the hope of being excused from
freshman courses or at least of being assigned to advanced sections
of them. I remember receiving the highest score in the class in the
general intelligence test I think it was the old Army Alpha but this
did not please me as much as the results of my exams in English and
Math. In the Math I found everything relatively easy except for a
mental block that prevented my seeing how to attack the proposition
that two triangles are equal if the three sides of one are equal to
the three sides of the other. I left a blank page until I had
finished the rest of the exam, and then went, back with no relief
from the block. In some agony I wrote the first equation or two and
put down the correct final statement with several blank lines in
between. At the end of the examination period I quickly filled in
several statements of identity that may or may not have had anything
to do with the problem, and wrote "Q.E.D." at the end. The English
exam was primarily composition under an assigned title. At the
moment I could produce nothing whatever except a love story that was
as torrid as could be put on paper in Maine in 1924. Both efforts
were successful, as I was admitted to Sophomore classes. I never
heard anything about the Mathematics but an English instructor later
told me that I was admitted to advanced standing not because of my
ability in composition but "because of my emotional maturity" a joke
if I ever heard one. In retrospect, of course, I realize that none
of these results could have been good for me. I would probably have
been better off if Freshman Week had not been invented until later,
and I had been allowed more time to mature and to think as I
progressed.
My freshman year in college went reasonably well. My grades were not
as high as they had been in high school but were quite satisfactory.
I do not believe that tennis could have been recognized as a sport
because, to avoid Physical Training, I tried to shoot on the
freshman rifle team and to run cross-country. In neither enterprise
did I enjoy conspicuous success. My cross-country was especially
discouraging because I would come in after my usual 30 or 31 minutes
and find that Ernie Ridlon, who was, I think, about to become ICAAAA
champion, had not only showered but might have gotten fully dressed
while I was laboring through the last half mile.
In the summer of 1925 I had an odd accident. While walking with a
friend one Sunday afternoon, he called my attention to something
unusual about the construction of a small culvert beside a telephone
pole. I swung around to the far side of the pole and collided with a
climber's spike that was set much too low on the pole. The
relatively sharp edge on the head of the spike caught me just at the
hair line. The wound bled copiously, ruining the best pair of white
flannel trousers I ever had, but otherwise seemed to do no great
damage. A few days later, however, I began to develop severe
headaches. I soon found that if I were exercising somewhat
strenuously I might have blank periods when I could not remember
what I had been doing for half an hour or more. These symptoms
brought my summer activities to an almost complete stop. The only
medical advice seemed to be "rest", so I did nothing memorable until
college opened in the fall. This started well but after a few weeks
I found that an hour's study would blur my vision until the words on
a printed page might completely disappear. This effect, with the
accompanying headaches, made college an impossibility, so I dropped
out after a few weeks of my sophomore year.
For a while, in the winter, I found a job sorting dowels in a small
woodworking mill in western Maine (at $12.00 for a forty-eight hour
week) but I was called back from this because Grandma had a serious
More About My "Small" Accident 25
attack of pneumonia. She surprised everyone by recovering, and I
stayed at home the rest of the spring and summer doing practically
nothing.
I tried college again the next fall, with much the same result as in
the previous year, except that the serious symptoms were slower in
developing. I think I lasted until December, this time. It was
obvious that I had to find an outdoor job, or at least one that did
not require much close eyesight. Grandma found me a place through
one of her friends among the Maine alumni, who was in charge of a
valuation survey for the New York, New Haven, and Hartford Railroad.
As a result I reported in March, 1927, to a field group that was
working in New Haven, Connecticut.
4.
It seems that the Interstate Commerce Commission had finally forced
the railroad to make a complete physical inventory of its property,
including a number of street railway companies in Connecticut and
Massachusetts. I found myself to be a chainman in a survey group
that was beginning work on the Connecticut Company. This started by
measuring the lengths of the tracks, then estimating the weights of
rails, the number of ties, the amounts of steel and concrete in
bridges, and so on. The job was to operate one end of a hundred-foot
steel tape, always holding it accurately against a mark and applying
what was supposed to be a fourteen pound pull, for mile after mile
through the city streets and out to the end of each trolley line.
For this, I was paid $27.57 per week plus an allowance of $18.00 a
week for living expenses, as the group was theoretically based in
Boston. This was real luxury because one could live easily on the
$27.57 while the expense money was paid monthly. Thus, in the first
week of each month there was nearly a hundred dollars ready to be
blown. I remember well one of the first times this happened. Page
Sanderson, my closest new friend and later roommate, and I decided
to see Coney Island. We went down after work ended at noon on
Saturday and went through the amusement park in complete detail. If
the next concession was a game we played it, or if it was food we
ate it. The enterprise took until about sunrise and cost us (ten or
fifteen cents at a time) over a hundred dollars each. Somehow we got
home again before we collapsed, and I think we were able to report
for work on Monday. I have never, to tell the truth, cared much for
an amusement park since then.
One of the perquisites of this job was an all-station pass on the
railroad. These were rare, but were granted to us because, in
theory, there was no telling where we might be assigned next. Thus
we could freely roam between Boston and New York whenever time
permitted; and, at twenty years of age, time permitted quite a lot.
The "white" all station pass was very powerful, perhaps because
conductors tended to think that the youngsters who carried them had
to be relatives of directors of the railroad. The passes even worked
fairly reliably on other roads than the New Haven. The technique was
to display the pass prominently in a billfold from which one
halfheartedly offered to extract money to pay a cash fare. About
four times out of five the conductor would pass on to the next
passenger. Much the same thing would happen if one wished to take a
girl with him. The conductor would seldom collect for the girl's
fare, especially if she could be induced to wear a Woolworth wedding
ring. This pass meant that I could go to Boston or New York very
The New Haven Railroad 27
frequently and could often visit Mother and Grandma in Orono at
little or no cost, unless I were in funds and chose to go by
Pullman. It was, I seem to recall, seldom that I spent a weekend in
New Haven.
In Bridgeport I barely escaped a serious accident. We were surveying
an area where the railroad viaduct crossed over a street that had
trolley tracks. We needed to find the intersection of the
centerlines and determine the angle between them. Because there were
four busy railroad tracks we tried to work rapidly on the viaduct,
which led to my taking notes in a book on my knee while holding one
end of a steel tape. To keep the tape tight with one hand, I found
myself squatting in the depression between tracks and steadying the
hand holding the tape against the nearest rail. Because a long
freight train was thundering by on the furthest track, I failed to
hear the approach of a fast passenger train on the track against
which I was leaning. The first I knew of its presence was when the
cylinder of the locomotive knocked my hat off while the wheels
skinned three knuckles of the hand against the rail. I had no time
to be frightened but the others in the group, who had heard the
locomotive whistling at me and had been shouting warnings I did not
hear, were all in bad shape. The boss of the crew, Mr. Byron Nelson,
from a vantage point fifty yards away, had seen the situation
developing and claimed that he had had time enough to start drafting
a letter of condolence to my family. He, I think, sustained such an
emotional shock that he was unable to work for a day or two.
It was also in Bridgeport that I had the most instantaneous surprise
I ever had. Some trolley tracks ran through the yard of an abandoned
power plant at the edge of the harbor, and one or two tracks
extended into the building. At this time I was taking notes with two
of the other boys surveying for me. After an hour or more of writing
in the notebook in the brilliant sunshine, we went into the building
to see what tracks were inside. I was almost blind in the dim light.
One of my friends followed the caretaker and I followed a few yards
behind him, able to see only his white shirt. I realized later that
he had walked down the center of a large room and then turned to go
through a door at a corner. I suppose I unconsciously turned toward
the door too soon. Whatever the reason, at one instant I was walking
quietly on a solid cement floor and at the next I found myself
submerged in a foul tasting viscous pool. One good stroke with the
notebook brought me to the surface and my friends pulled me out in a
highly bedraggled condition. I then found that the large room
consisted mostly of two large pits that had previously underlain
engines and generators and that were now full of a mixture of old
engine oil and sea water. My "solid cement floor" was actually only
a catwalk between the pits. This episode did me no harm except to
ruin my clothes and keep me washing stains out of my hair for a day
or two. I had to launder my money before the bank would exchange it,
The New Haven Railroad 28
and fortunately the railroad bought me a new suit.
Near this old power plant was the yard where I had a chance to climb
over and through the "Nautilus". This was one of Simon Lake's early
submarines that had been acquired and modified by Sir Hubert Wilkins
for his abortive effort to reach the North Pole under the ice. I was
fascinated by some of Sir Hubert's devices, especially wheels that
would permit the submarine to creep along the bottom, and air locks
through which divers could get out to explore the environment,
exactly as in "Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea".
* * *
I witnessed a very touching sight in 1930, when I was working in the
old South Station office building in Boston. In that year the
American Legion, then at the height of its numbers and enthusiasm,
held its national convention in Boston, highlighted by a great
parade. I walked up Summer Street in time to watch the beginning of
this. There was some delay in getting the cars for the dignitaries
properly organized, so an Army regiment was sent ahead, apparently
to give the crowd something to watch. This group was then formed
into a long line along the curb to allow the dignitaries to pass by,
and it happened that I found myself on the sidewalk just opposite
the colors. After a time the cars began to come past but again some
delay occurred up ahead. This forced the open car bearing General
Pershing and General Giraud, a French World War I hero, to stop
exactly in front of me. The generals had, of course, interrupted
their conversation to salute the colors just as the car stopped. I
was greatly impressed to see that the two old gentlemen held their
salutes, without the faintest sign of surprise or irritation, for
ten or fifteen minutes. When the car started again the generals
terminated their salutes and turned toward each other to resume
their talk. Ever since this sight I have felt it imcumbent upon me
to be meticulous in saluting the flag whenever I watch a parade.
General Pershing
In all, I spent somewhat more than four years working for the
railroad: one year in New Haven, one divided between Bridgeport and
Hartford, one in Boston, and a final one back in New Haven. As my
eyes gradually improved, I was promoted through the ranks of Rodman
and Computer to Recorder. The first two years required primarily
outdoor work but after that there was more and more done at the
desk. I became a skillful comptometer operator and for a long time
preferred the comptometer to an electronic calculator for some
operations. In 1930, as the depression deepened, I was notified of
my discharge. This did not actually take place for a rather
depressing reason. On what was supposed to be my last day I went to
General Pershing 29
the office to clear out my desk and found that one of the draftsmen,
depressed by investment worries, had committed suicide the night
before. Because I had had an excellent course in mechanical drawing
in high school, I did not hesitate to accept the management's
decision to convert me into a draftsman. Perhaps the financial
emergency became less acute, or perhaps my drawing was not very
good. In any case, after two or three months I found myself doing
about what I had done before.
Through a friend I had met in my freshman year at college, who had
dropped out and was working in the Boston area, I had met, in 1927,
Marion Rogers of Pawtucket, Rhode Island. Thereafter I used my
railroad pass frequently for trips to Providence. We were married in
early 1929, stimulation that meant a great deal to me. A daughter,
Martha Jane, was born in 1930 and did much to keep her parents
together.
End of My Work for the Railroad
During my last year with the railroad, I lived with my small family
in West Haven, Connecticut. One of my clearest evidences of single-
mindedness or possibly of some less desirable characteristic comes
from this period. When Marion and I required a babysitter, our usual
one was a schoolgirl named Marian Bergeron who lived a few blocks
away. When we got back from a movie, it was my duty to walk home
with the sitter. This, I remember, I regarded as a nuisance, and I
am sure I never noticed the girl except as a convenience to whom we
paid small fees from time to time. My lack of normal male powers of
observation was revealed, a year after we left West Haven, when our
former baby sitter went to Atlantic City and became Miss America.
In 1930 and early 1931, my remaining symptoms of eye trouble cleared
up completely and quickly. It was easy to tell, after the fact, that
a blood clot had finally dissolved. This brought an intense desire
to finish my college courses, so in 1931 I left the railroad and
returned to Orono. The college career had another setback when a
major attack of quinsy kept me out of school for three months in the
fall of 1931. I had to drop part of my courses, and from then on it
was a question whet her the two years I had budgeted for, with my
meager savings and a thousand dollars I had borrowed from Mother,
would be enough to let me earn the necessary credits. The financial
situation grew worse with Mother's death in 1932, as she was able to
leave me almost nothing beyond the money I had borrowed. I finally
came to the end of that money and the little I had been able to
borrow from other sources, with about ten semester hours still
lacking. Throughout this period my wife declined to help by finding
a job or, so far as I can recall, by doing anything to make my tasks
easier. Her main interest in this period was in playing a great deal
of contract bridge, part of which required an amount of my time that
End of My Work for the Railroad 30
might better have been spent in study. This was the beginning of my
realization of a "law" I have often tried to teach my graduate
students and others: that a married man can successfully pursue his
studies only if his wife desires the degree at least as much as he
does himself.
I tried very hard to get some kind of a job at the University of
Maine, for I felt a great deal of loyalty to it, but President Hauck
took no interest in my hopes. The depression was at its worst and I
was unable to find a job anywhere.
5.
The friend who had introduced me to Marion had returned to western
Maine and had taken over a small independent telephone company. He
needed cheap help, so I went to work with him in 1933, receiving no
pay but with food and shelter provided for my family. Along with
acting as linesmen, telephone operators, bill collectors, and
whatever other servants the little company needed, we tried to
develop a small radio business. We sold vacuum tubes on consignment
and built transmitters for radio amateurs and similar things
whenever we could find a customer, which was not often.
The telephone business had its interesting aspects. In those remote
days, telephone operators were helpful. Especially in a small town,
the operator knew almost everything anyone needed to find out. Calls
were never placed by number. A customer would say, "I want to talk
to George Tibbett", and the operator would reply, "He went into the
feed store about fifteen minutes ago. I'll try there". The feed
store might answer, "No. George just left here. He said he was going
to ask Jim Healy about fixing his plow". A call to Jim would
probably provide the required communication all done in two or three
minutes.
Listening on party lines was commonplace, and often a trial to the
operators, especially when a long distance call came in so weakly
that it really could not operate several receivers. It surprised me
to discover that, with experience, "central" could usually tell who
was listening. There are, of course, different sounds in different
houses: clocks ticking, children crying, footsteps on bare floors,
and so on. One would not suppose that, with the limited sensitivity
and poor frequency response of a telephone circuit, these background
noises would make up a unique signature for each house. They do so,
however, usually without the operator being at all conscious of the
clues. It was often, though not always, possible to say firmly,
"Aunt Susie, get off the line!", and have the order promptly
followed by a bang of the receiver having all of the quality of
profanity.
The company had copper wire connecting it to Portland and Boston but
most of the lines, some of which extended forty miles back into the
country, were of iron wire which had much greater losses. I became a
good lineman from the exercise of my duties in removing tree limbs
and repairing broken wires. Some of these lines ran to hunting
camps. In the autumn, these camps would be full of wealthy hunters
The Repeater 32
who tried to keep in touch with their New York brokers. As they
could seldom hear their correspondents wall enough, these calls
became long and confused sessions with one or more operators forced
to repeat messages in a jargon they did not understand. We decided
that we had to build a repeater. The problem with a telephone
repeater is to send the signal from either end of the line onward to
the other end of the line in amplified form, but not to send the
amplified signal back toward its source.
This is done by having two amplifiers (one for each direction) and
by matching the electrical impedance of each line in an artificial,
or "dummy", line. These elements are connected in an electrical
bridge so that each amplified output is balanced out to nearly zero
on the incoming line. Under perfect conditions, this can be done
with great precision. In our case the line impedance changed with
the temperature of the iron wire, while the leakage varied
tremendously depending upon how many tree branches lay across the
line and how wet they were. The only workable mechanism was to
provide some adjustments in the characteristics of the dummy lines
and to have a gain control that could be advanced manually as much
as possible without creating an oscillation, or "singing", when too
much amplified energy was fed back toward its source.
We built such a device and installed it on top of the central
switchboard with the gain control within comfortable reach. When two
subscribers had difficulty in understanding each other, we would
switch in the repeater and increase the gain until we could
recognize the hollow and slightly reverberant sound that was the
last stage before the system burst into oscillation. It all really
worked very well, providing communication under conditions that had
never permitted it before. Unfortunately, however, we were not able
to keep this device in operation very long. Most of the cases when
we needed it were, of course, on long distance calls. It rapidly
became obvious that whenever an AT&T operator in Portland, Boston,
or even New York tipped her switch to monitor a call she spoiled our
delicate balance of forces and was invariably greeted by a loud
oscillation. We tried our best to convince the long lines department
that our repeater really worked very well and that everything would
be fine if they would only keep their operators off the line. This
could not be done, as we should have known, and by threatening not
to pay us our share of the toll charges they forced us to abandon
the repeater after two or three months. For at least one full
hunting season, however, our customers had had exceptional service.
One of the more powerful Maine politicians arranged to have the
Civilian Conservation Corps (a depression era effort to take boys
off the street and employ them under quasi-military conditions in
useful public works) build him an improved road to his hunting camp.
This reconstruction required us to move a quarter of a mile of
telephone line from one side of a road to the other. It was arranged
that the CCC would provide the labor. On the appointed morning I met
the crew which, for some reason, consisted of about fifteen boys
from Bridgeport, Connecticut, who, it soon appeared, could not even
climb a pole with a ladder. I therefore set them to digging. I went
down the road with a shovel and turned a sod at each point where I
wanted one of the dozen poles to go. I told them to make the holes
eight feet deep, which is usually by no means easy in the rocky
Maine soil. I then went off to climb the poles and detach the wires
from the insulators, so that the poles could be taken down when the
time came. This kept me busy for an hour or more. When I came back
to the first hole I found it a thing of considerable beauty. It was
a full eight feet deep and had absolutely smooth sides and bottom,
without a loose pebble anywhere. Its only defect was that it had
about the proportions of a twelve quart pail and looked large enough
to serve as a grave for an elephant. I read the boys a lecture about
how a hole should be fourteen inches in diameter and again absented
myself for a while. When I returned I found the later holes getting
better and better. The last hole of all was the best, but at that
time it was only three or four feet deep. At that level the boys had
encountered a rook. Dropping a crowbar on it, could tell by the
sound that the only wise move would be to abandon that hole and try
another a few feet away. The boys were, however, all full of
enthusiasm for their increasing skill, so I thought their training
would be best improved by leaving them to their own devices. When I
thought it safe to come back I found a beautiful hole of the proper
depth and no more than eighteen inches in diameter. The only anomaly
was that on the surface beside the hole was a boulder of nearly the
size and roughly the shape of an overstuffed arm chair. To this day
I cannot imagine how the boys got this stone out of the hole with
only crowbars and shovels. Even more amazing was the repair work on
the hole which was perfect, the sod around it looking as though it
had never been disturbed. I was sure I would lose face if I enquired
how they had done it all, so I complimented them on the diameter of
the hole and we went on to finish the job.
* * *
One April afternoon I acquired a totally undeserved reputation as a
swimmer. I had been searching for a short circuit on one of the iron
wire lines thirty miles from home. It happened that the line crossed
the Dead River (in a region now at the bottom of Flagstaff Lake)
midway between two bridges that were ten or twelve miles apart. I
made a resistance measurement in the neighborhood of the first
bridge and thought that the road up the eastern side of the river
would bring me to the location of the trouble. When I climbed a pole
near the river crossing I found that I had been wrong; the short was
C. C. C. Boys 34
only a hundred yards away, but on the other side of the river. As it
was nearing sunset I was in a hurry to finish, and I hated to think
of the tenmile drive to either of the bridges and back on the other
side. The river was only a hundred feet wide and looked placid
enough. A sloping granite shelf extended well out into the river,
and I thought that I could wade across. I stripped down to my
undershirt but kept my trousers and lineman's climbers on, because I
would need them as I would my belt full of tools, and waded into the
river. The water was fearfully cold, as it certainly had been snow
until a day or so before, and was flowing at a rate that was not
indicated by the placid surface. By the time I had waded in up to my
hips, the current swept me off the rocky shelf and deposited me in a
deep pool. My best efforts to swim did me little good because of all
the weight on my legs, and the current swept me rapidly downstream.
As my strength was about gone, the river brought me near a large
rock and, by a last strenuous effort, I got close enough to catch a
rough spot and swing into the lee of the stone. I gasped for a
minute or two, and then climbed on the rock and found myself more
than half way across. After resting as long as the cold allowed, I
made my best racing dive which carried me far enough to be able to
wade ashore on the other side of the river. My pride then forced me
to climb the river bank and then the pole and fix the trouble on the
line.
While on the pole I had time to consider what to do next. The road
on that side of the river was very little used and the chance of
meeting a car before I froze seemed very remote. There was one house
in that region, only a hundred yards away, but it was dark and, I
assumed, deserted. After some thought I worked my way upstream until
I was a quarter of a mile above my original starting point and in an
area where there were no obvious rocks and whirlpools. I searched
the bank until I found a nice four-foot piece of dried pulpwood and
took it down the bank of the river. My idea was to keep the log
under my arm and paddle across, letting the current take me
downstream as far as it cared to while I conserved my strength. I
had neglected to notice that the river curved, and I soon discovered
that the bank was just as steep under water as it was above it. I
was almost immediately in deep water and the current set in toward
the bank so strongly that I was carried a couple of hundred yards
downstream before I could get more than five or six yards from
shore. As this did not seem to be getting me anywhere, I decided to
paddle back to the "wrong" shore and study the situation some more.
This, I should have realized, did not work either, because my
equipment and pulpwood made for very poor swimming. By the time this
was clear, the river had taken me down into the region where I had
had my original troubles and, before I realized what was happening,
it swept me into a whirlpool and snatched my pulpwood away from me.
This left me trying to swim again, but in a much worse state of cold
and fatigue. It wasn't long before my legs went straight down and
fortunately touched a large rock. Before the current swept me off
this I had a moment to relax my cramping muscles and take a deep
breath or two. This surge of strength carried me for another
fraction of a minute. When my legs went down again they luckily
touched bottom enough to let me push myself toward the "right" shore
and then find that I could wade out. Back at the car, I put on all
the clothes I had and turned the heater up to maximum. By the time I
had driven to the nearest village, my teeth did not chatter too much
and I was. beginning to believe that I might not freeze to death. My
pride driving me again, I went into the general store to carry out
the usual routine of telephoning headquarters to report the trouble
cleared, and to enjoy the heat from the potbellied stove that was
fortunately running at dull red heat. The loafers sitting around the
stove of course showed some curiosity as I came in dripping. I
explained, as casually as I could, that I had just swum across the
Dead River to fix a fault on the other side. This claim was greeted
by a chorus of guffaws, as everyone knew that nobody could swim the
river during the spring flood. I stayed in the store long enough to
get warm again, holding up my end as well as I could in a battle of
facetious comments, and then went home for a late dinner.
Fortunately for my reputation, it turned out that an old man was
living in the house I had thought deserted. He had seen me come up
over the river bank to fix the line and then go back into the river.
He reported this at the general store the next day, and my local
status gained immeasurably from his verification of my story.
There was one much more painful episode when I was repairing a line.
I had climbed a rather short pole and had just driven my spikes in
firmly and attached my safety belt when I was attacked by a cloud of
hornets. Because my feet were not more than three or four yards
above the ground, I simply cast off my belt and jumped and, I
believe, was running by the time I hit the ground. Despite my speedy
reaction, I received thirty-five or forty stings and was sick enough
to stay in bed for a few days. Later investigation revealed a half-
bushel sized paper nest hanging from a pine branch just above the
pole, and also a colony of carpenter wasps living in the pole, with
their entrance on the side I had not seen when I climbed.
We had some interesting times trying to convince the Maine State
Forestry Department that they should use UHF radio for communication
between fire towers. In those days, the telephone lines to the
towers consisted of twisted pair dragged up through the woods;
generally neither on the ground nor far above it. Whenever a tree
fell or a bear or moose passed by, the line was likely to be broken,
and repairs were, of course, very laborious and time consuming. We
thought that the amateur five meter band offered excellent prospects
for a demonstration of improved service, so we built two or three
transmitters and receivers and carried them up various mountains;
most often Mount Bigelow, which was conspicuous beside the Arnold
Trail. This mountain was named for one of Arnold's officers who
allegedly climbed it to see if he could see Quebec, but one is
inclined to think that maps must have been better than that, even in
Revolutionary days.
The fire wardens dearly loved our radios, and would chat with each
other by the hour at a high cost to us in the labor of carrying
fresh batteries up to them, but we never succeeded in getting the
State to buy any radios. This was a fine example of the difficulties
inherent in trying to implement a good idea before the world is
ready for it. In any case, we got plenty of exercise carrying
seventy or eighty pound packs of equipment and batteries up
mountains. This usually involved about three hours of strenuous
climbing, after walking perhaps as far as ten miles to get to the
base of the mountain.
Early in this enterprise I was surprised to make contact, while on
Mount Bigelow, with an amateur station operated equally temporarily
on Mount Cadillac near Bar Harbor. This station belonged to Mr.
Henry S. Shaw who, I found later, was the cofounder and Treasurer of
the General Radio Company in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and who had a
summer home in Maine. Mr. Shaw was a dilettante experimenter, very
much interested in the new ultra high frequencies, and we were both
excited about the relatively long range at which we had communicated
some thing approaching a hundred and twenty miles. I perhaps had
spoken to Mr. Shaw once or twice more by radio in the course of our
experiments, and I once met him briefly at a gathering of amateur
radio operators in Bar Harbor. These contacts, casual as they were,
would have a powerful effect upon my future.
Among the dozens of importunate letters I wrote was one to Mr. Shaw.
By return mail I received a post card from him saying, "I have
received your letter and am doing some investigating. I will write
you tomorrow". Twentyfour hours later I received the promised
letter, which was so delicately phrased that it was almost
ambiguous. It seemed to say that there might be a minor temporary
job open at Harvard. Only upon careful reading did the last
paragraph make it clear that all I needed to do was to go to
Cambridge and (for some reason I never understood) report to Mr.
David W. Mann, who was a very talented instrument maker in the shops
of the Jefferson Physical Laboratory. Needless to say I was on the
next available train to Boston. Mr. Mann, without much conversation,
took me to Harry Mimno, who was then Associate Professor of Physics
and Communication Engineering. Professor Mimno hired me for a six-
month trial period at $20.00 per week, a tolerable and deeply
welcome wage.
Mr. Shaw deserves more praise and thanks than I could ever give him,
so I may as well testify to his admirable qualities at this point,
although it was a number of years before I found out how much he had
done for me. He was one of the finest type of Boston Brahmins
(although he lived in Exeter, New Hampshire when I knew him) who
had, I think, always been moderately wealthy and who, like many of
his kind, believed in doing good by stealth. Shortly before
receiving my letter he had given Harvard two or three thousand
dollars to support some research in UHF radio. Since this project
would require hiring a technician, who had not yet been chosen,
Harvard was in no position to decline when Mr. Shaw suggested that
they try me. At the end of my six months, Professor Mimno was
apparently satisfied but was, like most research directors before
World War II, without funds. Mr. Shaw stepped into the breach and,
without my hearing of it until much later, contributed my salary for
the next two or three years. I never knew Mr. Shaw intimately,
although I saw him at the laboratory from time to time. He never
showed, by word or attitude, that he had ever done anything for me,
but was always politely interested in my progress. I gradually
learned that I was by no means alone as a recipient of his
benefactions. It was ultimately possible to learn that he
occasionally had identified promising young men in the General Radio
factory and set them up in business for themselves. He was the
guiding spirit and at least partially a financial backer for the
early radio and weather research at the top of Mount Washington,
leading to the present observatory there. His contributions to
Harvard may not have been large, in today's terms, but were frequent
and always intelligently applied to advance knowledge in the fields
in which he was interested.
* * *
Mr. Shaw's character is admirably expressed, to those who knew him,
by the biography he supplied when elected a Fellow of the Institute
of Radio Engineers. These biographies used to be published, for the
hundred or two that held this honor, in the directory of members of
the Institute, and most Fellows seized the opportunity to puff
themselves up a little. Mr. Shaw's biography stood alone against
this background. In full, it said:
"Henry.S. Shaw, Graduate, Harvard College, 1907"
6.
I found myself, in the fall of 1934, employed in an organization
known as "Cruft Laboratory" which took its name from a small
building officially known as "The Cruft High Tension Electrical
Laboratory". George Washington Pierce, later the Rumford professor
of physics, had assumed charge of this laboratory when it was built
in 1914 and continued as its director until World War II. Under his
leadership, one of the first hybrids between physics and engineering
was formed; an early exploration of the idea of a department of
applied physics. Harvard then had an Engineering School, and the
members of the faculty in Cruft had dual appointments as, say,
professor of physics and Communication Engineering, thus having
footholds in the Engineering School and in the College of Arts and
Sciences, which is always called simply "Harvard College", as
distinct from the various graduate schools. The instruction in Cruft
was entirely at the graduate level.
Professor Pierce, always known as "G.W.", had been interested in
radio from the 1890s onward and had, in 1910, published a well-known
book on the principles of wireless telegraphy. Under his
administration, it would have been more appropriate if the title of
the laboratory had used the words "high frequency" instead of "high
tension". The stalwarts of the organization, when I came, were
Professor E. Leon Chaffee, the great expert on high-power vacuum
tubes; professor Mimno, whose field was ionospheric radio wave
propagation; Dr. and later Professor Frederick V. Hunt, whose
catholic interests centered in acoustics; and Dr. Roger Hickman, who
later became Director of the physics Laboratories and Assistant Dean
of Arts and Sciences.
Cruft Laboratory was built, in part at least, to house a 100,000
volt storage battery which was used to provide an unusually stable
source of power for x-ray diffraction studies and other researches.
This battery was kept operating until World War II, when it was
dismantled largely because Doctors Hunt and Hickman had perfected
the electronic voltage regulator and the expensive battery was no
longer essential.
In 1931 Harvard, through the efforts of professor Theodore Lyman,
the Director of the Jefferson physical Laboratory, had built the
Research Laboratory of Physics. When Dr. Lyman retired, this
building was most appropriately renamed in his honor. A large part
of the Cruft organization was actually housed in the R.L.P.,
although it was operated entirely under the Cruft name.
Professor Mimno was a capable and quiet gentleman who had some of
the characteristics of Kipling's cat who walked by his wild lone. He
seldom discussed his plans before finding ways to bring them to
fruition. Although an excellent teacher and able administrator, his
greatest interest, I think, was in planning experiments and
designing equipment for them. Some of these projects were never
completed as, at times, Harry seemed to lose interest when the
constructional problems had been solved. It is possible that a
distaste for data taking and the actual writing of papers
contributed to his extreme selflessness in claiming scientific
credit. He was always a complete antithesis of the professor who
wins advancement and reputation by putting his name on research done
by his students. He was anxious to push his students and colleagues
ahead and kept himself as far in the background as possible. I was
often to find myself the beneficiary of this policy.
In my first year or two at Harvard, I contributed a little analysis
of Harry's earlier data and drew figures and collected references
for a review paper he was then writing. So far as I can remember, he
never thereafter actually wrote a scientific research paper,
although he was a valued coauthor of papers by me and by others. He
always spent a large fraction of his time in the work of technical
committees and in various editorial posts. His criticism and advice
about technical writing were always of great value, and I especially
treasure his rule for giving a ten minute scientific report: eight
minutes establishing the background, one minute about what you
yourself have done, and one minute showing the implications for the
future. Would that more scientists knew and followed this rule!
I remember that my first assignment was to paste large numbers of
Coast and Geodetic Survey maps onto great sheets of wallboard, so
that we had detailed maps showing the altitudes along radio
transmission paths throughout much of southern New England. From
these I, and others, scaled and drew profiles showing the
obstructions on interesting paths such as between Cambridge and
Hartford, Connecticut. These were supposed to help explain why some
very high frequency radio circuits were better than others.
Having discovered that I could draw a little, Professor Mimno had me
sketch the plans for an experimental vehicle that a couple of other
technicians, a pair of graduate students, and I built during my
first winter at Cambridge. This was a relatively rectangular copper
covered van built on the chassis of a 1927 Packard roadster that
Professor Mimno contributed to the cause. It contained three relay
racks for equipment, a large number of storage. batteries in the
regions formerly occupied by running boards, with provisions for
recharging them when electric power was available, and a number of
antennas for various of what were then called the ultrahigh
Professor Mimno 40
frequencies. This van had only one operating defect: it was heavy,
weighing 8200 pounds. Because the Packard chassis, like all others
of its day, had only two wheel brakes, we drove it in fear that we
might come over the top of a hill and come face to face with a red
traffic light. My experience in driving this vehicle has stood me in
good stead for the rest of my life; I still pay great attention to
anything within a couple of hundred yards that might get in my way.
The two graduate students, Paul King and Harner Selvidge, and I
drove this thing to the spring meeting of the Physical Society in
Washington in 1935, just to show it off. It attracted a good bit of
interest and got rather bad pictures of us into the newspapers for
the first time. Professor Mimno hovered in the background with a
gentle smile on his face and let us show off to our hearts' content.
Somehow during this spring I also found time to build a sort of
primeval walkie-talkie. This was much like the radios built for the
Maine fire towers, but better constructed because of the fine shop
facilities available at Harvard. It contained a fairly powerful
transmitter and carried batteries enough to run it for several days.
As a result, the whole thing, which had about the size and something
of the shape of an Adirondack pack basket, weighed about 45 pounds.
It had straps so that it could be toted on the back, but fortunately
we could usually get it where we needed it by car. Both this device
and the "copper battle wagon" got their baptism in the summer of
1935.
"Doc" Selvidge, as part of the work toward his thesis, was trying to
show that the intensity of a radio signal is enhanced near the edge
of the shadow of an obstacle. This is an elementary principle of
optics and the result was clearly implicit in the equivalence of
radio and light waves that had been demonstrated by Heinrich Hertz
nearly fifty years before. There were, however, practical
difficulties in the measurement that made the problem a worthy one.
I had been assigned to help Doc with this work. We had tried
unsuccessfully to transmit a signal from the Arlington Heights water
tower and explore the shadow cast by the northern edge of the
Harvard Stadium against the upper seats on the southern side. As
might have been expected, there were too many reflections from
neighboring objects and, of course, the physical size of the
receiving antenna tended to blur the results. What was needed was a
much larger "knife-edge" and a bigger screen for the shadow to fall
upon.
We found a place for the experiment at Frenchman's Bay in Maine.
Here Mount Cadillac rises sharply about 1500 feet above the water
while, on the eastern side of the bay, the 400-foot crest of
Schoodic peninsula forms a fairly good knife edge. For a signal
transmitted from Mount Cadillac, the edge of the shadow of Schoodic
Bar Harbor 41
falls in the ocean about five miles east of the peninsula. We could
explore the diffraction pattern by receiving in a small boat from
close inshore behind Schoodic to a region fifty or sixty miles from
Mount Cadillac. The signals observed without the knife-edge could be
explored by taking a course along which there was no obstacle, some
twenty degrees south of the path across Schoodic.
In August, 1935, then, Doc and I found ourselves living in a cheap
room in Bar Harbor and "yachting" in the Gulf of Maine. It sounds
unbelievable now but, in those depression days, we were able to hire
an old lobster boat, complete with a young man to drive it, for
$25.00 a week. The technique was as follows. Each morning, when the
weather was fit, one of us would drive the copper truck up Mount
Cadillac and beyond the end of the road across a couple of hundred
yards of rock to the exact peak. In recent years I have walked over
this area and cannot imagine how we could have gotten the car there
without tipping it over. In 1935, however, we were young and didn't
know a serious obstacle when we saw it. The one of us not on the
mountain would have been dropped at the town pier and would go with
"Sonny" Tufts, our boatman, to explore either the shadowed or the
unshadowed course, and occasionally both in the course of a long
day's work. Communications between the boat and the truck were
through the walkie-talkie device, but were not often needed as the
schedule of transmission frequencies and polarizations was usually
established in advance.
Of course any number of things went wrong. Runs had to be repeated
again and again as equipment failed or peculiar effects were
observed. To our surprise, the whole experiment took two months,
running into October when the weather got fairly rough. While we
generally took turns on the mountain, luck saw to it that the most
interesting things happened when I was on the boat.
Our first vessel was the "OIC", always pronounced "oik" by us. She
was a venerable tub, 23 feet long and with a reliable motor, which
is to be expected among lobster boats along such a foggy coast. The
OIC served us well for three or four weeks until one pleasant
afternoon when, without warning, her sternpost and rudder fell off.
This left a considerable hole and she filled fairly rapidly. I
transmitted, using the walkietalkie, what I suppose was the first
SOS ever heard in the amateur five-meter band. To my surprise, I got
a response as my benefactor, Mr. Shaw, was in residence at Prospect
Harbor and heard my call for help. He rushed to the dock,
commandeered the first boat he came to, and chugged out just in time
to transfer all our equipment, except a set of batteries, before the
OIC sank. One of my pleasant memories is of stepping back, just as I
abandoned ship, to snatch the boat's bell as a souvenir. This bell,
suitably mounted and inscribed, was kept for years in the Cruft Lab
secretary's office. It finally came back to me, and now serves as a
Bar Harbor 42
dinner bell.
To my surprise, the owner made no fuss about losing the OIC.
Possibly he was grateful to have had a little income from her in her
last days. Her replacement was a longer boat, shaped somewhat like
an oversized batteau, whose name I do not remember. Her planking was
fairly good, but she suffered from a large number of rotten ribs,
which made her extremely limber. As the weather got worse and the
season later, we were more and more anxious to finish and get back
to Cambridge. We would usually start out in the boat every morning
and decide whether to continue or retreat when we got outside of the
protected waters of Frenchman's Bay.
One day I made the wrong decision and went on when I should have
given up. The outward trip was not too bad as we had a following
sea, but when we turned around we found it extremely rough. Our bow
would be flung high and would come down with a crash, opening seams
because of the bad ribs. After an hour or so we found that the boat
was becoming very heavy, which of course made her pound harder, as
the water was coming in slightly faster than we could pump it out.
It soon became obvious that we would not get to any of the towns on
the mainland. We were not far from Petit Manan light, but knew that
we could not land there because the tide was high and covered what
little beach there was. Everything else failing, we headed for Green
Island, a rocky outcrop near Petit Manan. To our surprise and
delight we found this to be rather like a tiny granite atoll,
obviously designed for distressed seafarers, with a "lagoon" fifty
yards or less in diameter and a narrow opening through which we
could enter. We drove the boat in, ran it aground on a gravelly
beach, and scrambled ashore over the bow and collapsed on the shore,
where we lay for some hours as both Sonny and I were, by this time,
extremely seasick.
We found the remains of a fisherman's hut which served for shelter,
as the weather was fortunately dry. In the morning the "lagoon" was
completely empty at low tide, so we set to work calking the open
seams in the hull. When the tide came in, we rolled the boat over so
that we could calk the second side after the water had gone down
again. Unfortunately the weight of the boat, coupled with the
badness of her ribs, made her spit out most of our first calking. We
had to wait for six tides, improving the calking at each
opportunity, before we judged the boat to be tight enough to get to
the mainland for more permanent repairs.
We were in intermittent communication with Doc Selvidge during this
interval. Each night and morning he would drive up the mountain far
enough to attain line-of-sight to our island and enquire how we were
getting on. He could, of course, have sent us help if we had needed
it. The only difficult part of this communication was to endure
Marooned / Harvard Football 43
Doc's cheery remarks about how good his latest meal had been at our
favorite restaurant. These comments were hard to take, as our food
supply was limited to one or two sandwiches we had not cared to eat
on the first day. We did deliberately skip work on the boat for one
tide, when we discovered that we could, at low tide, wade chest-deep
over to Petit Manan. The lighthouse keeper there had a wife who was
an excellent cook and who provided us with a superb dinner. As an
extra bit of good luck for us, there were two very pretty daughters
who helped greatly to while away the hours until, at the next low
tide, we could wade back to our hut.
This minor adventure brought our expedition to a close. It can go
without saying that the radio waves behaved as they should and the
results helped Doc to get his degree.
I had not been at Harvard long when I fell into the most absolute
sinecure I ever knew about. The Harvard Athletic Association
contracted with a commercial supplier for the main public address
system used during football games at the Harvard Stadium. The
Maintenance Department, however, had several loudspeakers installed
in the press box and owned a small amplifier and microphones that
were used to distribute items of information to reporters. A workman
brought this amplifier before each game and, thank goodness, carried
it up the many steps to the press box on top of the stadium. The
Department insisted that an electronics expert should always be on
hand in case something should happen to the amplifier during a game;
and further insisted that the expert should be backed up by a second
one, presumably in case the first one should have a heart attack
just as the amplifier failed. Ted Hunt easily secured the position
of greater responsibility and I fell heir to the second. For the
services each of us was paid eight dollars for each home game. We
occupied these sinecures for about five years in which nothing ever
went wrong.
It was a pleasure to sit in our shirt sleeves behind glass in the
heated press box (and on the fifty-yard line, at that) and watch the
snow falling on the faithful who had paid good prices for their
seats. It also did our morale no harm to find that a beckoning
finger would produce a steward with hot dogs or coffee as required,
all by courtesy of the H.A.A. It was my good fortune to sit beside a
gentleman named, I think, Whiteside, who ran the scoreboard. I was
told that he had once been the crew coach, unlikely as this seems.
He was, however, a genius in his understanding of football, and I
learned enough from him to acquire an interest in the game that has
persisted ever since. Mr. Whiteside would sit watching the field as
Football / "The Shadow" 44
the formations came into position for each play. At the snap of the
ball his fingers would play briefly over the many buttons on his
control box. By the time the whistle blew to end the play he had
called up the necessary data: the numbers of the men who had carried
the ball and made the tackle, the number of yards still needed, as
well as the position on the field. occasionally Mr. Whiteside would
carefully correct the yards gained by a unit or two after the play
was over, but in general he seemed to know exactly what would happen
before the play began. I was forever asking him why a play gained
thirteen yards when, as far as I could see, the same play had lost
ground a few minutes before. His explanations gave me an insight
into the complexities of the game that had hitherto completely
escaped me. I was sorry when the South African expedition and
subsequent events brought this era to a close. By that time I did
not need the money as badly as at first, but it was hard to give up
a "job" with such minimal and pleasant duties.
In the late fall of 1935, professor Mimno received a request from
the Federal Communications Commission, sent to many radio
experimenters, for help in identifying what had come to be called
"The Shadow". This was a curious form of interference that had
recently sprung up in the high frequency part of the radio spectrum.
Some guesses were wild enough to suppose the Ethiopians to be
jamming the Italian radios (in the only war that was going on at the
time) or vice versa. It happened that professor Mimno's suggestion
that Selvidge, King, and I should see what we could do about this
came just before he left for Europe. Harry had married a charming
girl in Germany in the previous summer, but Hitler had refused to
let her leave the the country without signing over her property to
the Nazi party, or something of that sort. Harry had had to come
back to Cambridge without her in September, and was devoting his
Christmas vacation to another, and successful, attempt to get her to
America.
Paul King and I attacked the new problem while Selvidge wandered off
into some other project. One of our first trials was to use an
oscilloscope in an attempt to decipher the peculiar wave form of the
Shadow signals, and we made the revealing discovery that a few of
the signals had a modulation that was synchronous with the Boston
power line frequency, while many did not. This, of course, proved
that there were a number of sources and the quite new diathermy
machines seemed to be possible culprits. By calling various
companies and acting like potential customers we identified one make
of machine that operated in the right frequency range and might have
the kind of modulation we had observed. It was especially convenient
that we found that the Harvard Athletic Department had recently
bought one. We took the copper truck over beside the Briggs Cage and
found that the suspected equipment put out a strong signal having
the observed characteristics.
"The Shadow" 45
The next steps were easy. Supposing that the radio frequency energy
from the diathermy machine leaked back into the electric power
lines, we borrowed the machine from the Athletic Department and set
it up at Paul's home in Watertown, because his electric power came
in through overhead wires that might perform as a fairly good
antenna. We borrowed a radio call, NDA-1, from the U.S. Navy and
arranged for the Navy to alert its ships and shore stations to
listen for this call at an agreed frequency and time. We modified
the diathermy machine only by installing a tape reader in the plate
supply lead to make it speak in Morse code, and draped the cable
carrying the radiofrequency current around the floor in Paul's
living room until we brought the frequency to the agreed value. The
results were spectacular. The Navy reported strong signals from all
over the North Atlantic and the eastern half of the United States.
The Shadow had been tracked to its lair.
The Federal Communications Commission promptly revealed the culprit
and we were attacked by numbers of reporters. At this point we could
not resist a practical joke. Having explained the experiment we
carefully emphasized that the work had been done under the direction
of Professor Mimno. The response was always, "Where is Professor
Mimno? We want to talk to him." To this we answered, "Oh, he is
arriving in New York tomorrow morning on the S.S. Bremen", and left
him to the mercies of the ship-news reporters.
Harry never admitted just how much he had been annoyed by this jest,
but I think he had his gentle revenge the next year when I was to
spend a week in London. He gave me a resounding letter of
introduction to Ralph Stranger of the British Broadcasting
Corporation. I presented this at my first opportunity only to find
that Mr. Stranger was not available that day. Other BBC engineers
were very kind in showing me around, however. I think I tried again
to find Mr. Stranger but not successfully although I was treated
with the most perfect politeness, by other people, and had an
excellent introduction into the ways and workings of the BBC. It was
not until several years later that I discovered that there was no
Ralph Stranger; that this was a pen name used by any of a group of
BBC engineers when they wished to write a popular article of less
than professional merit.
In my first year or two at Harvard I enjoyed a personal and
technical acquaintance with Arthur Bent, a neighbor and friend of
Mr. Shaw in Exeter, New Hampshire. Arthur also was a dilettante
experimenter and was helping Dr. Brooks of the Blue Hill
Meteorological Observatory to make the first trials with balloon-
borne weather reporting devices. The Observatory had developed light
and cheap measuring instruments and Arthur was making tiny radio
transmitters powered by small flashlight batteries. These devices,
being heavy by today's standards, were lifted by eight or ten
weather balloons in tandem. I helped to fill and launch these on one
or two occasions, but the time I remember most happily was when I
was not at Blue Hill but listening to the signal at the laboratory.
I had no equipment for deciphering the telemetered pressure and
temperature readings, but I soon discovered that the frequency of
the transmitter was drifting slowly but steadily as the balloons
rose into the colder and colder regions of the atmosphere. I
recorded and plotted the frequency against time and was able to tell
when the instruments reached the base of the stratosphere where the
temperature becomes constant. Since I knew this height
approximately, I had determined the rate of rise of the balloons,
and was able to call Arthur an hour or two later and congratulate
him on reaching a height of seventy-five or eighty thousand feet.
Arthur never could understand how I determined this altitude as soon
as he did.
My only contribution to this program was minor but mildly
interesting. The signals from most of the flights failed quickly in
the stratosphere or below when the batteries froze. By experimenting
in a dry-ice box, I found that it helped to wrap the batteries with
a couple of feet of resistance wire and surround them with cotton
batting. By "wasting" about half of the available power in heating
the batteries themselves, the signals could be kept alive two or
three times longer. This technique was used for a time, until better
overall thermal insulation was achieved.
7.
The Eclipse Expedition to the Soviet Union
At the end of 1935 Professor Mimno called Selvidge, King, and me
into his office to ask us, "Do you know where Ak-Bulak is?" When we
denied any knowledge, he said, "You had better find out. I think
you're going there". This was our introduction to the Harvardskaya
Ekspeditzia Solnechnovo Zatmenia (if my transliteration is accurate
enough), or the Harvard M.I.T. Solar Eclipse Expedition of 1936.
We soon found that Ak-Bulak is a small town in Kazakhstan, a section
of the Soviet Union that might be spoken of as southwestern Siberia.
It is on the rail line from Orenburg to Alma Ata, nearly south of
the Ural Mountains and barely over the line into Asia. It is in a
region picturesquely and accurately known as "the Hungry Steppe". We
found later that it is in a large alkaline plain where there is a
very sparse grass, but where any kind of crops or trees can be grown
only within a few yards of a stream and most of the streams are dry
in the summer.
A total solar eclipse is ordinarily observed where a rail line, or
some other mode of transportation for heavy equipment, crosses the
narrow path of totality. If there are several such intersections,
the place is chosen after a great deal of study of the probability
of clear skies in the various areas. It seems to be a general rule
that the selected site will be in a region where there are almost no
facilities for gracious living and all supplies must be imported.
The town in Russia had been chosen by the American astronomers and
physicists because it was to be the location for the expedition
conducted by Dr. Gerasimovic, who was the director of the famous
Poulkovo Observatory near Leningrad. Dr. Gerasimovic had worked at
Harvard for a year or two and was considered to be among the dozen
greatest astronomers in the world. He was also the head of the
organization charged with carrying out the Soviet Union's very
generous provisions for receiving and helping all foreign
expeditions.
Dr. Menzel, the leader of the Harvard M.I.T. expedition, had been
receptive to the idea of sending ionospheric sounding equipment to
observe the eclipse. The nominal reason was to see whether a
"corpuscular effect" could be detected. Because the sun emits heavy
charged particles that travel much more slowly than do light rays,
the corpuscular eclipse, if it existed, would occur at a somewhat
different place and a considerably different time than the visible
eclipse. It is, however, possible that a great attraction for the
48
astronomers was the presumed fact that the radio observations could
go on despite cloudy weather. They could then provide some results
for the expedition even if optical measurements should be
impossible.
It was at least three months before it became certain that funds
enough to send all three of us could be promoted. This interval was
filled with activity. I spent much of the time designing and
building a pulse transmitter that could be swept through a quite
wide frequency range to the ionospheric layers. This involved my
first real invention at Harvard: a variometer of new design that
provided a large variation in frequency while permitting the
transmitter to operate with nearly constant power output.
The eclipse was to occur on June 19th, 1936. Because no one knew the
normal characteristics of the ionosphere over Kazakhstan, it would
be necessary for us to operate our equipment for a couple of months,
obtaining control data to define the normal variations with the time
of day. While Cruft Lab was busy with all the technical details, and
with the packing, the State Department was finding out how to get
permission to use the equipment. We were assured, finally, that a
good source of electric power would be found in Ak-Bulak, and
authorization to import our gear was obtained. Radio transmitting
licenses, or the Russian equivalent, were to be given us when we
passed through Moscow.
We three boys, with half a dozen tons of equipment, sailed from New
York on the SS Washington in early April, along with Dr. Menzel and
other members of the first contingent of astronomers. The Washington
was the sweetest smelling ship I ever sailed on, as she carried a
cargo of fifty million Washington Delicious apples consigned to
Cherbourg. I spent part of the ocean voyage in the third class
lounge of the Washington writing my first scientific paper at
Harvard, about the design of the variometer. We spent a few days in
London and Doc Selvidge and I found time to hire a car and explore
the environs as far as Cambridge, Oxford, and Stratford on Avon. In
London we were received by Professor (later Sir Edward) Appleton, by
far the most famous man in ionospheric research, who was, a few
years later, to be awarded a Nobel Prize for his work.
It was also at this time that I made the acquaintance of the BBC, as
mentioned above. My happiest recollection there is of happening to
be in the main control room when teatime arrived. This room had an
immense console, with positions for fully a score of operators (when
so many might be needed) each of whom had a board full of mixing
switches and gain controls for sending any or all of several
programs to any or all of a number of radio networks. As I recall
it, about half of the positions were occupied when the clocks
indicated teatime. The double doors at the end of the room opened
and stewards wheeled two large tea wagons into the room. Each
operator flipped up his control switches ("down" still means "on" in
England) and turned around on his stool to receive his tea and
scones. As far as I could tell, all radio broadcasting in Britain
stopped for twenty minutes or so. In those days, before advertising
appeared in the British air, it was assumed that everyone in the
country would be having his tea at the time and no one would be
interested in radio just then.
In our travels, Doc and I had happened to be in Stratford about
April 20th. I still remember, on every 23rd of that month, the
bulletin board we saw in front of the Shakespeare Theatre, which
said:
April 23rd
"Much Ado about Nothing"
Shakespeare's Birthday
We proceeded by train to Hull and took a Finnish ship to Helsinki,
with a stop of about twenty-four hours in Copenhagen. On this trip
Doc and I had the luck to become acquainted with two Finnish girls,
Lisa and Greta. They taught me, among other things, how to
disassemble an anchovy gracefully, and they were a great help in
giving us a quick introduction to the charms of Denmark. Copenhagen
was, as it still remains, the finest city in Europe in which to
amuse oneself. It then provided amazingly inexpensive entertainment,
although most other prices seemed comparable to those in the United
States. An afternoon movie, dinner at a good restaurant, a few hours
at Tivoli including a concert by Kirsten Flagstad, and supper at a
night club, with intervening taxis, cost us a total of about five
dollars a couple.
It was in Denmark that I first developed a distaste for trying
foreign languages. I had never before found myself faced with a
strange tongue. On our first walk in Copenhagen, I found that I
needed cigarets. I identified a tobacco store by the displays in the
window and went in, with the others in the group betting loudly that
I would not be able to get what I wanted. Not having any idea what
Danish sounded like, I went up to the counter and said firmly, "I
would like some cigarets, if you please". "Yes, sir!", said the
clerk, "Turkish or Virginia?" I am ashamed to say that since then
most of my conversations with foreigners have been conducted in much
the same way.
It happened that the Bell Telephone Company had only recently opened
the "first" ship-to-shore telephone service at a minimum charge of
$9.00. I was consequently greatly surprised, at breakfast on the
morning after leaving Copenhagen, to hear Lisa remark that she
thought she would telephone her grandmother in Helsinki, and I was
especially startled when she said that the call would cost two
shillings. I presently followed her to the radio room where she
spoke to the operator, who used his morse key for a minute or two
and then motioned her to a small telephone booth in a corner. She
talked to her grandmother successfully and, when she came out, paid
the operator 20 Finnish marks, or 44 cents. I enquired into this
phenomenon carefully. It appeared that the practical Finns had
observed that very minor modifications would convert their
telegraphic equipment for voice operation. Since this service could
be provided cheaply, they charged little for it. No guarantee of
successful operation was offered, in case the ship were too far from
home or if transmission conditions were bad. This episode caused me
to question the American habit of waiting until highly professional
and reliable service could be provided and then charging a high
price for it. It still seems to me that there may often be good
reason to offer an inexpensive but useful service, even if it cannot
always be completely satisfactory. It may be of interest to compare
this story with the record, described above, of the tolerance of bad
service by the same telephone company, when we had tried to improve
it in western Maine. This experience on the Finnish ship, however,
remains the first of a number of instances in which I came to wonder
whether the American way was necessarily the best.
There had been the customary "last night out" party on the
Washington, but it was not nearly so memorable as the last night on
the A "Last Night Out" Finnish ship. The fun really started at
lunch, when Greta began questioning us about a gentleman we had met
in London. He was a Jesuit priest and wellknown astronomer, who was
leading an expedition to some other part of the Soviet Union, and
happened to be travelling on the same ship with us. We had been
carefully instructed to call him "Doctor" rather than "Father" in
the Soviet Union, and he had left his clerical garb in London and
was now wearing a business suit. Greta exhibited some shook at
learning that he was a priest, so we of course pressed her for the
reason for her interest. She explained that he had been offering her
a supply of American cigarets if she would come to his cabin to get
them; and she had some doubts about his intentions. Doc and I found
the opportunity too good to miss. We assured Greta that if, after
supper when the priest would be sitting with his expedition members
in the smoking room, she passed by on the outside and gave him what
was then known as a "come hither" look, he would be sure to join
her. She was then to agree to accept his cigarets and, after passing
by to give us a signal we invented, get into his cabin and close the
door. She would then scream and the rest of us would burst in and
"save" her.
This plot started very well. After we had all been in various parts
of the smoking room for a while, Greta slipped outside and presently
drifted past the windows, giving the priest a look that Doc or I
might have enjoyed receiving. The good father promptly excused
himself and disappeared. Then there was a long interval with no
signal from Greta. When we could stand the suspense no longer, Doc
and I took a turn around the decks to see what we could discover. We
saw Greta in a little cubbyhole called the music room, at a table by
the window. She was alone, but there were two drinks on the table
and she motioned us to keep away. Doc carelessly made some jubilant
remark about the two glasses just as the priest came around the
corner of the deck house, apparently headed for the door of the
music room. Doc, I think, made things worse by trying to pretend
that he had speaking of his eyeglasses. In any event, the highly
intelligent priest promptly returned to the smoking room and
barricaded himself behind the other members of his expedition.
Doc and I went back to Lisa and we waited a long time, but Greta did
not return. After a while we set out to find her, which we finally
did. She was in a dark corner at the aft end of the boat deck being
thoroughly kissed by a man we had never seen before. Her new friend
presently brought her back to the smoking room and spent the rest of
the evening pouring drinks into her. At the end of the evening, when
Greta had obviously taken as much as she could hold, Lisa rescued
her and took her to the girls' cabin. The entertainment did not end
even then, as Greta's new man and another, who also had had too much
to drink, spent much of the night trying to gain access to the
girls' room. When their intermittent visits to pound on the door had
created disturbance enough, this problem was solved. Dr. Menzel and
Wallace Brode, the two largest men in our party, changed cabins with
the girls. When the two drunks made their next visit, the
astronomers opened the door and scared the visitors into relative
sobriety.
We landed at Helsinki in the early morning. While I was waiting in
line at the customs shed, I was suddenly conscious of an alcoholic
aura creeping up about me. Turning, I discovered Greta weaving her
way across the floor, coming to claim a goodby kiss.
When I had administered this restorative, I realized that she was
followed by at least a dozen members of her family who had come to
meet her. They were individually introduced in correct not to say
prim Finnish form, and I still occasionally wonder what they must
have been thinking.
A day in Helsinki was a delight, the absolute cleanliness of the
city being a revelation. I had the feeling that I would not hesi
tate to sit on any curb in white flannels. Helsinki is known for its
excellent modern buildings. I was particularly impressed by the
Parliament building of pink Finnish granite, apparently growing out
of the top of a modest hill which was covered with green lawns
interrupted by outcroppings of the same beautiful stone. The city
seemed to have more and better statues than any other I have seen.
One disadvantage was the absolute strangeness of the Finnish
language. No advertising signs or inscriptions were in the least
intelligible to one with only traces of Latin, French, and German.
After a few hours of wandering around Helsinki, enjoying everything
but understanding nothing written, I came upon a large statue of
three nude blacksmiths working at an anvil, uncomfortable as that
may sound. The pedestal of the statue had a long inscription which I
had nearly deciphered to the end before I realized that it was in
Latin.
This lack of communication did not include the spoken word. Lisa and
Greta had explained to us that a Finnish child first learned (after
Finnish) Swedish, then German, and then English; and normally had
had nine years of English before graduating from high school. The
great department store Stockmann's, for example, had the largest
English bookstore in Europe and would hire no clerk who did not
speak English. Because of his shyness, it was often hard to get a
Finn to use English, but after this barrier had been broken we
usually found that he spoke the language more accurately than we
did.
The time in Helsinki passed all too quickly, aided by the first and
finest Finnish bath I ever had, and we found ourselves on the night
train to Leningrad. The examination at the border, which was then
much closer to Leningrad than it is today, was the most complete and
time consuming I have ever experienced. It seemed to require the
services of a dozen officers of gradually increasing rank, but
because the ceremonies were conducted entirely in Russian, we did
not understand either the problems or solutions.
Another hour or two on the train brought us to Leningrad, where we
were transferred to the Astoria Hotel. The Astoria was the Intourist
first class hotel and still had some of its prerevolutionary
elegance. The stone exterior was liberally pockmarked with wartime
bullet holes, and most of the draperies had apparently not been
changed (and some perhaps not dusted) since the revolution. It was,
however, except for a characteristic Russian lethargy in the
service, a fine hotel; and the dining room was actually the best I
have eaten in regularly. I must explain that one of the generous
concessions for foreign expeditions was to give us Intourist first
class tickets, which covered hotels, meals, and transportation, for
the third class price, which was then $5.00 per day. In a hotel
restaurant, our firstclass tickets gave us carte blanche, with no
limit on what and how much we ate. We enjoyed a game of trying to
eat, at the prices listed on the menu, $20.00 worth of food at a
meal. I still recall, with nostalgia, the "chicken cutlets", the
Souffle' Alaska, and the quantities of fresh Beluga caviar we ate.
Leningrad (formerly St. Petersburg) is a beautiful and fascinating
city. It was founded in 1703 when Peter the Great decided to move
his capital to have access to the Baltic sea for the fleet he wished
to have. As the Grand Dukes and lesser members of the court moved
there, they built palaces as near that of the Tsar as their status
permitted. Leningrad is therefore more or less a city of palaces,
three or four miles in diameter, with a surrounding ring of wooden
cabins to house the necessary shopkeepers and other supporting
tradesmen. My favorite was St. Isaac's Cathedral, dating from 1820
and now an "antireligious" museum. At the time I saw it, the
cathedral contained the first of the frozen mammoths from Siberia.
St. Isaac's is built of the beautiful Finnish granite, with
monolithic columns sixty feet high and seven feet in diameter. It
has a dome in which the Soviets have hung a Foucault pendulum that
they claim is one hundred meters long. I timed it carefully and
could only give it credit for ninety-two meters but, even so, it
must be one of the longest anywhere. The building looks new. The
stone is meticulously polished and I could not find a crack in the
mortar. The eastern wall of the interior is especially impressive.
Except for a few mosaics of saints, it is completely panelled with
irregular polished sheets of malachite.
We visited many of the tourist attractions, being especially
fascinated by the contents of the Winter Palace and the Hermitage
Museum, which were then separate. The Soviets have a way of
collecting all the great art of a type in a single place. The
Hermitage was always one of the great art museums of the world, and
the addition to it of other collections has made it stupendous. We
also enjoyed a visit to the Summer Palace at Tsarskoe Selo.
Catherine's Palace there is especially magnificent. It was built
under the specification, "Make it like Versailles, but bigger". The
rooms occupied by the last Tsar and Tsarina are especially touching.
The Tsar's is highly functional, dominated by a large desk and an
immense bed, while the Tsarina's is cluttered in Victorian fashion,
with every inch of wall space covered by an icon. One can understand
how Rasputin could attain such dominance over her mind.
I am sorry that the room that pleased me most in Catherine's Palace
can no longer be the same. It was relatively small, possibly thirty
by forty feet, with walls fifteen or more feet high, and was
completely lined with a mosaic of amber. In this room the Soviets
exhibited all of the finest amber artifacts in the country, such as
punch bowls nearly two feet in diameter, each carved from a single
block of amber by one of the finest artists. Some of the carved
pieces were a curious form of pornography: beautiful sea shells
Leningrad in 1936 54
with, in the bottom of each one, two or three small nude figures in
the most indecent positions imaginable. Apparently there had been an
era in which the courtiers vied to see who could have executed the
finest example of this peculiar form of art. I am sorry to have
heard that the Germans, during the siege of Leningrad, destroyed or
carried away the entire contents of this room.
At Poulkovo Observatory we had our first experience with a Russian
party, given for two or three expeditions that were passing through
Leningrad at the time. The food and drink were supplied in copious
quantities, but the thing that most impressed us was the way a group
of people would suddenly be inspired to move to one end of the room
and form a chorus, singing beautifully. Or perhaps they would clear
the tables away from the center of the room to show us their amateur
versions of Cossack dances. Here we first saw evidence of a fact
that frequently impressed us; that the Russians could completely
forget their problems and show greater signs of enjoyment than most
Americans can.
We were in Leningrad at the right time to see the May Day parade.
Everyone assured us that this was not equal to the Moscow
celebration, but it was sufficiently impressive. We were given seats
in the reviewing stand in front of the Winter Palace, which may have
held two or three hundred of the specially favored officials, while
the parade poured in through the several streets opening into
Admiralty Square and joined to pass between us and the great
Nicholas column in the center of the square. Leningrad had a
population of about three million, and people claimed that there
were at least two million in the parade. They passed by at a fairly
rapid rate, usually forty or fifty abreast, for fully ten hours.
There must have been at least a hundred thousand "red" flags,
ranging from scarlet, maroon, and crimson, through cerise and orange
to pink. So far as I know, no one watched the parade except the few
in the reviewing stand. My favorite groups were a band that marched
by playing the "Maine Stein Song", and a factory soviet that carried
a tennis court with an excellent game of mixed doubles being played
on it.
The next day we took the train to Moscow, where we were to spend
about a week. I remember very little about that city, at this time,
because we spent most of our days at the American Embassy, or
visiting various officials with an Embassy representative, trying to
straighten out our authorizations.
On May third or fourth, we were taken to see Lenin's Tomb. Because
of the holiday season, the line waiting for admission wound back and
fourth the length of Red Square half a dozen times. It obviously
would have required waiting all day, except that our Intourist guide
spoke to one of the Red Army guards at the entrance to the tomb. The
guards then took their rifles off their shoulders and used them
horizontally to push back the crowd at the entrance so that we could
be bowed in. Lenin's body is displayed with impressive effect. One
goes down far underground, following the crowd step by step in
gradually fading light. On entering the burial chamber in almost
total darkness, one comes up two or three steps and passes by the
side of the glass sarcophagus, which is dimly lighted from the four
upper corners. Lenin lies there in a simple army jacket with his
hands folded on the outside of a crimson velvet coverlet that is
drawn up over his body. No one can see this without emotion.
All of our and the Embassy's efforts to obtain our radio licenses
failed. Every request we made, either through the Academy of
Sciences or through some other channel, disappeared into the "region
of darkness", the "gaypayoo", later OGPU, and never heard of again.
The ultimate opinion, informally agreed to by the Embassy, was that
no one dared say "yes" to the radical proposal to allow foreigners
to make Moscow to Ak-Bulak radio transmissions in the Soviet Union.
The result of this opinion was that we said to ourselves, "Here we
are, distinguished foreign scientists (by definition), invited by
the government and granted all sorts of assistance. Certainly no one
will dare object, no matter what we do". As time was running out, we
decided that we had to go ahead with our plans and see what
happened.
I remember little about the two and a half day train ride from
Moscow except the heat and the necessity of closing windows in our
compartments or otherwise protecting our belongings whenever the
train stopped. Without such precaution hands or long sticks with
hooks at the end would reach in the windows and grope around to see
what could be caught.
We arrived at Ak-Bulak quite early in the morning. My first shocks
were to find that most of the people resembled Mongolians while most
of the beasts of burden were camels. Somehow these ideas were
entirely new to me. Ak-Bulak was supposed to be a town of 9,000
people, but our private estimates were more like 2,000. There were a
few horses and oxen among the camels, but the only automobiles were
two Russian imitations of the Ford Model A that had been brought in
to support the two expeditions. I never thought to enquire where the
gasoline for these cars came from.
Provisions for our accomodation were simple. A temporary railroad
siding had been built at an angle to the main line. Onto this had
been pushed an old pre-revolutionary private car with a dining room,
a kitchen, and three or four bedrooms. There was also a regular
WagonLit, to supply extra bedrooms, and a baggage car. Later, as
more astronomers arrived, one or two more Wagons-Lit were added, and
finally even a bath car. Perhaps railroad switches were in short
supply that year. Whatever the reason, our siding was not connected
to the main line except on the occasions when our cars were to be
rearranged or additions made to our "train". At these times, spikes
were removed from a section of the main line so that the rails could
be bent around to connect to our spur. Each time this happened, the
rails seemed to kink in a different place so that, by the time we
left, the main line looked rather like the trail of a drunken snake.
Our train had an adequate supply of cooks, waiters, and stewards who
were attached to us for the duration. They were headed, thank
goodness, by Jerry Gourievitch who, when at home, was the manager of
one of the Moscow hotels, and who spoke good English with a Brooklyn
accent, as he had lived in that city for some years. The second and
major shock came within an hour or two of our arrival, when we
discovered that the 220-volt 50-cycle electric power we had been
promised did not exist. Installation of this had apparently been
part of an earlier five-year plan, and Moscow did not know that it
had never been done. Doc Selvidge got a magnificent photograph of
several of the expedition people with horrified expressions as they
received this bit of news. For many years a copy of this picture
hung on one of the bulletin boards at the lab, entitled "What! No
AC?" The only electricity in town came from a small DC generator
that was operated from sunset to one A.M., to supply a few lights at
the railroad station. We spent a few days in turmoil, the question
being whether we could improvise something or whether we radio
people would have to move to Tomsk or Omsk, where we would be out of
touch with the rest of the expedition and where no provisions had
been made for us.
We finally worked our way out of this difficulty. Someone found, in
Orenburg, an old six-kilowatt rotary converter that was intended to
change 150 volts DC to 220 volts AC. There was in Ak-Bulak one
accessible piece of power equipment; an old German diesel engine
that ran a small grain mill. This engine had one cylinder with about
22 inch bore and 24inch stroke, and a flywheel fourteen feet in
diameter. It operated at about 50 R.P.M. and was supposed to deliver
50 horsepower. The grain mill was called the Prosobdir and was a
mile or more from our railroad siding.
We induced the Russians, through our steward Jerry and the local
Communist Party leader, Sheegin, to drive the converter (as a
generator) from the diesel. They belted a three-foot wheel attached
to the flywheel up to a six-inch pulley on a countershaft and from a
thirty-inch wheel on the countershaft to a five-inch wheel on the
generator. This brought the speed up to 1800 R.P.M. and gave us an
average of 60-cycle frequency.
The Russian method for splicing belts bothered us a great deal.
There were various scraps of belting around the Prosobdir, but no
very long ones. These scraps were five or six inches wide and a
large fraction of an inch thick. The Russian technique was to
overlap the ends of the belts a dozen inches and put six or eight
stove bolts through the overlapping parts. What happened when one of
these joints went around a five- or six-inch pulley was a shame. I
shall always remember that there were five splices in one of our
belts and two in the other. These beat out a kind of syncopated
Conga rhythm as they passed around our pulleys. Instead of a steady
60-cycle frequency we had something that jumped erratically from 50
to 70 cycles.
Unfortunately, our primitive radio sounding equipment depended on
the powerline frequency for its calibration of the heights of the
ionospheric layers. The situation was intolerable. We spent hours
pleading for new belts (we had not yet learned to scream and yell
and bang on the desk) but it appeared that belts were in short
supply that year and new ones were not even available in Moscow.
This stalemate lasted, while we were getting our equipment running
after a fashion, until Dr. Gerasimovic arrived at Ak-Bulak. Taking
advantage of his position as chairman of all the Russian eclipse
work, I met him on the station platform in the early morning with a
full account of our grievances. A few hours later, when time
permitted, he came to take a thoughtful look at the wild behavior of
our frequency meter and we all adjourned to the Prosobdir, with Dr.
Gerasimovic accompanied by a crowd of twenty-five or thirty yesmen
and flunkies. After watching our seven splices for a few minutes he
spoke about fifty words in Russian. At this signal, half a dozen
people broke out of the crowd around him and took off at a run.
Within thirty minutes we had new belts. They obviously must have
come from a small grain elevator that was very much out of bounds,
and about which I shall say more later. We found some leather to cut
up and laced these belts ourselves in American fashion. The results
were excellent as the frequency remained quite stable, except that
it dropped every time a sack of grain was thrown into the mill. This
did not bother us too much, as we arranged to have the exclusive use
of the diesel at critical times, especially during the eclipse.
The village of Ak-Bulak had a few wooden buildings, including the
Prosobdir and the railroad station. Some houses were of wood in the
conventional Russian country style with lots of gingerbread
decorations. They were not painted. The great majority were built of
sundried bricks. These started with a pit, usually about three feet
deep, so that the side walls were often no more than three or four
feet high. These were whitewashed, at least when new. The lifetime
of such a building, exposed to the Siberian winter, was apparently
only five or six years. Some houses consisted of three or four such
rooms, and a new room might be added each year or two while the
oldest rooms, at the other end of the house, gradually collapsed. As
a result, the houses tended to creep around the building lots,
rather like the pattern in a game of dominoes. The family and
whatever livestock it had all lived together, and the density of
smells and flies and other insects was so forbidding that we
practically never entered one of these houses, even in the rare
cases when we were invited.
We had the doubtful privilege of watching bricks made. The technique
was to dig a pit twenty or thirty feet in diameter and three or four
feet deep, or until a stratum of clay was exposed. Some water was
added and two or three horses were driven into the pit. Then fifteen
or twenty men would surround the pit and lash the horses for an hour
or two, until the clay was reduced to a suitable consistency. The
bricks were then formed and set out to dry, exactly as in other
parts of the world.
For reasons probably lost since the days of the caravans, the main
street in Ak-Bulak was fully a hundred yards wide. It was, of
course, all sand and was dense enough to drive on easily. Somewhere
near the middle was a single cart track marking the preferred path
to follow. This was a little firmer and smoother than the rest. One
day I had the pleasure of watching the drivers of the only two cars
within a hundred miles play "chicken" on this path. They happened to
be coming from the opposite ends and neither would consider turning
out for the other. They both began blowing their horns violently
when scores of yards apart and sounded them continuously until they
were forced to stop with the radiators within a yard of each other.
Then the drivers got out and shouted at each other for ten minutes,
to try to determine which should get off the beaten path.
The grain elevator stood beside this main street between our siding
and the Prosobdir. We often passed it several times a day, usually
either on foot or on bicycles. I have never seen an institution that
this part of Kazakhstan had been denied supplies during the famine
so obviously well guarded as this elevator. The reason was
presumably of 1932 and 1933, and many people had starved. The
members of our expedition were, I believe, the first foreigners to
be allowed to visit the area after that episode. The grain elevator
stood inside a solid wooden fence ten feet high with a single gate.
Inside the fence was a large pack of dogs -- or possibly wolves --
as well as we could tell from their appearance and their howling. At
each side of the gate was a bench on which sat a half a dozen
Mongolian guards. For the whole two months we were there, these
guards never showed any sign of relaxation. As we came within fifty
yards they would get up and cock their rifles. They would then keep
us carefully covered until we reached a safe distance beyond the
gate. Because these guards had the most unreliable look of anyone I
never saw on the "wrong" end of a gun, the tension we felt when we
passed them was extremely real.
The climate in Ak-Bulak was supposed to range from fifty or sixty
Life in Ak-Bulak 59
degrees Fahrenheit below zero in the winter to one hundred and
thirty degrees more or less in the summer. I could easily believe
this as the daily range in temperature was phenomenal, presumably as
a result of the alkaline soil and sparse vegetation. Near the middle
of May a thin layer of ice would form on a pail of water left out
overnight, and the temperature would reach a hundred in the
afternoon. When we got up in the morning we would put on all the
clothes we had, and then gradually remove them (or most of them)
before lunch time. In the late afternoon we would begin reversing
the operation. I had with me a maximum-minimum thermometer. Someone
stole it about the first of June, but before then it had reached a
hundred and twelve degrees in the shade. To add to our discomfort,
there would be a sandstorm every afternoon about four o'0lock. This
was driven by the strong wind that seems to prevail in such a hot,
flat, treeless area. I don't think anyone was caught out in it more
than once. We learned rapidly to keep track of the time, and
especially to get inside of some structure when we saw the brown fog
rolling across the desert.
The authorities had been kind and had sent to Ak-Bulak the first
bathtub that town had ever seen. This was installed in a steam
bathhouse that, so far as we saw, was little used, and we had the
place to ourselves twice a week. There were no proper faucets, but
hot and cold pipes with valves stuck straight out over the end of
the tub. The cold water behaved reasonably well, but the hot pipe
sent forth a horizontal geyser of about eighty percent steam and
twenty percent boiling water, because it came directly from the
boiler for the steam bath. This stream would shoot across the tub
from end to end with very little falling into it. Judicious
deflection with a bit of board would cause some of the hot water to
fall into the tub, and a suitable temperature could gradually be
attained. There was no stopper for the tub but someone had whittled
the end of a block of wood so that it served fairly well. At the end
of one's first bath, he got out and pulled the plug. He then found
that there was no drainpipe, as the dirty water gushed out over the
mud floor and over his feet. Washing them required at least part of
a second bath. A lattice of slats high enough to keep the bather
above high tide level presently solved this problem. On a twice a
week schedule in such a climate we really needed these baths.
Unfortunately, the walk back to our siding in the sand and the heat
often made us feel ready for another bath by the time we got there.
The Kazakh, Tatar, and Bashkir majority of the male population
apparently solved the problems of heat and cold by being sewn into
their sheepskins and wearing felt boots which they may, for all I
know, have taken off at night. Much of their clothing seemed to be
changed only when it fell apart. I dare say that if one is careful
not to move rapidly, the sheepskins may keep out heat as well as
cold.
Life in Ak-Bulak 60
These men were certainly, for their size, the strongest I have ever
seen. When we brought our equipment from the freight station to our
operating site, a low cart drawn by two oxen was, for some reason,
left thirty or forty yards away down a small grade from the
platform. The "Mongolian" porters, who averaged about five feet
three inches and looked as though they might weigh a hundred pounds
if divested of their sheepskins, then picked up our boxes and
carried them to the wagon. I had weighed these in Cambridge and knew
that most of them were in the range from two hundred to two hundred
and fifty pounds. One of our boxes was too much for them. It
contained a large relay rack and a heavy power supply and was built
into a box that looked like a privy. It weighed over four hundred
pounds. The solution for carrying this box was to have two of the
porters pick it up and lay it on the back of a third, who then
carried it to the wagon where two others unloaded him.
The local women usually wore long, heavy, and full skirts. We saw
them doing all kinds of work, but we ultimately decided that the
best wife must be the one who got out into the streets earliest in
the morning to collect, in her apron, part of the days accumulation
of camel and other dung, for drying and burning.
We occasionally walked a couple of miles to the bank of the Iletsk
River, the only body of visible water in the neighborhood. It was,
as will be imagined, flat and slow moving, but it did flow most of
the summer, and had some rushes along the banks. Here we saw many
birds that I took to be a kind of Arctic tern. They were, whatever
the kind, graceful and highly maneuverable. They darted around
rapidly in complicated patterns and were, as far as I can recall,
the only birds I noticed in the Soviet Union.
The only other non-domesticated creature that I remember seeing in
Kazakhstan was a European hedgehog that lived with us for a time. I
feel some doubt about the matter of domestication, but I incline to
believe that it simply recognized a good source of food and did not
object too strenuously to a modest amount of handling. I had never
seen such an animal and admired the almost perfect ball he could
form when he wished to indicate that he had had enough attention for
the time being. The ball was almost completely covered with spines
an inch or so long, but the spines were of uniform length and not so
sharp as those of a porcupine, so that the hedgehog could be held in
the hand without discomfort if no great pressure were applied. I
found the sensation quite different when someone induced Herkemish,
as we called the creature, to settle in my sleeping-bag before I
retired. I think Herky must have been carried at times between the
train and the astronomical site some ten miles away, as he was
certainly a pet of both astronomers and radio men; with some
assistance from the cooks and stewards. I recall seeing him drink
milk from a saucer, but somehow I have no recollection of what he
must have eaten. Where he was found I think I never knew.
Comrade Sheegin procured a lot of aluminum wire for us and we had a
"power" line run from the Prosobdir to our baggage car. We installed
our pulse transmitters, which constituted most of our power
requirement, in a small building beside the grain mill. The Russians
went so far as to whitewash the room and turn it over to us clean
and empty, save for a large print of Stalin in a bright red frame.
The power line had to carry only enough for our receivers, one small
communications transmitter, and a few lights. The line resistance
was high and the regulation bad, so we had to be careful to keep a
fairly constant load at the end of the line. The Russians also
installed for us, along the same route, two lengths of surveyed
Signal Corps twisted pair that we had scrounged from some Army
installation in the United States. We used these for our own
telephone and for control lines for the transmitters. After sampling
the Wagon-Lit beds while we were unpacking, we of the radio crew
settled for using our sleeping bags on the floor of the baggage car,
so this became our home.
We soon discovered that increasing the electrical load at the
baggage car would slow down the generator at the Prosobdir, lowering
its frequency and causing an apparent reduction in the height of the
ionized layers. We spent several hours one day making a photographic
record while throwing a load on and off on a time schedule, so that
the apparent height of the E layer was varied in the form of morse
characters spelling out "Hello Harry". We mailed this to Professor
Mimno but he never received it. I suppose the Soviets took it to be
a cipher message, which it really was, and censored it into the
nearest wastebasket.
Except for delays of a few days in our cabled messages to and from
Cambridge, censorship bothered us in only one way. Just to see what
would happen, I had subscribed to the New York Times for the period
of our stay in Ak-Bulak. Between half and two-thirds of the copies
arrived in reasonable time. The rest were never heard of, and we
deduced that the Soviets simply threw them out if they happened to
contain information that they did not wish to have circulated in
Russia.
Arthur Collins, of the young Collins Radio Company, had donated to
the expedition a fine amateur transmitter with about 250 watts of
power. We officially used this to communicate with the astronomical
branch of the expedition at its field site ten miles away. They used
a smaller transmitter, begged from the Bell Telephone Laboratory.
Since we had no licenses we simply invented our own call letters,
which began with U, the standard initial letter for Russian
stations. We used URAD for the call of the radio party and UAST for
Communication 62
the astronomers.
We soon discovered that we could communicate, even by voice, with
amateurs all over Europe and northern Africa, and could occasionally
get through to stations in the United States. One contact was
especially useful to us. Olof Rydbeck, a technical-college student
in Stockholm, soon became a good enough friend to take messages for
Cambridge and cable them to Professor Mimno, returning answers by
the same route. This cut the time to get a question answered down
from several days to a few hours, by eliminating the censors.
Incidentally, Doc Selvidge and I called on Olof on our return trip.
We expected to pay him for his cablegrams but he insisted that his
university had taken care of this. The interesting by-product was
that Olof came to Harvard for a doctorate a year or two later, and
wrote the best thesis ever submitted there in the ionospheric field.
* * *
Amateur radio operators are always interested in knowing who their
correspondents are, and usually exchange QSL cards, which are
decorated post-cards confirming the time and date of each first
communication with a new station. We began our amateur contacts
rather carefully, never saying exactly who and where we were,
because we were very conscious of the unlicensed nature of our
activities. We would say something vague such as, "We are members of
a scientific expedition, somewhere northeast of the Caspian Sea". We
had not had our transmitter on the air for more than a few days
before the mail began to bring us QSL cards, addressed to our
fictitious call letters "northeast of the Caspian Sea", or using
whatever loose description we might have adopted. Thus we learned
about "Big Brother" long before we ever read "1984".
* * *
Every town in the Soviet Union, so far as we saw, had a Park
Kultura, a term always translated as "Park of Culture and Rest". In
a small town, such as Ak-Bulak, the culture might be represented by
a bandstand and a few tables for chess. In the cities, the parks
usually had real cultural exhibits of one kind or another. One
feature that was sure to be present was a circular walk surrounding
some object, perhaps a flagpole or a fountain. The general evening
recreation seemed to be to walk in pairs or in groups round and
round these paths, always widdershins, or counterclockwise. The same
phenomenon was to be seen in theaters or concert halls, where there
was usuaUy a lobby nearly as large as the auditorium. During
intermissions the entire audience would adjourn to the lobby and
walk counterclockwise around a large pot of ferns, or a statue, or
some other object in the center.
In Ak-Bulak the Park Kultura covered an acre or two and was planted
thinly with bushes and small trees. In the center was the bandstand,
surrounded by a circular boardwalk ten or twelve feet wide and
perhaps twenty-five yards in diameter. Once or twice in a six-day
week the local band would play for most of the long summer evening,
and the young people would walk round and round. The band was fairly
bad and was not noticeably improved when Doc Selvidge took over one
of the trumpets.
Paul King had brought with him two or three cases of canned apple
sauce which he could not often be induced to share with the rest of
us. Late one evening, after walking in the park, Paul and I managed
to abstract a couple of local girls from among their friends. Not
being able to think of any other objective, we decided to treat them
to some of Paul's apple sauce. Our actions had not gone unobserved,
and we soon discovered that we were being trailed by Doc and one or
two other Americans and by a somewhat larger group of Soviet youths.
We dodged our pursuit well enough to reach the train and get a few
tins of apple sauce and a can opener, but it seemed counter-
productive (if I may use a more modern term) to try to stay there.
We dragged the girls down a side street and presently found a house
with a sort of courtyard surrounded by an adobe wall. This seemed
quiet and secure enough, so we slipped inside. Finding a mound in
the corner, we sat down and opened the cans just as it began to
rain. Because we had no alternate objective, and as the girls
obviously liked the apple sauce, we stayed until realization of our
silly situation began to dawn on us. Investigation quickly proved
our suspicion correct that we were sitting on a Russian dung-hill in
the rain, eating apple sauce.
* * *
In my limited experience, there is no deadline so severely exacting
as a solar eclipse. After months or years of arduous preparation,
and after travelling thousands of hot and dusty miles to work under
primitive conditions, no excuse for delay can be offered. One must
have everything operating well at exactly the right time. At home,
one never works so hard and so long. One of the irritating features
is that it is never possible to convince the folks at home of this.
It is always assumed that you were just away there, in an
interesting part of the world, having a high old time at someone
else's expense.
This pressure, assisted by the Soviet calendar which was then
arranged in groups of six days so that one soon lost track of the
Diversions in Ak-Bulak / Catherine Stillman! 64
day of the week, must account for the fact that I can assign no
dates to any happenings in that period, except for the day of the
eclipse itself. Thus I am unable to establish the date of the most
important event of the expedition, when one of the thrice-weekly
trains brought Catherine Stillman to Ak-Bulak. Catherine had had to
finish her spring term, teaching astronomy at Vassar, before coming
to Russia a few days before the eclipse. In spite of the pressure of
work on both of us, it did not take her long to make me begin to
reconsider my ideas about the desirability of the married state. It
must have been even before the eclipse that she granted me the first
of myriads of kisses (that become more and more important to me as
the years go by) in the only grove of willow trees anywhere in the
neighborhood of Ak-Bulak.
Most of our food in Kazakhstan was far below the standard of the
Astoria Hotel, occasionally descending as low as camel meat, which
is not to be recommended. One Russian custom bothered us greatly;
they liked to hang their chicken for weeks before serving it. After
many efforts we finally convinced the management that we were
serious, and a great day came when Peter, our usual waiter, brought
in a platter of chicken and, bending his head far to the side and
making a chopping motion at his neck with the opposite hand,
announced loudly, "Sevodnya" (today). Peter, incidentally, was
approaching his twenty-first birth day and was anxious to get back
to Moscow to marry his fifth wife. This was in the days when, in the
words of Will Rogers, one could get a divorce at the post office and
then send his spouse a card saying, "You aren't with us any more".
At times we were served a fine dessert, a rum cake, but
unfortunately the thick butter frosting suffered seriously on the
long hot trip from Moscow. We quickly learned to scrape off the
icing, leave it on the plate, and enjoy the cake. One late-arriving
physicist and his wife had this comestible served before it had
occurred to any of us to warn them. The cake was beautiful and the
husband took a large mouthful. He chewed more and more slowly with a
strained look developing on his face. After a long time and a final
gulp, he turned to his wife and said, "I say, Marian, do you suppose
they make this dressing with Roquefort cheese?"
* * *
These diversions notwithstanding, the eclipse was upon us. All of
the equipment was working well, although I was not. Everyone on the
expedition, I think, had a bout with dysentery at some time or
other. Mine chose to hit me the night before the eclipse. This had
one pleasant result. We boys exchanged jobs at the last minute to
give me the least demanding one, which was standing watch over the
transmitters at the Prosobdir in case there should be trouble with
Eclipse Day / The "Comradely Tea Party" 65
either of them. I could easily do this from outside the open window,
so that I had an excellent view of the eclipse instead of being
trapped inside the baggage car operating part of the receiving
equipment. It may be that my fever accentuated what I saw, but the
eclipse was surely one of the most beautiful and spectacular in this
century. I was amazed to see the corona, which conveniently arranged
itself in the form of a five-pointed star in honor of the Soviet
symbol, fully fifteen seconds before totality began. The pearly
light of the corona, the orange light around the horizon, the
visibility of stars and planets, and the shadow bands sweeping
across the desert were all the best I have ever seen, and more awe-
inspiring than any description I have read. When the eclipse period
was over, I allowed myself to collapse for a day or two.
Unfortunately, the radio observations suffered the equivalent of
poor visibility for astronomers, as a major magnetic storm began a
few hours before the eclipse. This meant that we could not be sure
whether the effects we measured were pure eclipse phenomena or
whether they were contaminated by erratic magnetic activity. As a
result, it was inadvisable to publish any results of the ionospheric
work until after 194O, when it was possible to mount a similar radio
expedition. It then turned out that most of the 1936 effects were in
fact caused by the eclipse. Before this confirmation, fortunately,
the work in Ak-Bulak had helped King and Selvidge to get their
doctor's degrees.
* * *
The next memorable event was a reception given by the Orenburg
Oblast (the equivalent of a state government, perhaps) for the four
or five expeditions in the Orenburg district. This was introduced to
us, in a masterpiece of inadequate translation, by invitations to a
"comradely tea party". I have a feeling that this was to be three
days after the eclipse although, as I have said, all dates are
nebulous during this period.
In accordance with our instructions, we took a train for the four or
five hour ride to Orenburg, in time to get there in the middle of
the afternoon. This trip and the return ride later were the only
times I was trapped in a Soviet third-class sleeping car, which can
be described as a box car with two layers of shelves eighteen inches
wide along the walls. There were no mattresses or blankets. On
arrival in Orenburg we were taken to what I believe was the city
hall, where we were supplied with soft drinks and cookies and had
appropriate speeches made to us. We were given to understand that we
were greatly honored by being allowed to shake the hand of the
Governor of the Oblast, who was credited with being the man who had
Eclipse Day / The "Comradely Tea Party" 66
shot the last Tsar at Ekaterinburg. After this honor, we were turned
loose for two or three hours to go sightseeing or, if we liked, to
try the parachute jumps in the Park of Culture and Rest.
We assembled at about eight o'clock in another hall, two or three
blocks from the first one, where we found a U-shaped table set for
dinner for two or three hundred guests. The table was a sight I
cannot forget. It was nearly five feet wide. Each place setting had,
in the Russian fashion, one knife and one fork and a stack of plates
several inches high. We found that after each course the top plate
was removed. This is an advantage, because one can, as distention
sets in, count the remaining plates and summon up the stamina to see
one through the rest of the meal. Arranged around the stack of
plates was a series of nine glasses, ranging from liqueur size
upward. At intervals along the table were vases of flowers and some
dishes of smoked sturgeon and caviar. Except for these few
decorations, every available decimeter on the table cloth had an
open bottle standing on it. I discovered that, without stretching to
an impolite extent, I could reach nineteen varieties of wines and
liquors, not counting duplications.
The dinner went on and on, with official toasts (in Russian,
English, French, and Czechoslovakian) proclaimed from the head table
every few minutes. I made a tactical error in deciding that it would
be courteous to drink all of the official toasts in vodka, and soon
became too stubborn to change my mind. I had, of course, secured a
seat beside Catherine. I thus found myself needing to sample the
other eighteen potables in private toasts to her beautiful brown
eyes, or to whatever other parts of her anatomy appealed to my
imagination from time to time.
We were all, naturally, overtired, especially the astronomers who
had been developing photographic plates and trying to pack for their
departure all at the same time. One of them, an Englishman from the
Greenwich Observatory (whom I had the pleasure of meeting in
Washington, years later, when he had become the great British expert
on de-gaussing ships to protect them from magnetic mines) exhibited
a remarkable ability to sleep through most of the proceedings
without ever losing his erect posture or nodding his head. Most of
us, although drooping to some extent, managed to continue our
drinking.
It was perhaps fortunate that our expedition had to abandon the
party in the middle, at about three A.M., as we needed to catch our
return train to Ak-Bulak. When we prepared to leave for the railroad
station, Catherine confessed that she had left her coat at the City
Hall, so we set out on foot to retrieve it, although I have no idea
why we thought we could even find the hall, to say nothing of
finding it open. I seem to recall that the big street we had to
Comradely Tea Party, continued 67
follow resembled Fifth Avenue in the Forties. I am more sure that
the space between the curbs was just about wide enough to contain
our meanderings as we held each other up and kept pointed in more or
less the right direction. In some unexplained way, we retrieved the
coat and got back to find a car that would take us to the railroad
station.
When we got into our train, it seemed good to me to lie down on the
nearest shelf. It had happened that on the way to Orenburg I had
occupied an upper shelf, with Catherine below me. Possibly as a
result of too much alcohol, Catherine's normal consideration for
others seemed to have been weakened. She took the position that I
was in her place and that I should get onto the upper shelf. Such an
effort was too much for me to consider at that time. Catherine sat
on the narrow edge of the shelf and annoyed me greatly. I could
never remember what she must have said to stir me to such a supreme
effort, but finally I got up, with whatever hauteur I could manage
under the circumstances, and I climbed into the upper berth.
Catherine had had to stand to let me perform this feat so that, when
I lay down on my proper shelf, I found her with her head only a foot
or so from mine. This stimulated an excellent idea, so I stretched
out a long arm and gathered her in for a good I night kiss. When I
had occasion to look up from this, I found that we were surrounded
by an admiring semi-circle of expedition members whom I do not
remember having noticed before. At this point I performed what I
have always maintained was the only possible action I could think of
for a gentleman under the circumstances: I passed out.
* * *
It is a virtue of vodka that it leaves no hangover. I awoke in Ak-
Bulak, after only a few hours of sleep, feeling fit and ready to go
to work. The only untoward effect of the party was that an English
couple came around later in the day to congratulate Catherine and me
on our engagement. What can have given them such an idea I cannot
imagine, for that milestone was not reached until a couple of years
later.
Immediately after the "tea party" the astronomers, including
Catherine, left Ak-Bulak, while we radio people stayed on for a few
days to finish taking our control data. This period is chiefly
memorable for our acquisition of rubles. It seemed that the staff of
our train and a few of the townspeople were avid to buy almost
anything. Doc had a lot of ten cent pens that he had brought along
as gifts. These he sold for the equivalent of about three dollars
each. I happened to have a pair of new Abercrombie and Fitch brown
oxfords that I had bought as a spare, in Filene's Basement for
Return from Ak-Bulak 68
$2.95. I had to stop the bidding for these at about fifty dollars
"worth" of rubles because my conscience hurt me. We sold everything
we didn't actually need, not considering that all our expenses in
the Soviet Union had been paid in advance and that the ruble was
worth nothing elsewhere. Paul did the best, as he had brought an
excellent collection of personal tools. My finest effort was to sell
Comrade Sheegin, for 850 rubles, our donated twisted pair wire, as
it seemed far easier to sell it than to take it down. In all, we
three had a fund of seven thousand rubles when we left Ak-Bulak.
It was now time to declare a holiday, so we took the train to
Kuibishev and embarked for a five-day trip up the Volga River. The
ship was a venerable side-wheeler, powered by another 1898 vintage
German diesel engine. This was far different from our old friend at
the Prosobdir. It had sixteen cylinders of four or five inch bore
and a stroke that seemed to be about four feet; it looked rather
like a grove of saplings. We judged that the toilets might have been
reasonably clean when the ship had begun its trip, but after a
couple of days they became totally unusable. Fortunately, there was
always the railing and, with care, one could often manage to wait
until nightfall. When we described this difficulty at the Embassy in
Moscow, we were told about an item in a recent issue of Krocodil.
the Soviet humor magazine. The article described the plight of a
Russian reporter travelling in Germany, where the public toilets had
to be flushed before the door of the cubicle could be unlocked. The
author described in harrowing terms the hours he spent shouting for
help before someone who spoke Russian came by outside and explained
to him how to get out.
The most interesting sights on the Volga were immense rafts of logs,
often half a mile or more in length. These had as many as three or
four log cabins built on them, where whole families lived for the
several months it took to drift down the whole course of the river.
Another interesting sight was the "Alabaster Mountain" somewhere
along the western bank. This is hardly a mountain, being perhaps
eight or nine hundred feet high, but it has smooth and elegant
contours, and stands out in a flat river valley. It was about half
grass-covered, but the other half was exposed alabaster that gleamed
in the sunlight. I was disappointed not to hear "the Song of the
Volga Boatmen" at any time during the trip. I remedied this defect,
as far as possible, by singing it myself from the stern of the upper
deck, to only moderate applause.
Our best sightseeing on the voyage was at Kazan, the old Tatar
capital. This is a city of beautiful old brick, largely built in the
fifteenth century. We had a queasy time when, after climbing nearly
two hundred feet up the inside of a brick minaret, we looked down
from the little balcony and found that the top of the tower was only
four or five feet in diameter and was warped several feet out of the
vertical. At Gorki, the former Nizhni Novgorod, we visited the old
cathedrals and a famous monastery and then took the night train to
Moscow.
It happened that we arrived in the capital on the morning of the
fourth of July. Being in sad need of American society, we made a
fast run to the Embassy, judging that there would be at least a
cocktail party on the agenda. We found, to our pleasure and
surprise, that some genius had decided that it would be appropriate
to have an old-fashioned Fourth of July picnic somewhere on the bank
of the Moscow River twenty or more miles out of the city. The
American colony at the time consisted of only forty or fifty people,
which was not regarded as enough for a proper picnic, so the British
Colony kindly joined in to make up a quorum for the celebration. The
picnic was to be a potluck affair, with everybody bringing
something, and the Embassy, I think, providing beer and lemonade.
When we asked what we could bring we were surprised to have everyone
say, "Oh, caviar". We had had so much of this delightful substance
that it had not occurred to us that the Embassy lived largely on
American canned food and regarded caviar as a rare treat.
We had, I may have mentioned, Intourist tickets for four meals a day
for our entire stay in the Soviet Union, while for nearly two months
in Kazakhstan we had had only three meals a day. We three boys
therefore went back to the Intourist desk at the Metropole Hotel. We
tore out whole handfuls of our unused "tea" tickets, saying to the
girl at the desk, "Please give us the value of these in caviar
sandwiches". She rose to the occasion and agreed to have them ready
at the appointed time. When we came for them, we found ourselves
well loaded. The sandwiches were made with large slices of excellent
white bread, and each one was filled with a half-inch layer of the
best black caviar. The sandwiches were stacked in rectangular
baskets, each of which held about a bushel, and there were six
baskets. When we staggered to the picnic grounds with this load, we
found ourselves the most popular people at the party. I doubt that
those who brought them ate any of these sandwiches. I remember
stuffing myself with baked beans, potato salad, and occasional hot
dogs; and seldom had anything tasted so good. When I could eat no
more, I found a pretty and complaisant girl who let me lie with my
head in her lap, dropping peanuts into my mouth whenever I cared to
open it. I seem to remember that she was enough of a contortionist
to bend down and vary the diet of peanuts with an occasional kiss; I
suppose because young American men, like so many other staples, were
in short supply that year.
The Russians at a neighboring beach interested us. 1936 was the
first year in which bathing suits were made and sold in any quantity
in the Soviet Union. About a third of those at the beach showed a
marked Moscow tendency to pose and strut, so that they could easily
Moscow 70
be admired. The nude majority went about their business, swimming,
playing, or eating, with complete nonchalance; but we fancied that
we detected a compulsion to fail to notice their comrades in their
bathing suits.
A Russian photographer was in attendance at the picnic. We had made
his acquaintance on our way to Ak-Bulak, when he had taken pictures
of us all at the Embassy. That was his favorite hunting ground, as
his chief occupation was photographing incoming visitors in the sure
knowledge that something would happen to some of them, in which case
he could sell his pictures to the news agencies. At the picnic he
was armed with an unusual Leica camera that had magazine and take-up
reels for two hundred and fifty feet of film. He operated this
device with remarkable rapidity, expecting that a few pictures in a
thousand would be useful. I watched him carefully and found that he
could easily take two or three pictures during the swing of a
softball bat.
Paul and Doc, who were camera buffs, and I, who was not, spent an
evening in this photographer's home and laboratory, with remarkable
linguistic effects. I, for example, knew some French and had a few
words of German, while his abilities were reversed. I would try to
find the key words in Russian with no success, then grope for German
ones, and perhaps find them in French. If all else failed I would
use English. Any sentence became a blend of two or three languages,
with little or no attention paid to grammatical rules. Surprisingly,
the overall communication was quite satisfactory, although slow. At
one point during the evening, after much thought, I produced a
triumphant statement that included at least traces of all four
languages. The photographer, on hearing this, set down his glass and
rose to his feet. With a click of his heels, he bowed deeply to me
and said, "Sie machen ein sehr gut salade!"
One evening Paul and I had an idea that it would be fun to visit the
Gypsy Theater. Time did not permit getting tickets and sending an
Intourist guide with us, in the ordinary way. An Intourist girl
telephoned the theater and told us which bus to take to get there.
She also gave us a slip of paper with, we understood, the address
written on it in Russian. We walked across the large square in front
of the Metropole Hotel and found a bus with the correct number
waiting at the expected corner. Before the bus started, the
conductress came to collect our fare. We presented our slip of
paper, but it did not seem to tell her all she wished to know. First
one, then two, then half a dozen passengers examined the paper with
puzzled looks. The discussion soon became general and continued for
several minutes. Finally it seemed that a consensus had been
achieved. The bus started up and drove around the square to the
front of the Metropole, where we were politely put off; we never
found out why. The bus then continued around the square to its
Seeds of Democracy / Equipment Inspection 71
original starting point, and immediately went off on its proper
route. Having found the bus unsatisfactory, Paul and I started out
on foot. We succeeded in finding the theater but, of course, were
late. The manager, an obvious Gypsy with a villainous Fu-Manchu
moustache, took us into the totally-dark auditorium and pushed us
into seats in the last row, where we sat and wondered what the
Pushkin play was about, through the remainder of the first act. At
intermission, when the lights came up, the manager came back and
beckoned to us. We followed him down the aisle while he looked
around in the crowded auditorium. Apparently deciding that the
center of the third row was best he went into that row and dragged
out two men by the collars of their coats. Motioning to them to go
up the aisle to the back of the theater, he bowed us into the
vacated seats from which we watched the rest of the play.
The bus episode had showed us an interesting tendency for a group of
Russians to assume that they had the right to decide a question by
majority vote. I later saw a beautiful example of this in Leningrad.
The trolley cars there were unbelievably crowded, and the rule I was
that one entered at the back and worked his way through to get off
at the front. The only exception to this regulation was in favor of
a pregnant woman, who could get on at the front provided that she
had the appropriate card certifying to her condition. I had the
great good fortune to be at the curb at a trolley stop when an
obviously pregnant woman tried to get on at the front of a car. She
did not, for some reason, have the required card, and a violent
altercation began between the woman and the conductor. As this
continued, the car gradually emptied until all of the passengers
surrounded the disputants. After fully fifteen minutes of general,
and loud, discussion, the problem was put to a vote. The majority
ruled that the woman should be allowed to get on at the front, so
the conductor yielded and she got onto the empty car. All the other
passengers obediently got on at the back, until the car was as
crowded as before and started up on its route, if not on its
schedule.
We had a feeling of having had enough of the Soviet Union, so we did
not stay long to see the sights of Moscow, but pushed on to
Leningrad. It was well that we did so, as it took us nearly three
weeks to get our equipment released and put onto a ship to England.
The chief difficulty was apparently that they were busy liquidating
Trotskyites that year and had, perhaps fortuitously, disposed of the
people who had I authorized bringing our equipment into the country.
About all we could do was to try to identify the officials who were
probably blocking our departure, and to scream and yell at them. We
had, by this time, I learned the Russian debating technique and did
not hesitate to make ourselves as loud and obnoxious as possible to
people who, we believed, had the power to set us on our way. Because
I had had this experience, Chairman Kruschev's performance at the
Seeds of Democracy / Equipment Inspection 72
United Nations in 1960 was no surprise to me.
It was finally arranged that the equipment would be released, but
only after it had been inspected. This annoyed us, as inspection I
had not been required when we came to the Soviet Union and we could
not see how they could determine that we were taking out only the
same things. The inspection was to take place at the dock, to which
our gear was transferred from the railroad station. I have already
mentioned the weight of some of our boxes. They were all
exceptionally sturdy, having been made expressly for the job by the
lab's excellent carpenter, Billy Kennealy. All the covers were put
on with large numbers of 3-1/2 inch wood screws, set up firmly by a
brace and screwdriver bit.
We spent part of a day watching a group of teen-aged youths
wrestling with these screws with only small hand screwdrivers. We
finally took pity on them and told them which box to open to find
braces and bits, chiefly because the operation was so time
consuming. In the end, every box had been opened. For each case, the
inspectors took out all the screws except one at a corner. Then they
pivoted the cover around and looked solemnly at the exposed surface
of the excelsior in which the contents were packed. After this
"inspection" the cover was returned and screwed down again. We could
only account for this performance by assuming that the inspectors
had received two conflicting sets of instructions. One must have
demanded "Open every box", while the other said, "Do not look at
anything". If this hypothesis is correct, the inspectors complied
with both orders. The operation took three days, because we did
little to help. On the last day of the inspection we had an
opportunity to see a Soviet air-raid drill at close hand. Before
this happened we had spent as little time as possible in the
warehouse because it smelled so bad. We would excuse ourselves
often, to get outside where the air was better. Apparently the
authorities had had trouble getting the dockyard workers to find and
wear their gas masks for a drill. They had solved this problem
beautifully. As the sirens sounded, a couple of companies of Red
Army soldiers swept through the dockyard area, setting off tear gas
bombs every few yards. The response was all that could be asked, but
it seemed that there were no gas masks for any foreigners who
happened to be in the area. For the rest of the drill, we were to be
found not only inside the warehouse but in the furthest and most
airless cubicles we could find.
When not occupied with these efforts to get our equipment released,
we were struggling with the problems posed by our stock of rubles.
We quickly found that we could not drink enough to make serious
inroads on the supply of money, and we could seldom find any
souvenirs worth buying. There were some nice things in the stores,
but at prices that shocked us. The Soviet system seemed to provide
Equipment Inspection / Air Raid Drill 73
the absolute necessities of life very cheaply, as was appropriate in
a society where the average wage was about one hundred rubles a
month, which was I officially equivalent to twenty dollars. Cabbage
and sausage cost only kopecks, and rent for the typical family
(usually sharing an apartment with others) might be $3.00 a month.
Beyond these necessities, the government stores sold "luxury" items
at completely fictitious prices. Cakes of soap, on the market for
the first time that year, cost two or three dollars each. I was
fascinated by the number of excellent silver cigarette cases
displayed in stores in all the cities we visited. These were
beautifully enameled with the hammer and sickle, the red star,
sheaves of wheat, and so on. The equivalent in the United States
would easily haye been worth twenty five dollars at that time. The
Russian price was $375.00. There were even plenty of diamond
bracelets and necklaces on display. We could not imagine who was
supposed to buy these at the prices quoted. We came to realize that
this was an ingenious system. The Soviet citizen could brag about
how low his taxes were, but if he had any money left after his basic
needs had been met, it found its way back into the hands of the
government. To get rid of our rubles, we sometimes resorted to the
unethical and illegal practice of catching incoming American
tourists before they had discovered that they had essentially no
need for Soviet money. We would get them into a corner of the hotel
lobby, behind the potted palms, and sell them almost any quantity of
rubles for a twenty dollar bill. My best idea for disposing of
rubles was to prepay our freight charges rather than to ship it
collect as had been previously arranged. I reasoned that I would be
reimbursed from expedition funds in dollars when I got home.
Unfortunately, the same idea had occurred to the leader of the
expedition and he also had prepaid the freight charges. I thus lost
my money. Even worse, I did not have enough rubles for the
transaction and was forced to borrow a few hundred from Paul. After
I got back, I had to scrimp for quite a while to repay Paul one
hundred dollars or so, American money.
It was probably in trying to get rid of rubles that I met an
American girl who claimed some understanding of art. There may have
been something defective about this pretension, as she had not
visited the Hermitage Museum although she was soon leaving for
Moscow. In any case, I insisted that she must see the museum, which
I had visited several times, so we went there together. It quickly
became apparent that I knew nothing about art, as I admired all the
wrong things. The attitude of my new acquaintance was so crisp and
superior that I quickly fell into a game of liking, or pretending to
like, the things that I thought would irritate her most. I did very
well by becoming ecstatic about Canaletti or some of the others who
painted with geometrically perfect perspective and microscopic
detail. My best (and last) achievement was when I chose to criticize
Rembrandt's "Prodigal Son". This is a lovely painting of the old
man, having the doorway of the house just, suggested behind him and
with the son kneeling at his feet, back to the observer.
The whole painting is dark, except for the father's face which is,
without doubt, a magnificent study. I chose to criticize the picture
on the ground that the light on the face seemed to come in part from
above and in part from lights, or reflecting surfaces, near the
ground on both sides. There could, in my argument, be no natural
setting for the picture in which the lights could have fallen in
this way. Therefore it was a bad picture! This attitude about a very
famous painting was too much for the girl to stand. She left in a
huff and marched completely out of my life.
It happened that there had been one gentleman in that last gallery
with us. He had apparently listened to our argument with some
amusement and, when the girl departed, he took up the conversation
where she had left it. He seemed interested in my views about
illumination and we were soon engrossed enough in the subject to
spend two hours or so wandering around discussing the lighting of
various works of art. We got on so well together that we introduced
ourselves before leaving the museum. I felt proud that I had been
able to uphold my end of the conversation when I discovered that he
was Rene Clair, the famous French movie director.
Soviet propaganda was evident in many forms: "Workers of the World,
Unite!" in Russian, German, French, or English, across the facades
of innumerable buildings; pictures everywhere of a smiling "Uncle
Joe" Stalin, pipe in mouth and with children on his knee (this at
the height of the Trotskyite purges); loudspeakers in many public
places, booming out Party speeches and slogans. We never could
detect that anyone paid much attention to the latter, or perhaps to
any of these. Probably a continual bombardment of propaganda is like
much of our "background" music; it may impinge on the ears, but a
merciful barricade develops between the ears and the cerebral
cortex.
It seemed to me that censorship was much more important than
propaganda. Early in our lives we develop a strong feeling that our
home, or language, or country is best. Because anything strange
seems inferior, it takes self discipline as well as experience and
study before we can accept the fact that a foreign thing or idea can
be superior to a familiar one. I once spent a long. and interesting
evening trying to convince a group of young Russians (some of whom
spoke good English) that British railroad trains were cleaner,
faster, and generally better than Russian ones. The experiment was a
total failure, as none of them had ever seen or heard of a British
train and automatically "knew" that the Russian trains were the best
in the world.
At some time in the past I believe the Russians held the world
record for the height of a balloon ascension. This record had been
broken most recently by Commander Settle in 1933 and again by
Captain Stevens in 1935. I spent a little time in several places in
the Soviet Union trying to find someone who knew that the Russian
record had been superseded, entirely without success. Everyone I
talked to exuded a serene confidence in the superiority of Soviet
aeronautics because of this and other records they were "known" to
hold. One cannot, of course, successfully argue about superiority in
art or literature. It was not impossible, however, to find instances
of practical things where the Russian way seemed better than the
ways we knew about. One was the simple matter of the postage meter.
The Russian machine would print the postage on anything put into it,
letter, newspaper, or parcel, avoiding the minor complication of
printing on a paper tape and then having to stick the tape to a
parcel. There also seemed to be much to be said for the traffic
control "lights" that we saw in Moscow and one or two other cities.
These were cubes nearly three feet on a side that were hung up over
the intersections of the street centerlines. They had lights inside
that shone through translucent red, yellow, and green segments of
circles that nearly filled each vertical surface. Big black
pointers, visible at a hundred yards or more, rotated in front of
these sectors. As one drove down the street, it was easy to tell
whether the "light" would still be green when one reached the
corner, or whether it would be necessary to slow down or stop. With
this little extra foreknowledge, the traffic flowed more smoothly
than I was used to seeing it do at comparable traffic density.
While idling away some evening hours in our baggage car in Ak-Bulak,
Joe Boyce, a physics professor from M.I.T., and. I had formulated a
double hypothesis. This suggested that, if one should plot the
sexual desirability of the average American woman against age, he
would find a curve with a double maximum. It would rise rapidly to a
peak at about age sixteen or eighteen; then it would tend to fall a
little, and rise again to a somewhat higher and broader maximum at
perhaps age twenty-six or twenty-eight. Beyond this latter age, the
curve would more and more rapidly, ultimately perhaps falling into
the negative domain. A disinterested critic might observe that the
age region to which we assigned the second and higher peak was just
a little less than our average age at the time we formulated the
hypothesis. The second part of the hypothesis proposed that if one
plotted the corresponding function for Russian women he would
develop a curve with only a single maximum. This would be (in our
eyes) not quite so high as the first maximum of the American curve,
and would occur a year or two earlier. Beyond this sixteen-year
maximum, the Russian curve would fall continuously, like the
American curve beyond the age of twenty-eight. We recognized, of
course, that there is a great deal of individual variation in
desirability, and that accurate assessment becomes very difficult if
the observer is in a state of deprivation, such as on a nineteenth-
century whaling voyage, or even on an expedition to Kazakhstan.
These considerations amused Joe and me, and others to whom we
revealed the results of our analysis, for two or three hours. The
subject was not explicitly considered again, however, until Doc,
Paul, and I were faced with killing time in Leningrad. It then
occurred to us that science demanded that we make at least visual
estimates designed to establish the form of the Russian curve; the
chief consideration being what the American curve could be
investigated at any time, while we might never be in Russia again.
I must explain that, of course, the absolute unit of feminine sexual
desirability in 1936 was the Marlene; this unit being too large for
practical purposes, one rated desirability in millimarlenes. As in
most scientific measurements, it was necessary to have a portable
reference standard because the absolute standard is not generally
accessible. In our case, this portable standard consisted in defined
ratings for several American girls we all knew; we agreed that Helen
Atwell, the only secretary at Cruft Laboratory in those days,
deserved the phenomenally-high value of 180 millimarlenes. After a
few preliminary trials, we established a standard operating
procedure which must be described for the benefit of future
experimenters. A day's run of data-taking began in the afternoon,
when we went to one of the appropriate emporia and bought two liters
of 140-proof vodka. Returning to the Astoria, we would drink one
third of the vodka, have some dinner and then drink a second third
of the vodka. This would bring us to about sunset, and we would
proceed to the public parks or some other region where we believed
that a suitable concentration of what we designated as horoshia
deavitchka (free translation: OK babes) might be found. Locating a
specimen, say one on a park bench with a sailor, we three would line
up at a respectful distance of eight or ten feet and assess her
charms. One of us might suggest, "Forty" (millimarlenes, of course).
The second might be more favorably impressed and. say, "No; at least
sixty or seventy". The third would usually establish the group
rating by saying, "All right, let's settle for fifty". I would
inscribe this number in my pocket notebook. We would then go through
a similar process in guessing her age. By this time, naturally, the
sailor might have decided to take part in the proceedings. After
order had been reestablished, in one way or another, we would move
on to the next bench, or wherever another specimen was to be found.
In the two or three hours of suitable illumination in the far
northern twilight, we might thus gather data on a couple of dozen
specimens. Returning to the hotel, we would drink the remaining
vodka and do a preliminary analysis of the day's numbers and prepare
a summary of all data acquired up to that time.
Surprising as it may sound, this simple diversion, under the
Millimarlenes / Depressing Things 77
influence of enough vodka, was very helpful in passing the time
until we were able to leave Russia. In all, we gathered data on two
or three hundred specimens.
After we had returned to the United States, someone decided that a
feature of a Department dinner, for faculty and graduate students,
should be my telling some of the stories of the eclipse expedition
that presumably would not be published in the scientific literature.
I told a number of yarns, and included among them a pseudo-
scientific study of the desirability of Russian women. By the time
of the dinner, in October, I had had the opportunity to reduce the
data to conventional statistical form, and I showed slides and
reported the appropriate values of the means, standard deviations,
skewness, and measures of the confidence to be felt in the results.
I spent perhaps fifteen minutes developing the hypothesis and
reporting on the "measurements". The discussion seemed to be well
received.
The next morning I was quietly working at my desk when Professor Van
Vleck stopped at my door. Van was a famous and powerful theoretical
physicist who, no doubt involuntarily, set a record for the delay
after which he received a Nobel Prize. It was finally awarded him in
1977 for work he had published about 1930. Particularly in those
days, Van seemed to live almost entirely in his own mind. It was
characteristic that only about once in ten times did he notice if
you passed him in a corridor and greeted him. On this occasion, he
spoke first, saying, "Good morning". I replied, "Good morning, sir",
and waited to see what he wanted. After long consideration, he said,
"I enjoyed your talk last night". After I had responded, "Thank you,
sir", he thought for what seemed at least a minute. Finally he said,
"Especially the part about the desirability of the Russian women". I
suppose I grinned or made some other appropriate response, and then
waited while he planned his next remark. He eventually volunteered a
statement, "If you are interested in the corresponding curve for the
Dutch, I can describe it for you, without your having to do any
research". Another pause followed,and finally he contributed the Van
Vieck hypothesis, "It passes through the origin and has a negative
slope".
* * *
One or two depressing facts about the Russian trip ought to be
mentioned. There were, by the time I left the country, five people
who had become good enough friends so that, had they lived
elsewhere, I should still be likely to correspond with them from
time to time. As it happened in this case, within a year four of
them had "disappeared". One or another of the expedition members
eventually received what was felt to be accurate word that two of
them had been shot. The other two simply vanished. It is hard, if
Millimarlenes / Depressing Things 78
not impossible, not to believe that their major, and perhaps only,
fault was that they carried out their assigned duties and thereby
had too much to do with foreigners.
In Ak-Bulak we had, about twice a week, been depressed by the sight
of prison trains that were, for some reason, often left standing
near our siding for a few hours before proceeding toward the east.
These were long trains of small box-cars, with sliding doors that
were chained open about four inches. These gaps must have provided
some ventilation as well as permitting the passage of downward-
sloping pipes that, we supposed, constituted toilet facilities. We
could see the faces of people looking out through these gaps, but
the number of armed guards pacing beside the trains discouraged us
from close investigation, or even from showing much obvious
interest. We always spoke of these trains as taking prisoners to the
salt mines, of which there were several in our neighborhood, but we
never knew what kind of labor camps or prisons might be their
destinations.
* * *
From many subsequent discussions I have learned that my emotional
reactions upon leaving the Soviet Union were not unique, but at the
time they surprised me. My first trip abroad had been a delight, in
part for reasons that have been mentioned. I had noticed no great
strain in Russia, although many things had irritated me and some had
been depressing. I was, naturally, glad to get the export
difficulties settled and to be on my way to Finland with Doc, Paul
having gone off through Poland.
At the time we saw it, the Finnish border was a small stream crossed
by a railroad bridge. The eastern half of the bridge was painted
red, and the western part was white. On the Soviet side, all trees
had been removed from an area of several square miles. The resulting
flat plain was nothing but an immense railway yard, obviously
intended for military purposes. Many of the areas between the dozens
of tracks were stacked with huge rolls of barbed wire. Spanning the
railroad line was a large wooden arch, decorated with the red star
and the hammer and sickle. A number of Red Army soldiers, aside from
those on guard, were standing around with field glasses, looking
across into Finland.
On the Finnish side, the first building was a neat white stone
railway station. Several large pine trees surrounded and shaded it,
and well trimmed flower beds provided a welcome note of color. An
official was raking the immaculate gravel paths. There were at least
a dozen young Finns, of both sexes, in the station yard. They looked
like high-school students and were all neatly and gaily dressed.
Several of them had field glasses and were looking across into
Russia. One could not help thinking of the only circumstances that
would lead to a crossing of this border, for the watchers on either
side.
The sensation I had not expected was one of seeming to expand about
two inches in each dimension when the train rolled slowly across the
bridge. I had had no idea of how much the awareness of continuous
surveillance had weighed upon me. There was also the remarkable
sensation arising from smelling pleasant fragrances for the first
time in months.
Doc and I had determined, on our former short stop in Finland, that
here was the place to take our vacation, because some quirk of the
monetary exchange made prices incredibly low. This was the deciding
factor because Doc, as a graduate student, had no extensive fiscal
resources while I was still earning $20.00 per week. I had drawn my
salary in advance for the duration of the expedition, but my funds
showed no probability of providing a surplus. As a matter of fact,
one of my first efforts was to telegraph our steamship agent in
England to see if I could advance the date of my departure for the
United States, but without success.
We left the train at Viborg, where we spent the night, and then we
went to Lappenranta, where we boarded a small boat for several days
in the Finnish lake country. This is a region where there are no
roads but thousands of small lakes, interconnected by canals where
necessary. All traffic in this district is, or was, by little
steamboats forty or fifty feet long. Each farm had a narrow pier, or
perhaps a narrow board walk, extending out into water deep enough
for the boats, which operated almost like trolley cars. A farmer's
wife might board one to take vegetables to a market a few miles
away. If no one in the family needed to go to the village, a
dairyman could leave a few cans of milk on his pier and the boatmen
would pick these up and take them to market for him. Boats like ours
had a dozen or more tiny staterooms. Because vibration would make
sleep impossible, these boats would tie up to a pier, or even a tree
stump, at ten or eleven at night. As no meals were served on board,
the boat would start up in the morning to bring it to the next
village in time for breakfast.
On our boat, as on others that had staterooms, there was a group of
students on vacation. They were almost all German, Polish, Estonian,
Latvian, or Lithuanian; all were good linguists, so that two or
three simultaneous translations would make any remark intelligible
to all. We did most things as a group and had a fine time. Our most
memorable stop was at Savonlinna, a sort of crossroads in the lake
country from which one could, if he were in a canoe, travel a
hundred miles or so in almost any direction, through one small lake
after another. Here is the old Swedish castle of Olavinlinna, which
The Finnish Lakes 80
comes the nearest of any I have seen to being the standard fortress
I used to imagine as a boy. The castle covers a rocky island at the
outlet of a lake. It can be approached only by boat, and the swift
current makes the approach a job for an expert. This must be one of
the finest moats in the world. The views from the top of the largest
round tower are unforgettable. There are twelve funnel shaped holes
through the thick stone walls; each one frames a different and
delightful landscape.
There was one beautiful night when I decided to stay on the boat
instead of going to the local beer garden with the students. It was
a quiet evening with a magnificent sunset; fortunately so still that
I could sit with my feet on the rail and envelop my body with pipe
smoke to discourage the arctic mosquitoes. The group from our boat
eventually settled on the shore several hundred yards away and sang
student songs for two or three hours. During this time, the flaming
reds, oranges, and yellows of the sunset gradually swung through the
north and became a sunrise, without ever losing any of their
brilliance. We stayed with our boat as far as Kuopio and then took a
train to Vaala, at the mouth of another lake, where we stayed in a
small country hotel resembling a hunting lodge. This was the only
place in Finland where, for two or three hours in the afternoon, we
found ourselves without anyone in attendance who spoke English. In
the early morning we embarked for a boat trip down the Oulujoki
River. This is a tourist trip made in the kind of boats that were
formerly used to carry barrels of tar down to the Gulf of Bothnia.
The boats seat two abreast, are forty feet long and very flexible. I
had found one pulled up on the beach in the morning before we left.
Its bow was a little higher than my belt. I put my hand under the
prow and lifted it above my head, but only the front half of the
boat moved. We were to find that this flexibility was a great help
as it let the boat "flow" around rocks in the white water. The crew
of such a boat consists of a rower, in our case a fourteen year old
girl, whose chief duty is to get the boat from the shore of the lake
into the fast water of the river; and a helmsman with a long
steering oar, who is usually very busy. I estimated the speed of the
river, in the parts we traversed, as nearly twelve miles per hour.
Sometimes the banks are gently sloping and decorated with pastures
and cattle; in other places the river runs through forests or cuts
through narrow rocky gorges three or four hundred feet deep. It is a
thrilling, albeit wet, ride. After a stop for lunch at a restaurant
clinging to the side of a gorge (and approached by more steps than I
like to think about at my present age) the river comes to a place
where it flows too smoothly to be regarded as fun for the tourists.
They are then put ashore to be picked up by the afternoon train that
runs parallel to the river. After an hour or more on the train
another stretch of rapids is reached, and the tourists embark on a
second tar-boat for another twenty or thirty miles before reaching
the city of Oulu, at the end of a long, tiring, and exciting day.
From Oulu, we took a bus toward North Cape, but the weather turned
cold and damp. We got as far as Rovaniemi, where we walked north for
two or three miles and crossed the Arctic Circle, but decided that
this was enough and retreated by way of the train to Helsinki. The
capital was as delightful as we had found it before. We stayed at
the Torni Hotel, where we succeeded in paying $1.10 per day. This
was the only place in Finland where we spent as much as a dollar for
lodging, the usual price in the villages having been the equivalent
of twenty or thirty cents. At these prices we did everything we
pleased, going to cabarets frequently and never stinting ourselves.
I found, when I left Finland, that the entire stay there, including
about three thousand miles of travel, had cost about $3.50 per day.
On leaving the Soviet Union Doc had become very Russian, in his
opinion. He had grown a bushy black beard and always wore a handsome
Russian blouse he had bought somewhere. In our travels in Finland he
had been forced to realize that, for some reason, he was always
taken to be Czechoslovakian. This hurt his pride, so in Helsinki he
finally gave up and shaved off his beard. He deposited the bush,
practically intact, in the waste basket in our room before we went
off on some errand. On our return he happened to look into the waste
basket. On top of the beard was a single square of toilet paper,
bearing the carefully printed word "Wonderful". This completed his
humiliation, but we could never find a chambermaid who would admit
to the editorial comment.
When we left Finland, we took the night boat from Turku to
Stockholm. This is a beautiful trip through the seagull-haunted
archipelago of the Aland Islands in the evening and through the
equally lovely islands outside of Stockholm harbor in the morning.
Our boat was again accompanied by a large and friendly flock of
seagulls. The passengers of course saw to it that the birds were
suitably rewarded.
In Stockholm we looked up Olof Rydbeck, who gave us the grand one-
day tour of the city, including a stop in the courtyard of the royal
palace so that he could exhibit for us the wire that was "His
Majesty's Antenna". We spent the evening in the Swedish Tivoli where
Olof touted me onto the most stomach-unsettling "amusement" I even
encountered. After this, Doc went off into Germany while I took the
night train to Malmo and Copenhagen.
The attraction in Denmark at this time was Catherine. After leaving
Ak-Bulak, she had gone to attend some kind of a summer school at
Helsingor. This fact was, to tell the truth, nearly all I knew about
where she was.
I registered at the Tourist Hotel, which had been recommended as
inexpensive. I found it very posh, with porters in white ties, even
in the morning. By the time I had filled out the long Danish
questionnaire and been bowed into the elevator and then into my room
by no less than two flunkies in tailcoats, I found that my bags had
not only arrived there, but had been neatly unpacked. After
breakfast I applied myself to the telephone with little confidence
in my ability to make a long-distance person-to-person call in
Danish. To my considerable astonishment, I presently found Catherine
at the other end of the wire. I promptly invited myself to Helsingor
for that afternoon.
I recollect very little of what we did that day, but I know that we
visited the Kronborg for I have very happy memories of sitting on
the edge of the parapet where Hamlet's father's ghost walked and
dangling our legs over the edge of the strait that separates Denmark
from Sweden. Catherine agreed to come to Copenhagen the next day and
to spend the subsequent night at a hotel there, so that we would not
have to terminate the festivities too soon. I have no more detailed
recollection of how we spent the day in Copenhagen; all this
forgetfulness speaks well for Catherine's impact upon my powers of
observation. I do recall a curious incident when Catherine returned
to the Terminus Hotel to change for dinner. While waiting in the
lobby, I decided that I should take advantage of the opportunity.
Finding a door marked "Herren", I passed through it and found myself
at the top of a flight of stairs that went down to a small landing
with only one door that said "Privat", and another flight of stairs
with a sign pointing downward and saying "Toilet". At the
subbasement level, the stairs ended at a door that clearly said,
"Personnen verbjuden ingang". After studying this for a while, I
opened the door and found a perfectly satisfactory lavatory. I still
wonder about this, from time to time.
A similar episode later in the evening also surprised although it
did not puzzle me. At this time we were in the Valentsia (phonetic
spelling) Nightclub. Catherine excused herself to go to the powder
room, which she later reported to be normal and neat. I, following
unambiguous signs for the men's room, found myself out in the alley
behind the establishment. (While writing these lines, I am
interested to notice that these episodes that I remember happened
when Catherine had left me for a few minutes. Perhaps she can
explain this).
But the pleasantest of functions must end. In the morning I saw
Catherine onto her train for Helsingor, nearly missing my own train
in the process, because I failed to leave her before the car doors
had been locked. Fortunately, there was a suburban station where I
found a fast taxi. I spent the rest of the day crossing Denmark to
Esbjerg, a port that exists primarily for shipping breakfast
materials to England. When I arrived, I found a small village and a
London Again 83
fine concrete pier a hundred feet wide and nearly two hundred yards
long. On this was piled a mountain of eggs, butter, and bacon that
must have been fifty feet wide, twenty feet high, and as long as the
pier. After a while a thirty thousand ton ship pulled in alongside,
and the contents of the pier were transferred to the ship in a half.
hour or so. A modest number of passengers followed, and we were on
our way to Harwich. I found out on board that the pier was filled
and emptied twice a day, and that Esbjerg was only one of a half
dozen towns where the same thing was happening. It is no wonder that
British breakfasts are so good!
At Harwich I had great trouble with the customs inspector. During
the "comradely tea party" at Orenburg, each of the expedition
members had been presented an Orenburg shawl. These were famous
local products reputedly made from the fleece of young camels. If
they were not so soft and warm, I would think of them as lace. They
fitted the descriptions I had read in fairy tales as a youngster
because, although perhaps five feet by seven in size, they could
easily be drawn through a lady's ring. They were supposed to be rare
and valuable. I had taken this statement with a grain of salt before
reaching Harwich. There the customs inspector sprang upon my shawl
with a glad cry. He promptly demanded a deposit on the order of a
hundred pounds before he would let me take the shawl across England
on my transit visa. This was awkward, because I then had no money
even remotely resembling a hundred pounds. After a long discussion,
with many pleas of abject poverty and solemn promises to take the
shawl out of England again, the inspector finally decided to forget
the whole matter and let me go. When I got home, I felt it right to
present the Orenburg shawl to Professor Mimno's wife. Fortunately,
Catherine had one of her own (which she had transported across
borders by the simple expedient of wearing it) so that I still have
at least a small interest in one of these souvenirs.
I had two weeks to spend in England before my boat sailed, and very
little money left. I found two or three facilities that greatly
eased my problem. I located a little rooming-house near the British
Museum where I got my bed and an excellent (Danish?) breakfast for
two guineas a week. There was also a fine old hotel, the Thackeray,
nearly across the street from the Museum. One could walk into the
lounge in the afternoon, press a button and say "tea" to the
waitress, and receive a substantial meal for a shilling. With my
hearty breakfast taken late and a good tea, I required no other
meals during this period. I spent a great deal of time in the
British Museum, which then closely resembled grandmother's attic. In
more recent years they have relegated 95% of the collections to
storage and have displayed the best to excellent advantage. It is
now a far more attractive museum, but with not nearly so much to
look at. Occasionally, during this waiting period, I would treat
myself to underground fare to some other part of London to wander
London Again 84
for a while, but for most of this fortnight the Russell Square area
was my habitat.
On one memorable afternoon, Professor Appleton invited me to tea at
the Halley-Stewart Laboratories. I found, to my surprise, a group of
a dozen of the most eminent ionospheric researchers in England,
including Professor (later Sir Robert) Watson-Watt. Professor
Appleton promptly stood me up at a blackboard and they all began
asking questions about my views on various ionospheric problems, as
well as about the work in Russia. Possibly because I was the victim,
I found the interrogation rougher than any oral doctoral examination
I ever attended. The worst came when Professor Appleton, with a
malicious gleam in his eye, asked what I thought of the paper by
Watson-Watt and one of his students that announced the discovery of
a reasonably highly-reflecting "C layer" at a height of ten or
fifteen kilometers. I had to plead ignorance, for which I was
forgiven when it was recalled that the paper had been published just
as I went into Russia. Professor Appleton then gave me a one-minute
summary of Professor Watson-Watt's claims, and demanded an opinion.
It was fairly obvious that the reported reflections must have come
from hills or buildings or aircraft, or all three, but I dared not
suggest this simple explanation with Watson-Watt scowling at me. I
got out of my difficulty reasonably well explaining that many people
had measured coefficients of reflection of the higher layers that
would be impossible if the new lower layer really existed. The
afternoon ended without my having added much to the enmity that
existed between Appleton and Watson Watt. During and after World War
II, Sir Robert managed to acquire a reputation as "the father of
radar", which he claimed to have invented in 1934. I have often
wondered when the idea really came to him.
My ship was the "American Banker", one of the American Export Line's
one-class vessels. I had a pleasant crossing, except that I
hesitated to ask the staff for anything because I knew that my tips
would have to be far below standard. By being niggardly enough in
this respect, I succeeded in getting back to Cambridge with seventy-
five cents in my pocket.
8.
Throughout the four years that began immediately after my return
from Russia, I performed in at least a two-ring circus. The very-
high-frequency work having tapered off, I was more deeply engaged in
ionospheric problems, some of them being attempts to prove that
meteors contribute significant ionization in the upper atmosphere. I
was also drawn into a busy collaboration with Professor Hunt in
investigation of problems in sound reproduction from phonograph
records.
Professor Mimno insisted that I should complete the requirements for
my bachelors degree, and Harvard was more than generous in giving me
time and tuition grants for this purpose. I took Ted Hunt's
excellent course in acoustics and two or three cultural courses in
Summer School. Credit for these was transferred to Maine, which gave
me the B.A. in the fall of 1937. Passing this milestone brought up
the question of advanced degrees. It was financially impossible to
take full time for these, and it seemed grossly unfair to think of
stealing from my work as much time as would be needed. Under these
pressures, I decided that I must see what I could do at Harvard
without further degrees. I reasoned that if I could publish enough
scientific papers the University would find it difficult to explain
that I was just a minor technician and might appoint me to some kind
of staff status. I may say at once that this campaign worked well;
in 1939, after I had (with Professor Mimno, or Professor Hunt, or by
myself) published ten or twelve papers, the Corporation granted me a
minor annual appointment.
Before describing the phonographic work that took a third or more of
my time from 1936 to 1940, I must assign more credit to Professor
Mimno. I am sure that he was primarily responsible for finding, in
dusty corners of small budgets, enough funds to support my salary. I
surely felt that he had the right to direct my efforts, but he never
hinted at any dissatisfaction, even when my conscience nagged at me
for working as hard as I soon did in a field in which he bad no
special interest. It is, I suppose, true that I was generally
working at least ten or twelve hours each day in this era, as I had
little money or interest for other things, but my admiration and
gratitude for Harry's tolerance remain among my best remembered
emotions.
* * *
86
In August, 1936, then, I found Ted Hunt, with whom I was only
casually acquainted, overloaded in his efforts to finish building
some remarkably-advanced equipment for making phonograph records of
the proceedings of the Harvard Tercentenary Celebration. Ted had
induced the Tercentenary authorities to give him the financial help
needed for his desired instruments by suggesting the importance of
preserving for the fourth centenary celebration a complete audible
record of the activities at the third. While the idea of making such
records was exciting, I suspect that Ted's greatest interest was in
procuring equipment that he could use later for research purposes.
He had bought professional-quality turntables and other record-
cutting gear and had had high quality telephone lines run through
the steam tunnels to connect the important buildings with the
proposed recording room in the Research Laboratory of Physics. Being
dissatisfied with any recording amplifiers he could buy, he was
building his own to very advanced standards; it was in completing
the construction of these that he was falling seriously behind
schedule. It was to be expected that there would also be an
uncertain, but large, amount of testing and experimental record
cutting to be done.
The Harvard Tercentenary was by far the greatest academic
celebration in my experience, or perhaps in my lifetime. After two
or three weeks of Conferences on Arts and Sciences, the formal
proceedings lasted three days. It was like a glorified Commencement.
The whole Harvard Yard was decorated, among other things, by
hundreds of white poles carrying at their tops gilded Cambridge
lions. Sixty-two honorary degrees were awarded. Delegates from about
five hundred universities and colleges and fifty learned societies
marched in the academic procession in order of the ages of the
institutions, beginning with Al-Azhar which was founded in the year
970 A.D. The President of the United States was allowed a part in
the festival; John Masefield, the Poet Laureate of England, read a
poem; and musical portions were performed by the Boston Symphony
Orchestra. Seats were provided for 15,000 guests in the quadrangle
between the Memorial Church and the Widener Library. This
Tercentenary Theater was served by a remarkable sound system
contrived and supplied by the Bell Telephone Laboratories and the
Western Electric Company, allegedly at a cost of over $100,000. The
Theater has been used for Commencements since 1936, and the sound
reinforcement system has come down through the years surprisingly
won, with only occasional modifications and replacements of
equipment. The sound system for the Tercentenary was so free of
distortion and so artfully supplied from loudspeakers in the trees
and on surrounding buildings that most members of the audience did
not realize that electronic assistance was providing what they
heard. It was commonplace to hear people ask each other, "Why don't
they have a public address system?", not realizing that without one
they could have heard almost nothing from the rostrum at their
Phonography 87
distant seats.
With such a tempting program to be recorded, it is not surprising
that I volunteered and worked very hard with Ted to help complete
his equipment and learn how a recording was made. We slaved day and
night and, in classical fashion, completed the last changes and
adjustments within the hour before the ceremonies began. From my
point of view this rush had one bad effect. Ted claimed that I was
the only one who could be trusted with the actual cutting of the
records. I therefore spent the entire Tercentenary perched on a high
stool in front of the recording turntables and saw nothing of the
pageantry, although I must admit that I heard everything remarkably
well.
In the weeks following the Tercentenary, we cut more test records
and learned to make optical studies of the record grooves,
microscopically and in other ways. We discovered that we had,
perhaps largely by accident, made records of what was then
phenomenally high quality. This knowledge placed us in an
intolerable position because there was no phonograph pickup in
existence that could reproduce what we had recorded. Even worse,
there was no pickup that could be used without damaging the records.
We had had an instinctive realization of this tact, and had not
allowed any of the Tercentenary records to be played back, with the
exception of a few short sections at points where President Conant
insisted on finding out exactly what expressions had been used, or
where he wished to know whether certain off-microphone remarks had
been picked up and recorded, as they usually had been.
Knowing the excellent quality of today's phonographs and records, it
is hard to realize how bad nearly all of them were in 1936. In the
preceding decade, the old mechanical reproducers had been replaced
by electric pickups, amplifiers, and loudspeakers. The pickups and
the amplifiers, at least, followed the old designs because they were
intended to play the same records, which were, not to conceal the
truth, awful. To get enough acoustical power from the record groove
through a mechanical pickup, the stylus had to be pressed hard
against the record. In ordinary practice,the unbalanced weight of a
pickup was as nuch as four ounces. This weight rested on a needle
whose point had dimensions or only a few thousandths of an inch. The
resulting pressure was in the range of 20,000 to 50,000 pounds per
square inch, which exceeded the elastic limit of the record
material. The sharp point Of the usual steel needle would gouge out
the groove, erasing the higher recorded frequency components and
tearing the surfaces of the record groove so that random (scratch)
noise increased each time the record was played. Teddy's favorite
simile was to suggest that the effect was like dragging a cannon
ball along the furrow in a plowed field. To decrease the tearing
effect, abrasives were added to the record material so that a new
The Quality of Phonographs in 1936 88
needle would be ground to fit the groove after a few revolutions of
the turntable. This distributed the weight over a larger area of
contact so that the tearing was reduced, but it had two serious
disadvantages. The larger area of contact meant that the highest
frequencies could not be reproduced; while the roughness of the
abrasive produced unnatural, and unwanted, noise. It was therefore
common practice to limit the high-frequency response of the
reproducing system to about 3500 cycles per second, or little more
than the frequency range of an ordinary telephone circuit. The only
exception to this unfortunate situation was in the ease of
transcription records made for distribution of radio broadcasts.
These had recently been greatly improved by the Bell Telephone
Laboratories and the Western Electric organization. The
transcription records were in vertical cut on sixteen-inch lacquer-
coated discs that would play for almost thirty minutes. In
retrospect, it is clear that their virtues were the results of a new
order of care used in their manufacture.
Our records were cut in vinylite, without abrasive, so that they
exhibited even less noise than the transcription records. Because
this plastic was softer than the commercial shellac records, ours
were even more subject to tearing of the grooves and wearing off of
the high-frequency components of the sound. The obvious direction to
take in making a suitable pickup was to reduce the pressure on the
record to the point where all stresses were below the elastic limit
of the record material. This would mean that the entire mechanism
would have to be very light. It was clear that the power available
from a pickup would be proportional to the mass of material vibrated
by the modulation of the record grooves; making the pickup light
would reduce the power output. This fact did not disturb us, as good
amplifiers, were easy to make. We felt that even if the output
should be as low as that from a microphone we would still have a
useful device.
We began our experimenting with a simple hairpin of thin phosphor-
bronze ribbon. At the front, or closed end, of the hairpin the
ribbon's breadth was perpendicular to the record. This loop was
coupled to a sapphire stylus by a very light aluminum cone. Lateral
vibration of the stylus thus produced a rotary motion of the hairpin
in a magnetic field produced by a permanent magnet, so that the
front part of the hairpin was a single-turn coil and formed a small
alternating-current generator. The rotation of the hairpin was made
easier by twisting the ribbon in the rear part outside of the
magnetic field into the horizontal plane. A defect of this device
was that the front center of the hairpin had to be supported by a
block of viscous damping material to maintain the right pressure on
the record, and the acoustical characteristics depended in part on
the size and shape of the block of damping material. The pickup did,
however, show great promise. One inconvenience was that the
impedance of the generator was very small, about 0.005 ohm, so that
heavy wires had to be used if the output were to be conducted very
far. We solved this problem by having a small transformer that
brought the impedance up to 500 ohms, and used the transformer
itself as a counterweight at the far end of the tone arm on which
the pickup was mounted.
We worked our way through many variations of this device. Each time
we made a major change in the design we increased the model number,
while minor variations were accounted for by letters, in
alphabetical sequence, appended to the number. By the time we
graduated from model HP-5G to HP-6A, we felt that we had a pickup
worth demonstrating and whose characteristics were worth publishing.
The hairpin had now become a little tube of phosphor-bronze about
three one-hundredths of an inch in diameter with walls two one
thousandths of an inch thick. The needed flexibility toward the
rear, where the hairpin was fixed, was provided by simply crushing
the tube into flat strips. This construction gave us good rigidity
in the coil part where it was needed, and flexibility where that was
essential. The electrical performance was sensational, for those
days, extending from 30 to 10,000 cycles per second. The power
output was admittedly very low, about one one-thousandth part of
normal, but this did not constitute a serious problem.
One of the most fascinating features was the light weight on the
record; about two grams. This produced pressures so gentle that it
was impossible to damage a record. We would astonish guests and
audiences by dropping the pickup two or three inches onto a fresh
uncut record. This would produce no visible or audible dent. An even
more startling test was to place a finger on each side of the tone
arm and scrub it back and forth across the grooves while a record
was being played. With any other pickup this would instantly ruin
the record. With ours, the noise from the loudspeaker during the
scrubbing was, of course, intolerable, but afterward the record
continued to play with no sign of damage. These characteristics and
the tonal quality of the reproduction were quite unheard of, and we
demonstrated them to any audience we could muster. Most experts
found it hard to believe that our audiences consistently voted Not'
when we inserted electrical filters and cut off the response to
frequencies above 11,000 cycles per second. Such a result was
contrary to the assumption that people did not want high frequency
response. We had proved that, if distortion and noise were
sufficiently reduced, the public really did like good sound
reproduction.
We had reached this state in November, 1937, and reported our
results first at the Acoustical Society meeting in Ann Arbor,
Michigan. This was an especially welcome opportunity for me, as
Catherine had left Vassar to pursue her graduate studies at the
Mr. Benner's Precise Machine Work 90
University of Michigan. I thus had a fine chance to visit her while
helping to amaze the acoustical experts of the country. Our paper on
HP6A was published in early 1938 and drew about two hundred fan
letters, a remarkable response for a scientific paper. Some of these
correspondents kept us writing letters for years; in fact, I think
the file was not closed until 1946.
We continued to improve our pickups until 1940; I think the last was
HP-23. We finally learned how to make them without any damping
material, which in reality had been needed only to control unwanted
modes of vibration. Although Teddy and I no doubt had the ideas
about what we wanted, most of the credit for these remarkably light
pickups must go to Harold Benner. Mr. Benner was the elderly chief
machinist at Cruft Laboratory. So far as I know, he could make
anything. I remember one occasion when one of the rich young men
around the lab had bought his wife a tiny Swiss watch. The works
were so small that if one had had two of them they could have been
placed side by aide on a dime without overhanging the edge. One of
the watch jewels had become broken, and a number of major jewelers
had refused to undertake repairs. When appropriately challenged, Mr.
Benner took the job home, where he had a more delicate jewelers
lathe than he had at the lab, and ground and drilled a new jewel
with satisfactory results.
The challenge was an important part of getting the best from Hr.
Benner. We learned to approach a delicate job by saying, "We don't
believe it can be done, but what we really need is . . ." An
excellent example is the kind of cone we used in our later pickups.
These were about two tenths of an inch long and one tenth in
diameter. At the top was a narrow cylindrical section to which a
thin silver band was later cemented, and there was a little button
at the end into which a sapphire or diamond stylus point was
inserted. Mr. Benner would start with a rod of duralumin. After
boring a cylindrical and then conical hole in the end, he would
cement this end to a correspondingly tapered arbor so the he could
reverse the rod in his lathe. He would then turn down the outside of
the cone until the remaining structure had a thickness of half a
thousandth of an inch, except at the little bump at the end. The
completed cones weighed an average of about four milligrams; it
would have taken 7,000 of them to weigh an ounce. I must admit that
occasionally one of these cones would be torn during the final
cutting but, even so, this remains one of the most remarkable
examples of fine machining that I ever watched. Certainly, without
Mr. Benner we could have done nothing important.
People never realize the combination of flexibility and internal
stiffness required in a phonograph reproducer. The acceleration in a
record groove can easily reach a thousand times the acceleration due
to gravity. If an automobile could tolerate such acceleration, it
would reach a speed of fifty miles an hour after the first inch of
travel. For a pickup to withstand such forces, the effective mass
referred to the stylus tip must be a thousand times smaller than the
unbalanced weight on the record. For use with lateral cut records,
much of the mass of our pickups was concentrated relatively near to
the axis of rotation. We could then have a total mass perhaps as
large as ten milligrams and yet achieve a playing weight of only two
grams, or about one fifteenth of an ounce.
Our best proof of the value of light weight on the record was a
commercial Beethoven recording that we played over 2500 times in
tests and demonstrations of various pickups. After all of this use,
it still had the "gleam" of a new one. We used to annoy Briggs and
Briggs, the fine music store in Harvard Square, when we went to
choose a new test record. After listening to many, in an effort to
select passages that were hard to reproduce accurately, we would say
to the clerk, "This one is good; now go get us a new record that has
not been played". One of our finest and most difficult tests was the
"singing strings" passage in the third movement of Brahms' first
symphony. Any pickup that could reproduce these measures without
audible distortion was clearly of the first rank.
Consideration of the pickup behavior led us into a long study of the
geometrical relations between the stylus tip and the record groove.
The details of this research are too complex to be worth discussing
here. The important point is that we have to out a groove with a
very sharp-edged tool although we must play it back with a smooth
(spherical or ellipsoidal) stylus tip. For this reason, the motion
of a playback stylus is not the same as the motion of the cutting
tool with which the record was made. We realized that the center of
a spherical stylus traced a curve that remained at a constant
distance from each of the surfaces of a record groove, If, for
purposes of analysis, we took each wall of the groove as following a
sine wave, the stylus would move along a path that was completely
determined by the amplitude and wavelength of the sine wave and the
radius of the stylus. A defined curve of this sort seemed to deserve
a name. We originally called it the "Pierceoid", partly because I
first suggested the existence of such a family of relationships, but
chiefly because I made the extremely tedious calculations required
to determine the amount of distortion produced in this way. This
name seemed unduly awkward, however, and we shortened it to the
"Poid" before we used the term in print. I am still occasionally
pleased to find that this name is defined in a technical dictionary.
Ted and I came to the interesting conclusion that, in the matter of
distortion, lateral-cut records had a distinct advantage over those
that were made with vertical motion of the cutting stylus. Knowing,
by now, the physical requirements (the right amount of stiffness,
the small mass, and the capability to withstand high acceleration)
for a good pickup, we were able to define the criteria for a
satisfactory reproducer and to establish the kind of groove that
might be used to make long-playing records. Because we could not
conceive of a cutting head that could simultaneously record both
vertically and laterally, we failed explicitly to predict stereo
disc recording. The paper we wrote about these matters was the most
important one in our collaboration. It was simultaneously published
in the Journals of the Acoustical Society and the Society of Motion
Picture Engineers; a somewhat rare happening that was possible
because both editors wanted the paper and did not feel that their
membership lists overlapped too much.
We gave the subject matter of this paper verbally at several
meetings of scientific societies. This became something of a road
show; wherever we went the Bell Telephone Laboratories sent two or
three of their engineers to try to refute our claims about the
superiority of lateral recording. This was a great deal of fun
because by the time of each meeting the opposition had thought up
new arguments in favor of their excellent vertical records. As their
new ideas were always presented in discussion periods after we had
made our exposition, we had to think fast to find satisfactory
counter arguments extemporaneously. Perhaps the most interesting
proof of the soundness of our work did not come until eighteen years
later, in 1966, when the Audio Engineering Society decided to make
me an honorary member. This surprised me, as I had had no connection
with audio engineering for fully fifteen years. I could not resist
going to the convention in New York to be awarded this honor. It
turned out that when the industry was getting ready to produce
stereo records, people had found the mathematical basis they needed
in the 1938 Pierce and Hunt paper. I was very lucky in this in
stance. Ted and I had a policy of alternately assuming the position
of senior author and this most important of our papers fell into my
share.
In the course of this work, Ted and I had secured two patents that
seemed to be very sound. They were fundamental, as we claimed the
physical features that would cover any phonograph pickup that could
trace a groove in accordance with our teachings; and these teachings
defined the criteria for satisfactory freedom from distortion and
record damage. We thought that these patents were valuable
properties, but most of the industry correctly judged that we were
academic types who would never know how to fight a patent suit. An
exception to this general policy was nearly provided by Columbia
Records, which got far enough to offer us each $3000 a year, for the
life of our patents, for the rights. I tried hard to get Ted to
accept this offer but, at the time, he had an inflated idea of the
value of a patent. It had happened that, some years before, Ted had
invented the electronic frequency meter. His friends at the General
Radio Company were interested in manufacturing it, and offered him
G.W.'s Advice / Psychology of Hearing 93
his choice of two deals: $1,000 outright, or a five percent royalty
on whatever they sold. It did not seem that the sales would be
large, and Ted had chosen the royalty chiefly out of friendship, not
wanting the company to pay too much in case the frequency meter
should not be a commercial success. Over several years, his receipts
were showing some signs of reaching the thousand dollar level. By
the time our phonograph patents were issued, World War II was
beginning, and the U.S. Navy decided to put one of Ted's frequency
meters in nearly every ship and shore installation. When the
Columbia patent deal was being negotiated, Ted was collecting
thousands from the frequency meter. This led him to feel that
Columbia would pay more, but his stubborn attitude outlasted
Columbia's patience. The deal collapsed, partly because Ted and I
were both deeply involved in war work and had little time or
interest for anything else. As a result, we never collected a penny
on our patents. It has always interested me that Columbia's Peter
Goldmark, after the war, emerged as the inventor of long playing
records. Dr. Goldmark did a magnificent job of development, reducing
our ideas to practice. I was to learn that this is usually a harder
and more critical part of bringing a new device before the public
than is the invention of the idea but, for a time, I sorely missed
having a share of the credit. I did not then know President A.
Lawrence Lowell's frequently repeated aphorism, "You may get results
or you may get credit for results; you can rarely have both."
* * *
In the early days of these patents, Teddy and I had felt that we did
not know how to make them show the most (if any) profit. As
Professor G. W. Pierce was known to hold many patents and to have an
aggressive patent attorney, we approached him for advice, saying, in
effect, "How do you decide what royalty to charge for the use of a
patent". After a moment of thought, G.W. explained that the trick
was to establish a rate such that the product of the rate and the
number of items sold would become a maximum. "Yes, yes!" said Teddy
and I eagerly, And how do you do that? Why, said G.W., flothing
could be more simple. One simply expresses the function,
differentiates it, and sets the result equal to zero. With this
profound advice ringing in our ears, Teddy and I retired to our own
quarters as least as wise as when we had come in.
* * *
It is hard to say whether it is good or bad that the human ear (or
more probably brain) easily adapts to what it is hearing. If one's
record player or radio is a little out of its best adjustment, this
fact must be noted and the error be corrected within seconds after
the machine has been turned on. If the fault be not readjusted
immediately, the ear will become used to it and the sound will come
G.W.'s Advice / Psychology of Hearing 94
to seem natural. The bigger the defect the longer it will take to
get used to it, but ultimately the ear will like the sounds it is
familiar with. There is a classical story about one of the most
famous audio engineers who, many years ago, bought a fine radio with
far better frequency response than the one he had had. The radio was
unquestionably superior, but his wife detested it because it
shrieked at her. Being a practical psychologist as well as a married
man, the engineer said he would fix it. He concealed in the cabinet.
fifty of the old two microfarad paper capacitors that every lab used
to have many of and connected them in parallel across the voice coil
of the loudspeaker. This reduced the quality of the sound to about
the level of the old radio and satisfied the wife. Then, every
Sunday morning before his wife appeared, he would reach behind the
speaker enclosure with his cutting pliers and disconnect one or more
of the capacitors. In a few months he brought the tone quality back
to what it should have been, and his wife still thought it was
wonderful.
When working in sound reproduction, one needs to be continuously on
guard lest, instead of continuing to make improvements, he come to
like what he has. It is too easy to improve things so that they be
come more like what he enjoyed last week or last month. This is, of
course, negative progress. Fortunately, Ted and I were able to adopt
a happy plan that probably had a great deal to do with the ultimate
quality of our work. It happened that the Hunts had season tickets
to the concerts of the Boston Symphony Orchestra and that Kay, Ted's
talented and long-suffering wife, had entered a period when she was
caring for a small son and did not seem to care greatly whether she
went to the concerts or not. She effectively deeded her seat to me
so that, after working all week to the point where we began to be
satisfied with the music we were getting from our fine machinery,
Ted and I could go to the Saturday night concert and get our musical
taste recalibrated. By thus keeping the absolute standard of musical
excellence in the forepart of our attention, we were able to prevent
ourselves from becoming self-hypnotized and too satisfied with the
results of our labors.
The phonograph pickup is not the only important part of the re
producing system. Amplifiers and loudspeakers were subjected to
careful study, but we made no inventions in these areas. Ted
designed and the lab's best carpenter, Billy Kennealy, built for us
an excellent low-frequency speaker. This came in two halves, each
about three feet by six and five feet high, or as large as could
conveniently be wheeled through the various doors in the
laboratories. Each half consisted of a folded exponential horn which
was driven by a fifteen inch speaker. The high frequencies were
reproduced through a Fletcher horn, a multicellular speaker made by
the Western Electric Company for theater systems. The low-frequency
speakers were of complex construction inside, and it took us some
weeks to add the necessary reinforcements in various places to
subdue unwanted resonances. During this interval, Frederick Saunders
wandered into the room. Professor Saunders was the chairman of the
Physics Department and an excellent violinist. He was blessed with
the rare talent of having absolute pitch and, being a good
physicist, he had taught himself to express this in either musical
or physical terms. After listening to the musical sounds our speaker
produced for a minute or two, he remarked, Your trouble is at 82
cycles per second. When we located the unwanted vibration in the
box, we measured the frequency carefully. It was at exactly 82-1/2
cycles.
It used to be dogma that "the ear takes no account of phase". This
statement is nearly true, but there are a few ears that are
especially sensitive. Two pairs of these belonged to Joe Maxfield
and Art College, the two stalwarts of E.R.P.I., the Western Electric
subsidiary that installed and maintained sound systems for movie
theaters. We had met Joe and Art in connection with the Tercentenary
and they kept an interested eye on what we were doing for several
years. When we set up our fine loudspeaker combination, they
complained that the phasing was not right. The high and low
frequency speakers crossed over (or radiated equal amounts of power)
at about 300 cycles per second. Because the component speakers were
effectively at different distances from the ears of the listener,
the 300 cycle sounds apparently arrived in different phases and
interfered in an unpleasant way, although Ted and I could hear
nothing wrong. Joe and Art assured us that it was only necessary to
change the high frequency speaker's position, on top of the low
frequency woofers, by a few inches to correct the trouble. We
decided to test this suggestion. Sending one of our visitors out of
the room, we let the other move the Fletcher horn, while listening
to good music, until he was satisfied. We then made a private mark
to record the position and threw the adjustment out. The other
expert then went through the same performance and amazed Ted and me
by settling on a position within about an eighth of an inch of that
selected by his colleague. Although we could hear nothing changing
as they made their adjustments, Ted and I had to admit that they
were hearing something real. After some months, I managed to train
my ears to detect a little of what Joe and Art had complained of; a
sort of "burr" when the music involved a tone at the crossover
frequency or near it, but I never attained much of their critical
ability.
Beginning as soon as we had suitable reproducing equipment, I became
involved in various minor recording activities, some of which had
entertaining aspects. In one of the early cases, the recording
served only as an introduction to the finest jam session I ever
attended. During the 1937 Summer School, I became acquainted with
several jazz aficionados, one of whom was a professor of history at
Columbia University. These friends were interested in several black
jazz musicians in Boston, whose talents they wished to advertise in
hope of getting them better engagements.
To advance this aim, I arranged an opportunity for the group to play
in the Music Building at Harvard, from which we had recording lines,
and made two or three records that my friends could use for
demonstration. This led to a happy Sunday when, soon after lunch,
five of us went to the hall of the negro musicians' union on
Columbus avenue. Each of us brought two one-gallon jugs of the
cheapest gin, and from then on we let nature take its course. Word
spread rapidly, and musicians and listeners arrived in great
numbers. I was astonished by the virtuosity of the players. When a
new man arrived he might take over the piano while the former
pianist would change to a trumpet or perhaps clarinet. The makeup of
the band changed in some such way every few minutes. The group could
play anything we asked for, but our ideas were soon exhausted and we
found it better to just sit back and listen. As the afternoon wore
on, followed by evening and night, it developed that the professor
had the fiscal resources to keep sending emissaries for huge trays
of sandwiches all the while, in some way. I did not understand (in
Boston, on Sunday), we were able to keep the gin flowing, at a
price. I have seldom heard jazz so well and spontaneously played,
even in the old days in Greenwich Village, and certainly was never
deluged by so much of it. I regretted that I had to leave at the
height of the party at about three A.M, and I was even more sorry
that the pressure of other things prevented me from keeping an
acquaintance with these remarkable musicians.
My fondness for Jim was of an entirely different kind. Jim was a
katydid coflected (by Dick Dow, who had been a friend of Catherine
since her college days) for Professor G.W. Pierce, in the early days
of his experimentation with the ultrasonic sounds of insects. G.W.
later wrote a charming book, called The Songs of Insects, that I
have always suspected of being the last book to be written in the
scientific style of the nineteenth century. The techniques for his
studies were a curious mixture of the new and the obsolescent. His
ways of picking up the sounds inaudible to the human ear were highly
modern, or even unique, but his methods for recording and analyzing
them would have been recognized by John Tyndall.
Most Insects had such low stridulation frequencies that they could
be recorded by G.W.'s crude equipment, but Jim modulated his high
frequencies so rapidly that the gear did not respond satisfactorily.
I earned myself a footnote in G.W.'s book by recording Jim's sounds
at 78 RPM and playing them back at 33 1/3 RPM, which brought them
into the range necessary for analysis.
Jim had a loud double chirp that was steadily repeated at night,
often for hours at a time. He was a favorite in the lab, where he
lived for several months while Paul Donaldson, the lab photographer,
took beautiful still pictures of him and tried hard to get high
speed movies that would reveal his stridulation technique. On one
occasion, G.W. arranged a radio broadcast about his insect noises
and I was drafted to run his sound effects. He wanted to use Jim as
an example, which worried me as the insect would often fall silent
without warning. By way of insurance, I kept a good record of Jim's
calls on a turntable, while I put Jim himself into a dark broom
closet with his own microphone. During the first part of G.W.'s talk
I spent most of my time monitoring him and running his other
exhibits, but kept nervously checking Jim's line to see if he was
still beeping. Fortunately, the katydid was highly reliable that day
and came through in excellent voice when called upon.
To change from silly to sublime subject matter, I must confess how
it happened that the world has no phonograph records of the
magnificent voice of Walter Hampden. A professor of public speaking
at Harvard, Freddy Packard, used phonograph records of his own in
his teaching, and he was fascinated by the quality of our records.
From time to time he would bring actors, who were playing in Boston,
over to Harvard and induce them to make a few private records that
he could use in his courses. Ted had, by this time, run microphone
and loudspeaker lines between our recording room and the Faculty
Room of the Physics Department. This was a pleasant, booklined room,
furnished as a living room, and we had determined that it had the
right acoustical properties to make it an excellent studio.
Walter Hampden was a famous Shakespearian actor. He could whisper or
shout or bellow with the most perfect clarity, and his range from
soft to loud was, we found, nearly equal to that of an orchestra. He
was quite correct in believing that no phonograph could do justice
to his voice, and he had never permitted a record to be made. In
some way Professor Packard overcame this reluctance and brought Mr.
Hampden to the Faculty Room. After a few minutes of talk, I went
upstairs to the recording room and warmed up the equipment while
suggestions for Mr. Hampden's readings were being discussed. Just as
I was ready for the performance to begin, the conversation in the
Faculty Room disclosed the fact that we had, the week before, made
records of Ethel Barrymore. Mr. Hampden insisted that he must hear
these before he would give his own readings. Accordingly, I quickly
undid my connections and put the Barrymore records on the
turntables. After playing these through the loudspeaker in the
Faculty Room, I reestablished the recording setup, and Mr. Hampden
began to recite. It was unfortunate that I happened to be monitoring
what went onto the records with a pair of crystal headphones. These
cheap devices had excellent high-frequency response but were very
deficient in the low frequencies. As a result I, being busy trying
to keep Mr. Hampden's glorious words from overloading or
Walter Hampden 98
undercutting the records, did not notice anything wrong with the
tonal quality of the sound until the time came for playing back the
records we had made. They sounded as one might imagine they would if
mouthed by a hippopotamus. By the time I discovered that, in my
haste to re-establish recording conditions, I had plugged the in
Faculty Room monitor speaker where the microphone ought to have
been, Mr. Hampden had departed in his very highest dudgeon. I was
never able to learn that he ventured into a recording studio again.
9.
The "radio" side of my life between 1936 and 1940 was fully as
fascinating as the phonographic work, but it was of far less general
interest and only indirectly of much importance. With one exception,
to be described below, the meagre results of the very-high-frequency
work led to the gradual elimination of that project. For some
reason, certain occasional bursts of skywave reception from an early
shortwave broadcast transmitter in Millie, Massachusetts, attracted
my attention. These, I felt, might be caused by reflection of the
signals from clouds of ionization produced by occasional large
meteors passing through the atmosphere more or less overhead. It had
been shown, in 1932, that a general increase in the ionization of
the E-layer could be observed at the time of a recognised meteor
Shower, but the fact was not widely known or believed. By studying
what was known about the relative frequency of large meteors and the
amount of energy dissipated by them, I was able to show that they
should be able to produce enough ionization about as often as was
needed to explain the effects observed.
This started a continuing interest in meteoric ionization, although
the study of it was somewhat frustrating. One never, of course,
knows when a large meteor may appear, while reflections from
ionization produced by smaller ones were not easily detectable with
the radar-like techniques and especially with the limited
transmitter power available before 1940. I used to dream of a
scenario in which I would observe the passage of a meteor which
actually fell to earth to be recovered. I could then, I thought,
give a lecture saying, "Here is the record produced by a meteor,
observed at a certain time; and, (reaching into a pocket), Here,
gentlemen, is the meteor". It is needless to say that such an
opportunity never came to me or, so far as I know, to anyone else.
It was gradually possible, in part before World War II and in part
in the first year or two afterward, to amass a series of records
showing reflections from meteoric ionization at times coinciding
with visual observations. This involved many tedious and chilling
hours watching for and counting visual meteors. The climax of these
efforts came one night about 1 A.M. when Catherine and I were
watching at the field station that the lab then maintained in
Weston, where we had a hut containing receiving equipment and where
the darkness of the sky made watching very productive. We had only
been there a few minutes, or long enough to get dark-adapted, when
the second-largest bolide I ever saw appeared almost overhead. It
was rather like a flaming full moon, except that it threw off sparks
of green and blue and left a trail in the sky that was visible for
about twenty minutes. As soon as I recovered from my surprise, I
rushed into the shack to see the radio reflection, only to discover
that the transmitter in Cambridge had failed. I dashed to the car
and drove to the laboratory, with little regard for speed limits,
and succeeded in getting the transmitter back on the air in time to
record the latter part of the reflection from the cloud of
ionization, which persisted for a total of forty-five minutes.
In 1946, the Draconid meteor shower of October 9th was predicted to
be exceptionally brilliant, as the earth would approach the orbit of
the parent comet soon after the comet had passed that point in its
orbit. This prediction was fulfilled by the biggest meteor shower in
my lifetime. Unfortunately it was cloudy in Massachusetts, but my
records showed at least four thousand "bright meteors in about three
hours", a number that agreed well with visual observations in other
places.
After the war, the availability of high-powered radar equipment made
meteor researches more rewarding, for other investigators, and the
results were often studied by far better physicists than I, so that
my early successes in the field were soon forgotten. It was,
however, an effort that greatly interested me and which has, in
other hands, led to many useful results. I do believe, however, that
I was the first to demonstrate that a radio (or radar) reflection
could be produced by a single meteor.
In June, 1938 there was a remarkable amount of sporadic E-region
ionization at the time when the season of the year and the cycle of
solar activity were both at their best. This sporadic ionization is
related to auroral activity, because both are produced by the
bombardment of the atmosphere by charged particles shot off from
active areas on the sun. Most patches of sporadic ionization are
small and seem to move in a way reminiscent of the motion of auroral
streamers. On several occasions in 1938 (and occasionally since
then) the ionization extended across areas a thousand miles or more
across and was also unusually intense. One result of this activity
was that hundreds of amateur radio contacts in the 56-megacycle band
were achieved across distances up to two or three thousand miles
instead of being restricted to a few tens of miles, as is usually
the case.
Through the courtesy of Ross Hull, the Technical Director of the
American Radio Relay League (an organization of radio amateurs), the
many reports of these phenomenal radio conversations were sent to me
for analysis. I was able to deduce the intensity of the ionization
as a function of geographical position and, besides plotting
contours to show the extent of the sporadic clouds, to show that
Meteoric Ionization 101
reflection had been possible up to a frequency of 150 megahertz, to
use the modern nomenclature. This means, in current term; that at
least the first few television channels should, if an equal
magnitude of sporadic ionization occurs again, be clearly seen at
distances of about a thousand miles. At the same time the FM band
might well have signals in hopeless confusion, for a short period.
In the 1938 case, there was at least one occasion when two large
clouds of ionization occupied the eastern and western halves of the
United States at the same tine, so that coast-to-coast 56-megahertz
transmission was possible for a few hours. I had the pleasure of
writing an account of this study in two contrasting styles, one for
publication in QST, the radio amateur periodical, and a second in
scientific language for the "Physical Review".
The hurricane that struck eastern New England in September, 1938,
was exciting, as no one in this area had seen anything like it for
more than a century. There was little or no warning, at least in the
Boston area. For some reason I had left work in the afternoon and
gone to a movie in Harvard Square. The storm, which had not been
noticeably severe, surprised me by its intensity when I came out
near dinnertime. I did not know what the storm was, but damage was
clearly being done. After I had eaten and thought it over and, I am
sure, after the rain had subsided and the wind had gone down
somewhat, I took a flashlight and patiently climbed each of the
three antenna towers on the Physics labs to see that none of the
many wires had torn loose. None had, strangely and luckily, as
trailing wires on such a night could have been hazardous.
In the morning I was horrified to find the lawns near Memorial Hall,
close to which I passed on my way from the lab to my room, were
thickly strewn with slates from the roof of the hall. These were
large and heavy, perhaps eighteen by thirty inches in dimensions,
and most of them were standing nearly upright, buried to half their
length in the ground. I never heard that anyone had been injured in
the fall of these slates, probably because few idiots would have
been abroad during the worst of the storm. On that morning after the
hurricane it became obvious that many towns in eastern and central
Massachusetts had been more or less cut off by high water, and some
of them had not been heard from as almost all wires were down. Doe
Selvidge and I then took the radio truck, that was liberally
supplied with batteries, and set out to see what "lost" towns we
could discover and assist by sending out messages if help were
needed. This was a largely useless effort as people were more self-
sufficient in those days and usually seemed to deal with their own
emergencies. We did, however, spend two nights and a day in this
humanitarian enterprise. Our greatest success was in finding a boy's
school in or near Ware, that was full of people anxious to get
The 1938 Hurricane 102
messages of reassurance to their families. We got all of these all
off by amateur radio (even though we were licensed as an
experimental station) and hoped that most of them got through. This
trip was sporting as many of the roads were under water and
intensive map study was needed to find ways to go in the directions
we thought necessary.
Brattle Street, the old Tory Row in Cambridge, was a sight of
desolation after the hurricane. It had been lined on both sides by
stately elms, most of which were uprooted by the storm. I fail to
remember how many days it took to clear the street enough for cars
to use it. This was my first experience with nature's wonderful
power of regeneration, helped in this case by man. After twenty
years I am sure that no stranger would have realized that any
disaster had occurred along Brattle Street. It is unfortunate that I
must also conclude that these beautiful trees would have been lost
to the Dutch elm disease in the next decades in any case. Few
villages and even cities were ever more beautiful than these old New
England towns with streets shaded by complete arches of these.
magnificent trees.
Mrs. Stillman / Marriage to Catherine
In the summer of 1937 I made the first of many visits to Catherine's
summer home in Brookfield, New York. This was the house in which
Catherine was born. She and her mother, Margaretta Adelia Taylor
Stillman, had lived elsewhere since 1918 but still maintained the
house, as we continue to do, for a summer residence. I immediately
became very fond of Mrs. Stillman, which no doubt helped to ease my
qualms about marrying again. After this and another visit or two in
1938, it was becoming obvious that a marriage would take place,
probably in the summer of 1939. when Mrs. Stillman upset our vague
plans. She had, while spending a semester with Catherine in Ann
Arbor, begun to correspond with an old acquaintance, Dr. Courtenay
Fean, whom she had had as a Sunday-school teacher some time prior to
1890, and who had spent most of the intervening years as a
missionary in China. The correspondence soon led to a visit or two.
I had been instructed to appear for inspection at the family
Christmas party in Hall, Nw York. Someone jokingly suggested that
Mrs. Stillman should invite Dr. Penn to the party. She took the
suggestion seriously, with the result that a day or two before
Christmas she went to the railroad station to meet his train at six
o'clock in the morning and appeared for breakfast wearing a new
diamond ring. This had the happy result that no one except Catherine
paid much attention to me during the party.
After returning to Cambridge, I soon learned that Mrs. Stillman and
Dr. Penn had decided to be married on February fourteenth. Catherine
and I felt that we would prefer that her mother announce our
Mrs. Stillman / Marriage to Catherine 103
marriage before she changed her name, so we put on a burst of speed
and arranged to be married in Cambridge while Catherine and her
mother were on their way to New Jersey for the second wedding. As a
result Catherine and I were married on Saturday, February fourth,
1939, by Dean Sperry of the Harvard Divinity School in a very
private service at the Appleton Chapel in the Memorial Church.
Immediately after the ceremony, I found that Mrs. Stillman had
complicated our day. New Jersey required blood tests for the new
couple, although they were both past seventy, and attempts to have
one made in Michigan and reported to New Jersey had repeatedly gone
awry, because improper forms had been used or had not been signed by
a non-existent family physician, or for some other odd reason. Just
before Catherine's wedding, Mrs. Stillman had received a telephone
call from her fiance' saying that another effort had gone wrong and
recommending that she now have a blood sample taken and mailed to
New Jersey. As a result, Professors Hunt and Mimno took the wedding
party back to the Commander Hotel, where Catherine and her mother
had been staying, and we left my new wife in the lobby reading the
Boston Herald while I took Mrs. Stillman to my physician to have
another blood sample taken. After this necessary interruption, we
finally sat down to the wedding breakfast.
Fortunately Catherine and I stayed in Cambridge that weekend, while
her mother visited friends on the North Shore, because on Monday my
doctor telephoned in a state of irritation. Apparently the post
office had recognized the blood sample and instead of reading the
address had sent it to the Massachusets General Hospital. They had
also allowed it to get too hot so that the sample was useless. As
the licensing time required before Mother's wedding was rapidly
expiring, we telephoned to advise her to drop everything and get
into the state of New Jersey and have another blood test made. This
effort was successful and Mother, although anemic, got her license
with a few hours to spare and was married as she had wished, on
Saint Valentine's Day.
This turmoil amused Catherine because she herself had not needed to
do anything except to appear in time for the ceremony. Massachusetts
then required no blood test and, because of some quirk in the law,
I, being a resident of the State, had had to make all the
arrangements while Catherine, as a non-resident, had not even needed
to sign her name. Notwithstanding this lack of official interest in
her, I think that Catherine believes Dean Sperry's attestation on
her marriage certificate to be adequate proof of a valid ceremony.
So far as I can tell, I should say that this marriage was one of
Dean Sperry's most successful accomplishments.
After the New Jersey wedding, Catherine and I took the train to
Albany where we separated, she to go back to her graduate studies in
Michigan and I to whatever I was doing in Cambridge. Catherine
Marriage, continued / Mrs. Bridgeman 104
managed to stretch her Easter vacation to nearly a month, however,
so we spent part of it watching Gilbert and Sullivan, as the D'Oyly
Carte Company was then playing in Boston, and part of it in
attendance at the Physical Society meetings and others in
Washington.
During the summer of 1939, Miss Eliza Tuthill, an old friend of
Catherine and her mother, gave us a most delightful wedding present.
For two weeks she vacated her charming apartment in Flatbush, about
half a mile from the grounds of the New York World's Fair, and let
us use it as a base. We were thus able to exhaust our energy on the
fairgrounds and easily get back home to recuperate. Our favorite
spot was the Finnish Pavillion, small, simple, and beautifully
decorated, where they served the best coffee I had had since leaving
Finland in 1936. We spent many an hour there, resting our legs and
drinking coffee.
* * *
In September Catherine and I set up housekeeping in Cambridge,
somewhat to the relief of the Department, which had heard that I had
been married but had seen no evidence of that fact. Catherine was
introduced to the Department ladies at the first wives' tea in the
fall. A high spot for her, and for me by hearsay, was when she was
presented to Mrs. Percy Bridgeman, the wife of the famous physicist
and philosopher who was to receive the Nobel Prize a few years
later. Mrs. Bridgeman was a sturdy New England matron with a heart
of gold and a somewhat forbidding exterior, who disliked the name
Percy and always called her husband Peter. Catherine had been
introduced and was ready to move on down the receiving line when
Mrs. Bridgeman did a double take. "Pierce", she said, "Mrs. Jack
Pierce?" Catherine admitted her identity, whereupon Mrs. Bridgeman
continued, "Oh Well, Peter told me to look you over and see how I
thought you'd do". I have always assured Catherine that she must
have passed inspection, because I remained at Harvard for another
thirty-five years.
At about the time we were married, my attention had been attracted
by some curious multiple reflections that occurred from time to time
on our records. These appeared as "stacks" of up to eight or ten
repeated bounces of a signal between the earth and the F-layer, that
would persist for ten or twenty minutes at a time, especially in the
hours following sunset. Most peculiarly, these stacks were often
skewed, so that after registering strong first and second
reflections there would be no further signals until, say, the
seventh multiple. After a minute or two, the sixth might appear,
followed presently by the fifth, and so on. After a while all of
Complex Reflections 105
these higher multiples would disappear, perhaps to come back again
once or twice at intervals of an hour or so.
After a lot of tedious calculations of possible ray paths, in which
Catherine very kindly helped for many weeks, I was able to
demonstrate that these anomalous reflections were the result of very
long-wavelength ripples in the reflecting layer, particularly at
times when the layer was not horizontal such as near sunrise and
sunset. These waves or, better, swells, could produce remarkable
results when they had an amplitude (in height) of only a half-
kilometer or a kilometer and a wavelength of several hundred
kilometers.
These studies led me to a long infatuation with what I may call
mechanical explanations of curiosities on our records, as opposed to
the effects produced by refraction and retardation of signals in the
ionized regions, or what is now called plasma physics. One at my
happiest moments was when I could show that a signal that had been
absent from Cambridge for as long as a tenth of a second (seen on
one of Olof Rydbeck's records) had travelled to approximately the
Gulf of Aden, where it had met the sunrise line in a region where
the layer had a steep slope and large curvature, and had been
reflected back by this obstacle and returned to Cambridge.
10.
In 1937 I began a campaign intended to result in another radio
eclipse expedition; this time to the (then) Union of South Africa in
1940. This campaign consisted largely in firmly telling everyone in
the lab that I was going to go, with the result that 1940 eventually
arrived without its having occurred to anyone to forbid the trip. I
had by no means the status to be expected for an expedition leader,
but persistence and a great deal or preparatory study worked quite
well.
For this trip I had the pleasure of raising my own funds (with, of
course, Harvard's name behind me). which was a far different matter
before World War II. I begged $500 or $1,000 successfully from each
of several sources, such as the Milton Fund at Harvard, the American
Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Philosophical Society,
and even from the Radio Corporation of America. I learned how to
coordinate my requests with those of others at Harvard, so that my
plea for a small sum would not be sent to a potential donor who
might be considering a larger gift to someone else. I was especially
delighted when, worried about possibly-increasing costs because of
the war, at the last minute I approached the Director of Cruft
Laboratory, Professor G.W. Pierce, and asked him if he would like to
contribute $500 as an emergency fund. Although G.W. had, so far as I
know, a clean record of not contributing to the research programs of
youngsters, I found myself leaving his office within a minute with
his check in my hand.
Much of my time for the last year or so before 1940 went into
building equipment for the expedition. I made two main devices; a
transmitter and receiver that could be operated manually to trace
the minute-to-minute variations in the critical frequencies of the
ionospheric layers, and an automatic transmitter and receiver that
recorded layer height as a function of time at no less than eight
fixed frequencies simultaneously. In the days before digital
techniques, this had to be an analog device. It was something of a
mechanical monstrosity but it worked very well. I had, of course,
spent weeks learning how to compute the circumstances of the eclipse
at various places so that I could, with the aid of the South and
East African Yearbook, choose an appropriate site. This large
handbook, I remember, delighted us with its references to the
available facilities in various places. Most of the hotels in the
small towns had what the handbook chastely called the "nightly pail
removal system of sanitation". Fortunately we were able to occupy a
107
somewhat better establishment.
In correspondence and in assisting with arrangements with the South
African government, Professor Basil F. J. Schonland, the Director of
the Bernard Price Institute of Geophysics at the University of the
Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, was of the greatest benefit to us.
Dr. Schonland was a great expert on lightning (taking advantage of a
natural resource in which South Africa excels, as we were to find
out to our sorrow), who later became the head of the British atomic
energy establishment and lived to become Sir Basil. Incidentally,
Dr. Schonland's little book for popular consumption, "The Flight of
Thunderbolts", is probably still the best simple introduction to the
real facts about lightning.
The South African government was (or were, in South African form)
most considerate and helpful, giving us free transportation for our
equipment and various minor benefactions. After World War II began,
there was, of course, a lot of uncertainty but, under Dr.
Schonland's urging, the government took only a relatively short time
to decide to let us proceed with our project.
The original plan had been to take three graduate students, Joe
de Bettencourt, Joe Keary, and Bill Read. They all helped in getting
equipment ready and in learning to use it. The outbreak of war,
however, had a most discouraging effect on our plans, as ships on
which we had reservations kept disappearing. I think that only one
was actually sunk, but others were unexpectedly sold to the British
so that, in the end, we lost our reservations five times. At the
last desperate moment, I happened to be in the office of the
American South African Line when two astronomers supported by the
National Geographic Society came in to say that they were giving up
their plans, and I promptly seized the vacated places on the S.S.
Lancaster.
Because these were the only two reservations we were able to get, it
was necessary to revise our plans. Mostly from selfishness but
partly because it was too hard to choose the graduate student who
most deserved to go, I decided to leave all of them at home and take
Catherine, whose mother had kindly contributed a thousand dollars to
help with the costs of her trip. This led to an amusing error when
Catherine sent a check for $44O to Harvard to cover her half of our
steamship fare. Someone in the administration misunderstood the
situation so that she presently received from the President's office
a beautiful and formal document thanking her profusely for her
donation. It seemed far better to leave this alone, so we did not
try to explain the mistake.
In this emergency, Dr. Schonland came through in his usual fine
style. He found for us four first-year graduates from two South
Preparations for South Africa 108
African Universities, one English and one Afrikaans, who would work
for the expedition for various periods for the sake of the
experience, provided that their expenses were paid. In the end, we
gave them a bit of pocket money as well and they were all as eager
and helpful as could be desired. Catherine also was as useful as
anyone, so Harvard made an excellent fiscal bargain.
One other difficulty threatened to disrupt our plans at the last
moment. Effective on the first of July, a few days before we were to
sail, the United States placed an embargo of the exportation of
materials that might be useful in the war effort. This list included
quartz crystals, I remember, and various other things that we had to
take with us. I rushed to Washington to see the State Department
people who had been most helpful in endorsing our requests for
permission to use our transmitters and in making other necessary
diplomatic arrangements. No one had any objection to our taking what
we needed, but unfortunately the law was so new that the requisite
forms for asking for exemptions had not even been prepared. After
some turmoil the head of the Division of International
Communications cut the Gordian knot. He simply telephoned the
Collector of Customs at New York and instructed him verbally to
release our equipment. He further endeared the State Department to
me by paying for the telephone call.
This period of tension was relieved by one small episode. Catherine
had stopped to see her mother in New Jersey while I was in
Washington. Roger Hickman, who had been representing the Harvard
administration in coordinating my efforts, happened to be in New
York to make a speech. To keep him advised, Catherine tried to
telephone him at the Harvard Club, only to find him out at the time.
Trying to achieve simplicity and clarity, she left a message to the
effect that Mr. Pierce has gone to Washington; Mrs. Pierce can be
reached at a certain Montclair telephone number. It was only later
that she found that the Harvard Club's way of dealing with such
messages was to type them out and post them on the Club bulletin
board. I think we had been back from South Africa a long time before
the Harvard Club allowed Roger to forget this message.
The day finally came when our equipment had been loaded and we were
to report to the Lancaster at the Bush docks in Brooklyn. A small
and happy group came to see us off: two or three New York friends,
two boys from the lab with one girl friend, and Dick Dow, the
entomologist and old friend of Catherine with his fiancee Mary
Johnson, who had been a close friend of Catherine at Mount Holyoke.
We were a little surprised that we had to go to the pier entrance to
identify our guests before they could come to the ship. After a high
tea for the group, we found that the sailing would be postponed for
at least a day. The best plan would be to return to Manhattan and
check by telephone occasionally until we learned the true sailing
time. This allowed us two very pleasant days of vacationing in New
York. Some guests had to leave us but Dick and Mary and Joe deB and
his girl stayed on until we actually sailed. We had a chance to
visit the world's Fair again, at which I particularly remember the
Hot Mikado. We were intrigued to find how little it was possible to
change Sullivan's music even when it was supposed to be played as
jazz. In New York the highlight was certainly Dick's gift of an
evening at Life with Father, which was then enjoying its first run.
It was probably as well that we had some entertainment before
beginning our voyage, as the Lancaster was so slow that the trip to
Capetown took thirty-one days. We traversed the great circle route
of nearly eight thousand miles at an average speed of nine and a
half knots. It was the only ocean voyage either of us ever took that
threatened to last too long; we had to admit that during the last
week (when the South Atlantic swell had reached us and on every
watch the log entry read vessel rolling heavily) we began to feel
that it would be good to be ashore.
The Lancaster was a typical small freighter that had never carried
passengers. For this trip the owners had taken out the furnishings
of the pilot's room and installed a double-deck bunk and two small
bureaus. Catherine had the pleasure of finding herself the only
woman on board, surrounded by me and a crew of thirty-nine. We, of
course, ate at the Captain's table because there was no other.
Except that the first and third mates were on poor terms, we found
all the officers pleasant and friendly and had a very relaxing trip.
The Lancaster sailed brightly lighted, with big American flags
painted on both sides and illuminated by floodlights at night. Our
faith in this protection from German submarines became a little less
than perfect when we learned that much of the ship's cargo was
contraband from the German point of view. The only items I now
recall were automobile or truck chassis to be made into armored cars
and a large consignment of tetraethyl lead for the Royal Air Force
in Kenya. We found that the reason for the delay in our departure
was that the ship was carrying calcium carbide in burlap bags which
could be loaded only in perfectly dry weather.
Captain Baker was a short and somewhat plump man about sixty years
of age, who had grown up in sail along the coast of Maine. Although
he looked more like a Teddy Bear than a ship's captain, we soon
noticed that he commanded a very tight ship where everything ran
like clockwork with no apparent effort. We came to appreciate his
quality two or three days after leaving New York, when he told us at
breakfast that there would be a fire and boat drill that morning. He
assured us that we need take no part in this but suggested that we
might well go on deck and watch the exercise. "If anything happens",
he continued, "You children head for the first boat you can see; if
Captain Baker 110
you get there before me, you'll know you've been in a footrace".
We were especially impressed when we got into the tropics. Captain
Baker would then pull out onto the wing of the bridge an old wicker
rocking chair that had been left on board by the wife of some former
captain. He would tie knots in the four corners of a handkerchief to
protect his bald head, and sit in the sun and rock for hours at a
time. When we enquired how he could do this and maintain the respect
of the crew, the chief engineer explained by reciting innumerable
accounts demonstrating the captain's readiness to grab a belaying
pin (or whatever the steamship equivalent may be) and personally
subdue any violence that occurred.
Somewhere southwest of the Cape Verde Islands I was aroused one
morning by a peculiar noise, Sticking my head out of the porthole, I
was just in time to see the tremendous flukes of a whale as it
sounded about a dozen yards from the ship. On only one other
occasion did we find a whale close enough to let us see more than a
spout.
Although Captain Baker had been sailing to Capetown and up the east
coast of Africa for twenty years, he had never seen St. Helena,
which lay about fifty miles off the great circle route. To humor us
"children", he altered the course by a couple of degrees to bring us
within sight of the island. We had greatly enjoyed watching the
albatrosses and the flying fish, but it was a pleasant change to see
a little green in the seascape again. Our arrival in those waters
was unexpected, so we were intercepted by an old flying boat with a
pusher propeller, that looked as though it had been made by Glenn
Curtis at the time of World War I. This craft circled us for a while
asking questions by blinker. It amused me to find that I was able to
read there messages better than any of the ship's officers, but I
kept this knowledge to myself and let them explain what was
happening.
We chanced to reach Capetown just at sunset, which gave us a
spectacular view of the harbor, amazingly full of ships, with the
city and Table Mountain forming a backdrop of unusual majesty.
Because the antisubmarine net had already been closed, we had to lie
completely blacked out in the outer harbor until morning. We felt
that this blackout was remarkably silly, as we were perfectly
silhouetted against the brightly illuminated city and enjoying the
light of a full moon.
We docked in the morning and were most conveniently met by Mr. and
Mrs. Thompson, who had somehow wangled permission to come aboard.
Mrs. Thompson was an American, a sister of a friend of a friend of
Catherine (if I have it correctly) who had married a South African
and lived in retirement in Muizenburg, not far from Capetown.
It seemed that Dr. Wood, the Director of the Union Observatory and
thus the ex-officio chief of the South African eclipse activities,
had communicated with both the immigration and customs officers, so
we were passed into the country with the greatest ease. I declared
and paid duty on a few personal comsumable items, notably ten
cartons of American cigarets that I had bought on the Lancaster for
$7.00. It was good that Mr. Thompson was there to lend me the money,
as the duty on the cigarets was no less than four pounds; closely
enough, we may say that a pound was equal to $4.00, a shilling to 20
cents, and sixpence to 10 cents, at the time of this trip. After we
had finished at the dock, the Thompsons drove us to the Mount Nelson
Hotel, after introducing us to the custom of morning tea. The Mount
Nelson was the most stuffy hotel im my experience, partly because it
was largely occupied by expatriates (many of them titled) who had
not cared to remain in England after the war started. The hotel was
mostly memorable, for us, because it had a large aviary of finches
in the lobby, thus introducing us to these charming birds, of which
we later kept many.
In Capetown we dealt with the problems of shipping our equipment to
Queenstown and paid calls upon professors at the University of
Capetown with whom we had corresponded. We also called upon the
American Minister and at the Southern Branch of Greenwich
Observatory, which was directed by Professor Jackson whose title
was, I believe, His Majesty's Astronomer at the Cape. After having
us for dinner, Dr. Jackson showed us through the Observatory after
dark. This tour was chiefly memorable because of the Director's
Scots economy, no doubt reinforced by a tight budget. In each room
he would turn on one 25-watt bulb, and then go back to turn off the
light in the preceding room before telling us what we were seeing.
We were amused to find that the handsome main building had been
designed in the northern hemisphere and then built in Capetown
exactly as shown on the plans, so that it faced away from the sun
instead of toward it, as intended.
The Thompsons drove us on two or three sightseeing tours, including
one to beautiful Stellenbosch, to meet Professor Naude', the head of
the Physics Department at the (Afrikaans) University of Stellen
bosch. Dr. Naude' introduced us to the two students who were
presently to come to help us, Pieter Zeeman and J. C. Roelofse.
We did some shopping, partly for film for various cameras lent us by
Capetown 112
Clyde Fisher of the American Museum of Natural History in New York.
We had met Dr. Fisher at the time of the eclipse in Kazakhstan, and
he had planned to come with us to South Africa to take care of our
photographic chores. When he had to withdraw at the last moment, he
covered his confusion by offering us a large assortment of cameras,
of which we accepted two or three. We had great difficulty in
declining the loan of Carl Akeley's original movie camera, developed
for his famous animal photographs in Africa. We did not care to be
responsible for such a rare and historic item and finally succeeded
in leaving New York without it. The films we bought were, after the
duty on my cigarets, our first introduction to South African prices.
We discovered that services, all provided by natives, were extremely
cheap while manufactured items, mostly imported, cost at least three
times as much as in the United States.
After two nights and a day in a very slow and cindery train that
jolted so much that we could not do the writing we had expected to
do, we arrived at Queenstown on the morning of August 20 and, as
planned, transferred to the Hexagon Hotel. The hotel took its name
from its location on the central hexagonal park in a town originally
laid out, for defensive reasons, with six wide streets radiating
from a central fort, now no longer in existence. The streets of the
town therefore have much of the form of a spiders web, with the
curious result that a driver often finds himself making one hundred
and twenty degree turns and very seldom, if ever, making one of only
sixty degrees.
Queenstown lies a hundred-odd miles in from the coast toward the
eastern side of the Cape Province. We had chosen it primarily
because, compared with the other towns in the eclipse track, it
combined the attractions of a good hotel and the most powerful
municipal electric plant. The latter point turned out to be most
convenient for us, as the QED (Queenstown Blectricity Department)
officials were very interested and helpful, and sold us all the
electricity we wanted at 3/4 of a penny per kilowatt hour.
The proprietors of the hotel, Mr. and Mrs. Verwoerd (pronounced
fairvort) received us most kindly and gave us the best room,
fortunately with a fireplace, for the startlingly-low price of three
pounds a week each, with all our meals. When our boys arrived they
were accomodated in more ordinary rooms for 2/10/0 per week. At
first we were somewhat inhibited by the rigid schedule for meals
morning tea or coffee at seven, breakfast at eight, lunch at one,
dinner at seven; with tea served in the lounge at eleven A.M. and
four and nine P.M. Even the evening tea was, we found, a universal
habit. One of its advantages was to help a single-feature movie last
all evening. After the latest British, American, and South African
newsreels and perhaps a Donald Duck, the lights would come on for
three quarters of an hour so that the audience could troop across
Capetown to Queenstown, Cape Province 113
the street to the local tea room. When everyone had had tea and a
chance to visit with neighbors and friends, the audience would
return to the theater for the main picture. We learned to like this
custom and found it an improvement over feeling that we ought to sit
through a second feature of dubious quality.
After the Hexagon Hotel had become used to us and our peculiar ways,
and especially when it was discovered that we tipped by American
standards, which meant that we divided ten percent of our small bill
among half a dozen or more of the servants (for which we found
ourselves unpopular with some of the other guests at the hotel, who
accused us of spoiling the natives) it became possible to introduce
a little flexibility to accomodate our mealtimes to the necessities
of our work. We found that the hotel was happy to put up sandwiches
in lieu of fixed meals so that these, with our own purchases of
biscuits and fruit, helped us through periods when it was impossible
to get to the hotel at mealtime. One of our first calls was upon the
Town Clerk, who introduced us to the Town Engineer and Mr. Ashley,
the head of the QED. We wanted to find two operating sites, a couple
of miles apart, and these gentlemen were most kind in driving us
around to inspect possible places. We quickly adopted one for the
multi-frequency transmitter at an abandoned brewery that had four-
story brick walls enclosing almost nothing. The town engineer
repaired a couple of rooms for us and the QED set steel poles where
required for antennas in the yard, so we soon had a place to store
our equipment and set up the transmitter. Someone suggested that Dr.
Ritchie, the local general practitioner, had a cottage three miles
south of town that he might lend to us. This turned out to be a neat
one-story brick cottage on the doctor's estate. Like the doctor's
house, this cottage was separated from the road by a field and a
small stream and approached through a drift, or ford. The doctor was
reluctant to let us use the cottage because he had in the past
allowed some of the natives, who worked on his farm, to live in it
for a time. The natives, unfortunately, had not cared to use the
fireplaces and had built fires in the centers of the rooms. As a
result, the place was not only infested but stunk strongly of
creosote and had two-root holes burned through the floor in each
room. When he realized that we planned to live at the hotel and use
the cottage only for working purposes, Dr. Ritchie agreed to let us
use it provided only that we would have it professionally fumigated
before we occupied it. The Health Department did this for us and
sealed the building, full of cyanide gas, for a day or two for a
modest fee. We actually found the holes in the floors to be a great
convenience. We set wooden boxes, used for tea tables or other
purposes, over the holes except for sweeping accumulated dust and
dirt through the apertures. We covered the window of the small
kitchen, which had cold running water, and converted it to a
creditable dark room for developing our photographic records.
The day after we arrived in Queenstown, we retained Mr. Verwoerd to
drive us to Grahamstown to meet Dr. Varder, the Professor of
Physics, and others at (the English) Rhodes University College, from
which Dr. Schonland had arranged for two students to help us. We had
a pleasant one hundred mile trip featured by a beautiful climb over
a minor mountain range called the Katberg. A notable feature was a
sanitarium, or some such institution, at which it was convenient to
stop for tea, made memorable by about the most delicious scones I
ever encountered anywhere.
Grahamstown was an attractive college town with a pretty public
garden and a handsome Anglican church. Professor Varder was very
kind and hospitable, and introduced us to our two boys, Mike
Szendrei and Jack Gledhill. Mike had an interesting heritage, we
found. He had a Hungarian father and an Italian mother. He was born
in the free city of Trieste, went to school in western Europe, and
lived in the Belgian Congo when not at college in South Africa. He
became our first recruit as, on very short notice, he went off to
pack his things and returned to Queenstown with us.
Another very valuable assistant appeared in the person of Bob
Verwoerd, the son of the hotel proprietors and a radio amateur who
had been ruled off the air because of the war. Bob helped us off and
on until his exams at Queens College (a preparatory school) ended
three weeks before the eclipse. After he was free, he worked with us
as hard as anyone and for a longer period than any of the other
boys. The school also provided Mr. Dugmore, the Science Master, who
helped us at odd moments and became our time-keeper during the
eclipse.
After this, all was activity. We (mostly Catherine) cleaned the
cottage to a reasonable degree. We installed the manually-operated
equipment and the multi-frequency receiver, and built very
complicated antennas (to cover all needed frequencies) suspended
from a dozen or more poles the QED installed for us. It was soon
made clear to us that in South Africa white people do not work. If
anything, they supervise. The various persons, especially ladies,
who tried to call on us could not understand why we were always busy
and, generally, dirty. The great name of Harvard, however, protected
us. Parenthetically, I have always found that the respect in which
the name of Harvard is held is at least proportional to the distance
from Cambridge. I think that in Queenstown we became generally
regarded as good people, although peculiar, even though we could
seldom accept invitations, even in the evenings.
One exception to this rule, if it was a rule, was in favor of Mayor
and Mrs. Glover. The Mayor had tried in vain to call on us two or
three times in the first busy days, to the amazement of the people
at the hotel, and finally had left word that he would be in his
Activities in Queenstown / The Cape Rood 115
office at a certain time. We visited him then and were, of course,
promptly taken to tea. He invited us to his home for dinner the next
day. I have always remembered Mrs. Glover with affection because
she, in honor of the foreign guests, had studied her American
cookbook and produced an excellent beef stew for us. This was such a
relief from the bad English hotel cooking and such a thoughtful
thing for her to do that we have never forgotten it.
The Technique of Our Measurements
One of our early projects in Queenstown was to retain a surveyor to
determine our precise geographical position. This work was done by
the son of the local expert, a young man who had recently graduated
from Capetown University. His job was easy, as Queenstown was
surrounded by several mountains that still had markers standing
after a recent general triangulation in that area. The work was done
with the most beautiful transit I have ever seen, a Swiss instrument
of compact beauty that had been a graduation present from the
father. It was not much larger than an old Brownie No. 2 camera and
had knobs and lenses sticking out in all directions. It contained
various intricate devices, such as an optical plumb-bob, and was
direct reading to a second of arc.
The young man presently brought us a report. It said that the
cottage was 934,401.21 cape roods south of the equator and 2,142.36
cape roods west of the 27th meridian east. When I asked to have this
expressed in latitude and longitude, it turned out that the numbers
had to be sent back to the boy's professor at Capetown for
translation. Fortunately, even with this delay, the results arrived
in good time and were certainly accurate, as the time of the eclipse
was within a half a second of our calculations, which was as closely
as we could measure it.
This episode interested me in the cape rood, and I presently found a
book that explained its somewhat ridiculous history. Early in the
nineteenth century, after the British had captured the area, a
military engineer was set to work surveying the Cape region. He sent
to Europe for a standard twelve foot bar and used it to calibrate
his surveying equipment. After about three years it became evident
that something was wrong. Investigation disclosed that the standard
bar had a length of twelve Heidelburg feet, or about twelve feet
five inches in English measure. In order to avoid the work required
to correct the small amount of surveying that had already been done,
the government of the colony simply defined this bar as the standard
cape rood. The survey of South Africa was continued, at least until
1940, in terms at this unit.
Our second official helper was Jack Gledhill who came in early
September and stayed until a couple of days after the eclipse, which
The Technique of Our Measurements 116
was on October first. Pieter Zeeman came to us about two weeks
before the eclipse, soon followed by Roelofse (I think his nickname
was also Jack but he was never called anything but Roelofse). These
two Stellenbosch boys stayed until the middle of October. I have
always been happy that two of our boy; Gledhill and Zeeman,
succeeded, inside of twenty years, to the headships of the Physics
departments at their respective Universities; the positions held by
Professors Varder and Naude' at the time of our trip. Both have
visited us in the United States and we are delighted to keep in
touch with them. Jack Gledhill has even continued to do his research
in ionospheric problems. We are sorry that after the first few years
we lost contact with the other two students and with Bob Verwoerd
who, we know, at least went on to the University of the
Witwatersrand. We remember all of these boys with great affection
and gratitude.
Our technical problem was to determine the changes in atmospheric
ionization caused by the eclipse and see what conclusions could be
drawn from them. This problem was complicated by the fact that the
ionization varies, sometimes rapidly, and can never be predicted
with great accuracy and especially because no ionospheric records
had been made in South Africa. It was known that there the earth's
magnetic field was relatively weak; a phenomenon that would have its
effect upon radio reflections from the ionosphere. It was therefore
essential to gather background data to define the South African
normal conditions. Our general plan was to make observations for a
month or more before and after the eclipse.
Ionospheric observations are made by finding out the apparent
heights reached by signals reflected from an ionized layer at
various frequencies. As the frequency increases, the signal
penetrates more and more deeply into the layer until it passes
completely tbrough it and, if not reflected by a higher layer,
disappears into space. By transmitting short pulses of signal and
receiving them near the transmitter, the Interval between
transmission and reception is a direct measurement of the apparent
height reached by the signal. Since we obviously cannot transmit at
all frequencies all the time, it is usually necessary to choose
whether to measure height at a fixed frequency as time goes by, or
to measure (over as short a time as is convenient) the height as a
function of frequency.
In Queenstown, as suggested above, we had instruments that worked
each way. The general variations were measured by the multi-
frequency equipment that recorded at eight frequencies continuously.
The rapidly-varying data, particularly of the critical frequency, or
the highest frequency that could be reflected from each layer, were
followed as rapidly as possible by manual equipment. This consisted
of a transmitter and a receiver, each with several frequency bands,
that sat side by side on a table, so arranged that one could be
tuned with each hand. The receiver output was photographically
recorded in the form of layer height plotted against time. This
combination was used occasionally for complete sweeps through all
useful frequencies, but was usually used to make short sweeps that
included one or another of the critical frequencies that were
especially important. The reflections were also observed on an
oscilloscope so that the precision with which the receiver tuning
matched that of the transmitter could be judged. Moderate practice
made it possible to keep this correspondence accurate and still
locate the critical frequencies rapidly.
Because these manual records were made as a function of time, it was
necessary to make notes more or less continuously, keeping track of
the frequencies at which each sweep began and ended, at least, and
of the time of day. This problem was gradually reduced by the
development of a system that added tine and frequency marks to the
records. Each mark was produced by a telegraph key, one operated by
one foot and one by the other. This kept the operator quite busy and
still did not completely eliminate the need for written notes. When
speed was especially important, these chores were divided so that,
at the very least, the operator had an assistant making the notes
for him. During the eclipse, we had a timekeeper who made the time
marks and also announced the time of day and the time remaining
before each contact, while two other assistants made the frequency
marks and kept the written notes.
The weeks before the eclipse were devoted to this manual operation,
planned to produce the optimum background data; to tending the
automatic multifrequency equipment (which displayed an unfortunate
tendency to blow fuses, usually for no reason we could find); and to
routine chores like developing records, teaching our assistants to
operate; and, of course, to making and serving tea at the customary
times for our crew and for the many visitors who came to see what
was going on.
Two things contributed to my anxiety as the day of the eclipse
approached. One was the fact that we rapidly ran through our stock
of spare thyratrons (gas filled triodes), one of which was used to
generate our multifrequenoy pulses. These vacuum tubes did not seem
to be available in South Africa, and I think that one kind of
accident or another disposed of five of them before or during our
first fortnight of operation. Fortunately, the last one we had
settled down to its duties and worked faithfully for the remaining
two months. A more threatening problem was heavy static, or
interference caused by lightning flashes. These, at times, had an
intensity that I had never seen in the United States or, for that
matter, in Russia. The reason was the prevalence and violence of
thunderstorms that would form and sometimes persist for days, as the
Practice / High Static 118
rainy season was trying to get itself organized. This heavy noise
frequently completely masked our reflected signals, especially in
the late afternoon (at which time we expected the eclipse) and in
the evening. On two occasions, one of them only two days before the
eclipse, this static was so intense that even the extremely strong
local pulse, coupled directly from the manual transmitter into the
receiver, could not be distinguished on the monitor or oscilloscope.
It must have been at this time that I was heard to say that I must
be the first scientist to travel ten thousand miles to see an
eclipse and then pray for rain, which I thought would be required to
quiet the static. Fortunately, in the event, we had both good seeing
and low static.
Another minor, as it turned out, problem was severe interference
produced by power leaks on the local electric system. The QED tried
very hard to eliminate these leaks and bad connections, and even
sent two men to stand by at the cottage before and during the
eclipse, ready to dash off to search for a leak if one appeared. Mr.
Ashley reported that they thought the one that bothered us most was
in the house of our landlord, Dr. Ritchie. This menace was
eliminated by shutting off the doctor's electricity for six hours at
the most critical time.
I have said that we seldom felt that we could accept evening
invitations. This policy caused us some temporary embarrassment when
the static became so bad that we had to abandon our work. At such a
time there was almost nothing to do except to go to the movies, or
Bioscope, a name frequently abbreviated to "Bio". When drinking tea
during the "pouse" we were all too likely to meet acquaintances
whose invitations we had declined. I think, however, that our
explanations were accepted, especially by those who had visited the
cottage and seen how busy we were.
The Bioscope in Queenstown was a recognized way of entertaining
guests, apparently more popular than either bridge or the sundowner,
or sherry party. The movie theaters were generally unheated so,
until spring was well advanced, one dressed much as for a football
game in the United States. Once or twice Catherine was startled
when, telephoning to ask some couple to go to the Bio with us, her
potential guest would cheerily respond, "Oh, yes, we'd love to go.
Shall I bring rugs or will you?"
I am surprised, when looking at Catherine's log of our trip, to find
how often we went to the Bio and how many of the good old 193Os
movies we saw, ranging from "Gone with the Wind" to "The Mysterious
Mr. Moto". In fact, it was much like watching what we regard as the
best of television today! We became addicted to George Formby
movies. George was a music-hall-type comedian who spoke in a thick
Midlands accent (Lancashire, I think). His only disadvantage, for
Power Leaks / Life in Queenstown 119
us, was that it took two or three movies before we could understand
most of what he said.
We were delighted with the birds we saw near the cottage.
Hammerkops, nearly as large but not as black as crows, were
frequently foraging for tadpoles in the stream when we crossed the
drift, and hoopoos with their handsome crowns were often seen in the
grass. The reeds and bushes along the stream were the habitat of
flocks of bishopbirds and weavers. We were fortunate enough not to
encounter any of the huge African porcupines that lived near the
cottage, but we sometimes picked up lost quills, as much as a foot
long and more than a quarter-inch in diameter.
A field behind the cottage contained a number of Dr. Ritchie's
cattle who had a watering trough with a wide concrete rim just on
the other side of a wire fence ten yards from our back door. On the
far side of the field was the hut of a family of natives. It was, we
were told, a little unusual for the head of the family to be the old
grandmother, who spoke no English. The family included five or six
children who were usually reinforced by several cousins or other
guests. The rim of the watering trough was a favorite playground for
this troop of pickaninnys, who ranged from a year and a half old to
perhaps ten or twelve. This was the best behaved group of children
we ever watched. There were no quarrels; the elders took good care
of the younger and helped amuse them; and we never heard a savage
word. We presently adopted the practice of putting leftovers from
tea, perhaps biscuits or fruit, or oddments such as empty wire reels
we thought the children would like, on the curb of the cattle
trough. To our amazement no child ever took any of these things for
himself; all were carefully taken home for the grandmother to
distribute as she saw fit. Whenever we left anything unusually
attractive, the children's mother or aunt would invariably appear to
ask if we really meant the donation for the children.
We always found this same consideration and absolute honesty among
the natives. One is inclined to suspect that because they had so
little it was the worst possible form to steal. We quickly adopted
the practice of leaving our doors unlocked and we never missed
sixpence from the change left on the bureau. We became very fond of
Maggie, our maid. Like any native woman, she put anything she had to
carry on top of her head. Occasionally we were in our room when
Maggie came to clean it. It was a great treat to watch her put the
pillows on her head, as the most convenient place, while she made
our beds.
Our tablewaiter, Martin van Heerden, was a treasure. He was half
Kaffir and half Chinese. In general we could never be sure which
side of his heritage would be uppermost, but there were exceptions.
It we complimented him upon a dessert, for example, (all foods
The Natives 120
except the meats and major vegetables were prepared by the waiters)
Martin would be all negro and covered by a happy grin. At the end of
the month, however, when we gave him his tip, he would be the
perfect suave and courteous Chinaman. Martin was, without doubt, the
best waiter we ever sat under. He had a perfect instinct for his
guests' desires. At the moment I realized that I would like a bit
more salt on a vegetable, I would find Martin handing it to me. If
we complimented him on, for example, a wonderful fresh pineapple
salad he made, he would accept the praise with pleasure, If, on
another occasion, we again spoke well of the same thing, Martin
would realize that we truly liked it. From then on that salad would
appear on the table at exactly the right intervals. He never overdid
it, but somehow just on the day when we would come into the
diningroom saying, I wish Martin would have that fine salad again,
we would find it there on the table.
One of the things that was never done in South Africa was to carry a
parcel. When we were shopping on foot, the storekeeper would wrap up
our purchase and thank us effusively for our custom. He would then
call from the back room a native man and hand him the package, even
If it were no larger than a toothbrush. The native would follow us
patiently through the rest of our shopping until we reached the
hotel, when he would hand the parcel to the hall porter.
Occasionally we would get to the hotel followed by a retinue of six
or eight blacks, each with our purchases from a different shop.
On two occasions when I was driving to Grahamstown on errands, and
unfortunately when Catherine was not with me, I saw remarkable
sights in the realm of natural history. One was a tremendous male
ostrich which I estimated as eight feet tall. He had perfect jet
black feathers and, of course, great whiteplumed wings. His legs
were a highly varnished golden orange and his thighs were as thick
as those of a big man. I had had no idea that an ostrich could be
such a large and handsome creature. When he presently left the road
and wandered off through an orchard of fruit trees, his head stuck
up a foot or more above the foliage. On the second occasion I was
treated to the greatest feat of strength I ever saw. Driving around
a curve, I came upon a large baboon in the road and stopped the car
twenty or thirty feet away to watch him. After we had looked at one
another for a minute or two, he started to leave the road which was
bordered by a wire fence. The baboon reached up to grasp the top of
a fivefoot fence post. After a look at the car, and without the
slightest sign of a jump, he simply lifted himself with one arm in a
large arc that deposited him gently on the far side of the fence.
Then, at complete leisure, he wandered off into the veld.
The stream at the cottage caused us a minor amount of trouble; or
rather the slopes down to and up from the drift did so. These turned
out to be extremely slippery when wet, and the first few seconds of
Erosion 121
rain made it almost impossible for the car to climb up the little
slopes that rose three or four feet in fifteen or twenty. The first
time I slid off one of these slopes and got stuck, I hitched a ride
to town and got the garage (from which we had rented the 1937
Chevrolet) to send a truck to pull it out. This they did very neatly
but took about four hours to do so because South Africans seldom
recognized any reason to hurry. On another occasion I found a pair
of oxen to pull me out. After these experiences we learned to keep
an eye on the sky when we were at the cottage and to get the car to
the other side of the drift whenever we saw a dark cloud. Often, as
the rains became more frequent, we left the oar on the road side of
the drift and waded the stream. At times the rain was heavy enough
so that the stream rose rapidly and made crossing very difficult.
The ocasionally-muddy banks of the stream were a symptom of a wide-
spread problem in South Africa: erosion. Apparently a large fraction
of the rainfall, although sparse in some areas, came in the form of
thunderstorms. Many of these brought heavy rain. As a result, even
the ant-hills that were often six or eight feet tall were usually
eroded in irregular and often interesting patterns. The same was
true of any river embankment or other place where the inclination of
the land was at all steep. I often wondered about the lifetime of a
farm, because there was ample evidence that most of them were
gradually being washed away.
All but a few of the largest streams and rivers tended to be dry
except for occasional floods after a storm. When there was water in
them, it was sure to be chocolate brown in color. This was a great
surprise to me, as I had never before been in a region where running
water was not clear. Even in Kazakhstan, on the hungry steppe, the
only available river looked quite blue because the land was very
flat and there was little current in the stream.
The ease with which South African land could be torn away was shown
clearly in one of our movies of a man plowing with a span of oxen.
Even at the stately pace of the beasts, the plow stirred up a cloud
of dust that carried fully two hundred yards downwind, even though
the breeze was so slight that we had not noticed it.
The normally dry streams were crossed by drifts rather than bridges.
Some of the more elegant, or more travelled, drifts were paved with
two concrete tracks, each perhaps a foot and a half wide, raised a
foot or two above the bed of the river. These at least guaranteed a
smooth "road" for a car, but I wondered if anyone could keep his
wheels on the two strips if they were covered with muddy water.
Much about South African roads was implied by the use of "all-
weather" as an adjective describing some of them. It is
understandable that a country of half a million square miles with a
Erosion 122
non-native population of only two million would have difficulty in
financing an adequate road system. The best routes, such as the
forty miles between Jo'burg and Pretoria, were excellent by any
standard, but many metalled roads were only water-bound macadam and
were heavily washboarded in most cases. The popular automobile when
we were there was the biggest Chrysler because it would stand up to
the work. It was customary to drive at seventy to ninety miles per
hour, but I never really decided whether this was believed to be
more comfortable or because it got the agony finished quickly.
Whatever the hypothesis, light cars, like the Chevrolet we rented,
had a limited lifetime.
The same necessary economy was evident in the bridges. In the
mountainous parts of the country, the roads naturally followed
beside the beds of streams. It was equally natural that these were
the regions that often required bridges rather than drifts. For
minimum cost, these were built exactly at right angles to the
streams. As a result, when one's road crossed from one side of the
river to the other, there was a tight ninety degree turn to be
negotiated at each end of the bridge. These curves could not
possibly be passed at a speed greater than ten or fifteen miles per
hour. This was especially true of roads that had not recently been
repaired. The tight curves on these had a strong tendency to have
worn into the wrong kind of crown, with the outside of the curve
lower than the inside, and also to be covered with loose gravel. One
quickly learned the habit of slowing nearly to a stop when a bridge
was seen ahead, so that its approaches could be negotiated with
great caution.
A span of oxen, as mentioned above, is a harnessed team of eight
pairs, usually pulling a large wagon, but at times drawing a plow or
some other device. To "inspan" is to harness the animals to the
wagon and to "outspan" is to unharness them. Hence "outspan" comes
to mean to make camp, as on the Great Trek when the Dutch settlers
retreated to the Transvaal after the Cape Province had been
conquered by the British. Spans of oxen were still occasionally to
be seen in 1940. The major streets in most towns, including
Queenstown, were originally laid cut wide enough so that a span of
oxen and the wagon could make a U-turn in the street - an excellent
heritage for later generations.
In early September we received a letter that intrigued and puzzled
us. It came from a Miss Soga, a black teacher in the native
compound. Miss Soga claimed to be the only native woman who had ever
visited the United States. She was anxious to talk to us but could
not, of course, call at our hotel. We finally arranged for her to
come to the cottage for tea, to the great embarassment of our South
African boys, and we found her very interesting. She was a sixth
grade teacher and active in the church. She had been sent to some
Erosion 123
sort of Sunday school conference in India, where she had attracted
the attention of religious leaders from the United States who had
arranged for her to continue around the world on her way home. Miss
Soga came to tea two or three times, and it was from her that we
learned most of what little we came to know about native life. She
ultimately extracted a promise that I would come to the reservation
and talk to the natives. It was not possible to arrange this before
November, but it was to be a most memorable occasion.
From Miss Soga and others we learned that the standard wage for a
field hand was ten shillings a month and that a well trained cook or
butler could command a pound a month with, of course, board supplied
in both cases. It seemed hard to us that a family was taxed a
shilling a month for each child in school. We found that the natives
supported each other to a remarkable degree. A black man tramping
across country, perhaps in search of a job, would stop at night at
any cabin he came to. The family would always take him in and share
what little they had with him. We were at last able to understand
why the servants at the hotel were so grateful for the shillings we
divided amongst them. It was also easy to see why the English people
felt no need to do anything for themselves. The Afrikaners, or
Boers, on the other hand, did work hard but had many of the
characteristics of "poor whites" in the United States. The English
in South Africa seemed to us to be primarily interested in
exploiting the country to their own benefit. They expected to send
their children to England for schooling and to retire there
themselves if and when they became rich enough. It was a source of
irritation to them that they did not often prosper as well as
"foreigners" such as Hollanders or Americans. We were kind enough
not to call to their attention the obvious fact that their rewards
were generally proportional to the energy they put into their
enterprises. We came to rather prefer the Afrikaans settlers as far
as we happened to meet them, because they at least actually lived in
the country and expected their children to continue to do so. They
tended to be poorly educated religious fundamentalists, but they
expected no more from the country than they were prepared to put
into it. Sadly, we were unable to decide which group treated the
natives the more brutally.
At the time we were there, the English and Afrikaans political
parties were almost equally strong. The best proof is that they
voted to enter World War II by a very narrow margin in Parliament. A
result of this balance of forces was that progress was difficult to
achieve. If an Englishman, say, proposed a program of highway
improvement, it was only to be expected that a few English would be
opposed to it for some reason, while the Afrikaners would all vote
against it because the project had been suggested by an Englishman.
The standard vote in Parliament was, therefore, No.
Although towns and larger districts tended to be almost pure English
or Afrikaans, in theory everyone could speak both languages. Local
pride, however, was such that it was often impossible for us to get
a question answered in an Afrikaans region until we explained that
we were Americans and did not understand that language. The surly,
bearded Afrikaner who had previously refused to understand English
would then be overcome with courtesy and would often invite us in
for refreshments.
It was a rule that both languages had to be displayed equally. For
example, the two tongues would be used for alternate stamps in a
sheet. Our mail would arrive marked in both ways: Opened by Censors
and "Deur Censeur Oopgemacht. A street sign or traffic warning would
be double with one language above the other; the other side of the
sign would invariably have the order of languages reversed. We
sometimes felt it a little unnecessary to have a sign saying School
also carry the warning "Skool", but occasionally the Afrlkaans signs
gave us great pleasure, particularly the one balancing "No Honking",
which said, "Geen Gehouten: and became rather a slogan with us.
The Afrikaans language has been described to us as a kitchen Dutch
modified by French because there had been a considerable Huguenot
immigration into South Africa. We vaguely understood this
philological history, but were surprised to have two or three
veterans of World War I tell us that they had been able to make
themselves understood in Flanders. Apparently the two parent
languages had rubbed together in much the same proportions in these
two widely-separated places, and had developed in somewhat the same
way.
The Afrikaans Language / The Eclipse
Eclipse day finally arrived, as we had known it would, and by good
luck and hard work we were ready with everything behaving well. Here
I would quote Catherine's log description of this period except that
somehow it sounds as though I were hardly present, while my
recollection tells me that I was fully occupied. We had scheduled
and rehearsed the operation thoroughly. There were five assistants
besides Catherine available that day, so that we were able to give
each of them at least half the time during the eclipse to enjoy the
sight. I spent the time from four AM until eleven checking a
thousand things and then settled down to the operating position, as
I felt that I could run the machinery faster than anyone else, and
did not want any of the boys to feel badly if everything were not
done well. The assistants at the various positions changed
frequently, while Catherine prepared for and made visual
observations, such as the times of contacts and the times when
sunspots or visible faculae were occulted and reappeared.
The Afrikaans Language / The Eclipse 125
At 4:O1:3O P.M., I abandoned the radio observations long enough to
dash out the back door of the cottage and take a quick look at the
corona. The records showed that I was absent from the operating
position for twelve seconds. From seven to eight P.M. I was
relieved, and then went back to operating except for a short break
at one AM, when I drove Catherine to the hotel and then returned to
work. At five in the morning of October second I was relieved and
went to bed. Although I got up for dinner, I wasn't worth much for
the rest of the day and ended by going to the movies in the evening,
because I was too tense to get to sleep again. One of the most
interesting features of our schedule was the meticulous planning for
the use of the one car, involving which of us should drive it back
and forth to the hotel in order to have the right people on and off
duty.
The results of the expedition were first reported in a letter to
Nature written jointly with A. J. Higgs from Australia and Eric
Halliday from Johannesburg (both of whom were making somewhat allied
observations in other towns in the eclipse track), as a result of a
meeting a few days after the eclipse. My real paper was written in
the months following our return to the United States. Unfortunately,
I was then swept up for defense work, and the paper was not
submitted for publication until 1946. It was one of several of my
papers that was, so far as I can prove, never read by anyone! The
results amply and prettily confirmed the 1936 data. Of more
interest, at least in retrospect, was my discovery that the rate at
which the ionization changed could only be explained on the theory
that the ionizing energy came primarily from the perimeter of the
sun and not uniformly from the whole disc. As I just implied, this
suggestion attracted no interest. I was greatly pleased, however,
when, in the l95Os, the Naval Research Laboratory finally got an X-
ray rocket photograph of the sun which showed a ring of bright
radiation around the edge and a relatively dark center.
11.
In Capetown we had first discovered traces of a misconception that
was to cause me a good deal of embarrasment. It was begun, I
suspect, by Sturrock's Ltd., the shipping agents who took care of
our equipment and reservations. Whatever the source, I was to find
that, wherever we went, we were preceded by the rumor that I vas
"Professor Pierce of Harvard University", which was untrue by a wide
margin. My title at the time was Supervisor of Field Activities in
Physics and Communications Engineering; which should be interpreted
in terms of the academic rule that the more important the position
the shorter the title. In the United States this error would not
have been of much consequence as people of my age were often at
least Assistant Professors. South Africa however, operated
essentially under the British system where "The Professor" was
equivalent to the Chairman of the Department and all lower forms of
life were lecturers or wranglers or something else I never
understood.
Dr. Jackson at the Royal Observatory bad been the first to display
shock at meeting us. He had kindly invited us to dinner, as
mentioned above, when Professor James had been stricken by the
Influenza bug. Dr. Jackson had obviously been dismayed at our youth
and exhibited his reaction in a couple of interesting ways. When
having us sign the Observatory guest book, he, after a moment's
thought, turned the page so that we did not profane the sheet
containing the signatures of a titled couple, who bad been recent
visitors. He had driven to the hotel to pick us up for dinner but,
after assaying our importance, he contented himself by returning us
to the Observatory railway station and informing us that the fare to
Capetown would be fourpence. Similar reactions were encountered from
time to time, because I found it totally impossible to tell who
might have encountered my undeserved reputation and I could not
often find a way of disclaiming it in advance. This problem was not
serious in Queenstown, where we stayed long enough to let the
citizens form an accurate assessment of us, but it did disturb me
considerably when we visited the larger cities later on.
There were, of course, occasions when I was reminded of my true
position and prevented from believing too much in my own importance.
One or two of them were telephone calls from people who had, in
earlier years been students of Professor G.W. Pierce and who were
naturally eager to greet him. The final factor in constraining my
modesty was when a new friend who lived at the Hexagon Hotel gave a
sundowner to introduce us to the couple who published the local
127
newspaper. I was properly put in my place to discover that the
questions they most wished to have answered were whether it was true
that Catherine was also a scientist and also, in that case, if she
actually knew more than I did. Fortunately for my mental balance,
the answers in both cases were in the affirmative.
Because we were anxious to visit Kruger Park, one of the earliest
and best of the wild animal refuges in Africa, we modified our
schedule to some extent. The lowland areas of the park were due to
be closed at the end of October because of the threat of malaria
after the rainy season began. We therefore decided to suspend
operation, except for what Bob Verwoerd could do by himself, for the
last week in October and the first in November, and to continue
gathering background data for the rest of November if I could get
the authorizations to use our equipment extended. After dickering
for new tires for the rented Chevy, which had been having flats once
a week or even more often, we left Queenstown for the park on
October 23rd, with only a brief stop at the American Legation in
Pretoria to set the license extension machinery in motion. There, we
encountered our first real "careless talk costs lives" campaign, as
we could find no one to tell us where to find the Legation. After
many tries, the Post Office gave us the address in a suburb but
refused to tell us how to get there. In the end I had to telephone
the Legation and get our directions from them.
We had planned for weeks to stay at the Hotel Victoria in Jo'Burg,
as people in Queenstown had assured us that that was the only place
in the Union where American cocktails could be had. Our first
attempt was a sad failure as we had planned to order Manhattans.
Something of the sort arrived, but turned out to have been made with
Scotch whisky and garnished with a candied cherry. After a time,
probably on our return from Kruger Park, we found that a "Tom
Collins" in South Afrioa is a distant cousin of a Rum Collins. By
insisting on its mixture by American standards and having it served
with ice instead of at room temperature, we round it a creditable
drink even though they persisted in serving it in a mug.
We were told that Kruger Park was formed in about 1890, soon after
"Oom Paul" Kruger had won the temporary independence of the Republic
of the Transvaal. The Boers were farsighted enough to fence off an
immense area enclosing a part of the high veld and extending down
into the lowlands on the border of Mozambique. This area has been
left undisturbed except for a network of dirt roads and the
construction of a number of rest camps, well fenced to keep the
animals out. One can drive freely in the Park, from before sunrise
until after sunset, but is fined if caught outside the car. It
turned out that the lowland area had been closed two weeks early
that year, so we were only able to visit the Pretorius Kop camp,
which is the nearest to Jo'burg and Pretoria. We were thus unable to
A Vacation Trip 128
go to the regions where we would have seen elephants and rhinos, but
we had a delightful time anyway. We found that we did not seriously
miss seeing the "ordinary" circus and zoo animals, while there were
many antelope and buck species with which we were not familiar and a
tremendous variety of large and small birds we knew nothing about.
At Pretorius Kop the cabins were thatched concrete imitations of
circular native huts (rondavels), with simple but relatively
comfortable furnishings. The huts were disposed around an area in
which a group of natives kept fires burning, to cook any food
visitors cared to bring with them and, of course, to provide hot
water for tea at any hour. A native was attached to each rondavel to
make beds or cook as required and to wake the visitors with morning
tea. We found that the best plan was to have tea at 7:30 A.M. and
eat a few biscuits so that we could get out as soon as the gate was
opened. We would then cruise slowly around, seeing what chance
brought us, until perhaps nine o'clock when we would return to
breakfast at the restaurant that had recently been opened. We would
rest and read and write through the middle of the day, when the
sightseeing was not as rewarding, and get out into the roads for
another three hours or more as the light began to fade. At night we
learned to sleep in spite of the serenade by lions, hyenas, and
other nameless creatures, enjoying the thought of the sturdy ten-
foot fence around the camp.
Among the many animals we saw, we became especially fond of two. The
little steenbok, about the size of newborn New England fawns with
tiny two-inch horns, were a continual delight. They always appeared
in pairs a few feet apart and displayed both timidity and great
curiosity. When we disturbed a pair near the road they would dash
away at high speed for thirty or forty feet and then suddenly stop
to look back to see what we were doing. A move of the car or a touch
on the "hooter" would send them into another dash followed by a
stiff-legged stop for another look.
The wild wart-hogs differed greatly from any we had seen in zoos.
They were just as ugly in front, but adorned by tails with debonair
tassels. When disturbed, they would trot off into the brush carrying
their tails straight up with the plumes weaving gaily from side to
side. In zoos, even In Jo'burg, we never saw them with anything but
bedraggled rat-like tails that always trailed limply behind them.
There was a hippo pool but at the times we visited it the conditions
were not right for any of them to be out on the bank. We had a fine
time, however, watching them in the water, enjoying the way the
mother timed her risings to breathe to the shorter span of her baby.
We greatly admired the rotary twist with which they cleared the
water from their ears, producing little splashes in an almost
perfect circle nearly a yard in diameter.
At Pretorius Kop 129
We had hard luck trying to see a lion, which greatly disturbed the
staff at the rest camp. We had to suspect that many visitors came
primarily to see lions and felt their trips wasted if they failed to
see some. As I have said, we were far more interested in the species
that were new to us. Fortunately, on our last morning, we were able
to satisfy our friends, at least with the sight of a lioness. She
had been lying behind a patch of brush near the road watching for
her breakfast, one of a herd of zebra, to drift within range. Our
car disturbed the zebra which moved away. This brought the lioness
to her feet, with a fine snarl in our direction, and she started
away across the veld. I knew that there was another road within a
half a mile in the direction she was taking, so I turned the car and
drove to a point when I thought she might appear. Right on schedule,
she came out of the brush a hundred yards away. I moved the car
forward once or twice, stopping in between to take movies of the
lioness, and finally getting into a position exactly in her path.
She came within six or eight yards before, with another snarl she
condescended to alter her path a little to pass directly in front of
the car. Catherine says that the lioness brushed the radiator with
her whiskers, while I maintain that she lashed her tail against the
bumper. Certainly, she was very close. After passing us, she
distinctly turned again into the exact track she had been following,
before we got in her way, and strolled out of sight.
On our return from Kruger Park we decided to stay at the Victoria in
Jo'burg again (the quality of their cocktails notwithstanding)
partly because we had not cared for the hotel in Pretoria and partly
because the Victoria was one of the few hotels where we did not have
to pay for meals we did not eat. Our first full day, however, we
spent in Pretoria starting at the American Legation. My license
extensions had been granted with no difficulty. I had been impressed
by the difference in the ionospheric behavior in at least our part
of the southern hemisphere and had a half-formed idea, as our money
was lasting much better than I had dared expect, of staying another
six months to gather data on seasonal variations. I pressed Mr.
Keena, the Minister, for an opinion about the wisdom of doing this,
but found him to be the perfect diplomat, full of information but
with no quotable judgments. It has interested me since to realize
how clearly he foresaw trouble with Japan. He spoke of the
increasing pressure for passages from the Far East to America via
Capetown, and allowed us to conclude that since we had valid
reservations on a ship we would do well to use them.
Both before and after visiting Kruger Park, we found Pretoria
enjoying the height of the blooming season of the Jacaranda trees
that lined most of the streets. The view looking back at the city
from the terrace of the suburban Union Buildings was particularly
entrancing. The entire city seemed immersed in a beautiful blue haze
Johannesburg 130
of Jacaranda blossoms.
We spent an afternoon at the Natural History Museum In Pretoria
identifying many of the unfamiliar animals and birds we had seen in
the Park and elsewhere. I was especially impressed by the size of a
mounted giraffe that had a chest whose girth would do credit to most
circus elephants. He was so large that Catherine could stand under
his belly. I used her known height for a reference and deduced his
height to be seventeen and a half feet.
The following day, November first, was a memorable one. Doctor
Schonland had pulled strings to get us into a gold mine, although
the war had nominally stopped such visits, and in return had asked
me to give a lecture at the University. It happened that both of
these functions came on the same day. A Lieutenant assistant to
Major Schonland (who was then in uniform but still directing the
Bernard Price Institute of Geophysics) came to the hotel early to
take us to the mine. After showing us how safe everything was and
making us sign legal releases, we were bundled into blue jeans and
foul weather gear because the humidity in the mine was so high that
it rained in the shafts and through the open cage in which we
descended.
The hoisting machinery at the pit-head centered on a drum at least
thirty feet in diameter that rolled up a 4,000-foot cable with a car
at the end. The loads to be carried and the strength of steel cable
were such that the descent had to be limited to 4,000 feet at a
time. The mine was then working at various levels down to 10,000
feet below the surface. It would take visitors only to the 6,000
foot level because at greater depths the temperature could not be
kept below 130 degrees Fahrenheit. Even at 6,000 feet, with the
temperature at 110 degrees and the humidity at 100 percent, we found
it easy to believe that only natives with unusual endurance could do
useful work.
The mine manager was kind enough to instruct the lift operator that
visitors were going down so that he limited the speed of our descent
to 2,250 feet per minute. Even so, it was quite an experience as we
dropped thousands of feet in total darkness. At the 4,000-foot level
we found the nucleus of a small city. It had, of course, been
necessary to dig a "cave" that would at least accomodate another
complete set of hoisting machinery to serve the next 4,000 feet.
There was also an electric sub-station, heavy pumps to drive down
the air needed at lower levels, a carpenter shop for preparing
timbers for bracing the tunnels, a small hospital and various other
attributes of civilization.
Another 2,000-foot drop brought us to a working level where we were
provided with natives to carry lights for us as we walked through
The Gold Mine 131
various tunnels and watched the native miners hacking, away at the
rather thin sheet of gold-bearing rock. Our guides picked up samples
of the ore for our souvenirs.
Back at the surface, where even the relatively hot day seemed cool
and delightful, we were shown the processing operations. After
grinding the rock nearly as fine as face powder, part of the gold
was removed mechanically, and the rest dissolved out by a cyanide
process. The gold in solution in the large holding tanks was a
beautiful greenish aquamarine in color. This mine smelted only once
a month so we could not see that part of the operation. We were,
however, taken to the vault and shown a number of gold ingots. These
were 1000-ounce bars, a little smaller than ordinary bread tins.
Since a thousand ounces is nearly seventy pounds, it was only upon
about the third try that we were able to pick up such a concentrated
weight.
One difficulty with gold mining is that after treating a ton of ore
there is still a ton of rock powder left over. In Jo'burg these
immense accumulations are simply piled in the most convenient
places, so that the city has a horizon of large mine dumps, as much
as 200 feet high. They come in various shades of gray, yellow, and
brown, and are visually rather attractive. Unfortunately, dust blows
from them all too easily, in spite of regulations for fixing the
surface with cement powder, or other varnish, Jo'burg thus tends to
be a dusty city and, at least when we were there, few white clothes
were to be seen.
The economies of South African gold mining were startling to us. We
were told that the industry's average yield was seven and three-
fourths pennyweight of gold per ton of rock, or between eight and
nine dollars' worth at the 1940 price of $35.00 per ounce. It was
obvious that such poor ore could be mined at so great a depth only
where very cheap labor could be found. Mining gold was supposed to
be the finest job a native could have as he was paid two shillings
per day. The natives were obtained by recruiting parties who
searched for and selected those strong enough for the work. They
were engaged for six-month contracts and were confined in compounds
when not down in the mines. In addition to this pay, the companies
spent about a shilling a day per man for housing and feeding the
laborers. We were told that after six months as a miner a native
could go home and support his family for a year and a half or two
years on his accumulated wages. Some were reputed to be strong
enough to reenlist after a while but, in general, the recruiters
were having to range more and more widely, to find men.
We were shown graphs of the yield of the gold mines over the years,
As the richer and more accessible ores had become exhausted, the
profits had dwindled to substantially zero in 1933, when the United
The Gold Mine 132
States gave them a new and large profit by raising the price of gold
from twenty to thirty-five dollars per ounce. Unless the economics
of South African gold mining have changed radically, the present
price of three hundred dollars per ounce must have made operations
very profitable indeed.
After Major Schonland's Lieutenant had returned us to the hotel and
stayed to lunch with us, we embarked on a series of afternoon calls,
primarily at the Union Observatory and the Yale Observatory. While
in the mine in the morning Catherine had twisted an ankle that
continued to bother her, and we returned early to the hotel so that
she could soak her foot before our evening engagements. It was
fortunate that we had plenty of time because it took an hour or more
of waiting to get the use of the electric iron to press Catherine's
evening dress. I made the disturbing discovery that I had left my
cuff links in Queenstown. The hall porter, who had produced epsom
salts to treat Catherine's ankle, dashed out and bought me the only
cheap set he could find quickly. They were impossibly loud, having
alternate stripes of red and blue enamel. It happened that the
opposite side of the links consisted of relatively large gold-
colored knobs, so I simply wore the links backward and hoped for the
best.
Before my lecture we were to dine with Principal Haikes, the Vice-
Chancellor (or president) of the University of the Witwatersrand and
his wife. The other guests were Dr. and Mrs. Schonland and Mr. and
Mrs. Bernard Price. Mr. Price was a gold-mining millionaire who had
endowed the Institute of Geophysics and, presumably Dr. Schonland's
position as its Director. The dinner was served with a maximum of
British form, having gloved black footmen with spectacular liveries
as waiters. It was certainly the best dinner we had in South Africa
even though it had to be hurried a little to get us to the lecture
well in time. Catherine was, I think, most impressed by Mrs. Price's
lovely Maribou stole, while I enjoyed finding that we were eating at
least one course from gold plates.
At the lecture Principal Haikes produced a remarkable performance.
He introduced me rather extravagantly and then sat down in the front
row and quietly went to sleep. He continued to sleep comfortably
until about thirty seconds before I finished when, without any
signal from his wife that I could see, he awoke and returned to the
platform to say all of the correct things. Even though I knew that
he must have been well briefed by Dr. Schonland, he almost convinced
me that he had not missed a word of my lecture. After a small party
at the Schonlands' we were at last allowed to end the busiest day we
had had since the eclipse.
The next day we visited the National Museum where we were especially
thrilled to see the stone cross originally erected on the southern
Dinner and Lecture / The Cross of Diaz 133
coast of Africa by Bartolomeo Diaz. After a clever bit of
archeological research, the broken fragments of this cross had only
recently been found and put together again.
Catherine, being full of energy, then went on with Mrs. Schonland to
meet Mrs. Pratt-Nichols, whom we might call the chief women's
housemother at the University, while I went back to the hotel to
rest a headache. Catherine learned a lot about the place of women in
South African college life, of which I chiefly remember the very
limited variety of available courses and the practical impossibility
of changing a major field after matriculation.
We started back to Queenstown by way of Bloemfontein, primarily to
pay calls at observatories. We were welcomed at her home by Mrs.
Rossiter who showed us how to find the Michigan Observatory where
her husband was working alone. We were mutually pleased to learn
that she expected to sail for the United States on the same ship we
were to take in December. My chief recollection of the observatory
was that the main telescope had about the proportions of a walking-
stick - excellent, Catherine assured me, for the study of double
stars on which Doctor Rossiter did most of his research.
The Harvard Southern Station at Harvard Kopje (pronounced "copy" and
meaning small hill) was some miles away from Bloemfontein, in
Hazelspoort. Here Dr. Paraskevopoulos, who was always called "Doctor
Paras", had had an opportunity that was rare before 1940. He had
directed the southern station in Peru before Harvard had decided to
give up that location and move its southern observations to South
Africa. He therefore had the chance to start anew instead of working
with the equipment left by previous generations of astronomers, as
had been necessary in most observatories. Dr. Paras was able to
select what he wanted from Peru, Cambridge, and other places and to
build an observatory that exactly fitted his ideas of what was
needed. I was delighted by the extent to which he had been able to
arrange for one man operation; even the main 60-inch reflector could
be operated without help. My favorite instrument was the Bruce, a
photographic instrument with an especially large and flat field
(this was before the days of Schmidt optics) that was used for
patrol plates, a survey of the whole southern sky that continued for
many years. The Bruce pleased me by having the compact solid beauty
that was so characteristic of the best old steam locomotives. We
were also interested to see the old Lowell refractor that Doctor
Paras said was responsible for dissemination of more lies than any
other one instrument.
The living quarters at Harvard Kopje were especially comfortable and
we were happy to change our plans a little and spend the night
there. Mrs. Paras gave us an excellent dinner embellished by her
customary five vegetables. We learned that the grocers in
Bloemfontein were Greeks and always supplied Dr. Paras with the
extremely best of everything.
We started early for Queenstown and stopped only near Aliwal North
when we encountered a cloud of locusts. These were great grass
hopper-type insects among which the females were at least four
inches long and very heavy. They were generally green, but with
bright red heads and legs. Inside relatively plain green and black
wing covers they had large salmon-pink wings so that a group with
hundreds flying looked rather like a constellation of colorful
butterflies. They were so heavy that they could not actually fly
very well or very far. The usual technique seemed to be to light at
the base of a bush or tree and eat their way to the top. After that
tree had been denuded, they would take off at a downward slope and
repeat the performance at another bush or tree. I formed the opinion
that only the athletes among them could maintain a flight for as
much as a hundred yards.
After some rather silly attempts to take color movies of these
locusts without scaring them, we discovered that they were so
sluggish that we could pick them up at will. We thought that our
entomologist friend, Dick Dow, would like such colorful specimens,
so we collected a couple of dozen of them and put them into one of
Clyde Ficher's camera cases for transportation to Queenstown.
At the Hexagon Hotel we vere welcomed effusively by the entire staff
and even found fresh flowers in our room. Bob Verwoerd appeared
promptly to report various breakdowns in the equipment, but nothing
had happened that could not be repaired easily. As we resumed
operation, we let our locusts run free in an empty room at the
cottage. From time to time we would open the door quickly and toss
in a head of lettuce. The sound of chomping could be heard in the
next room for ten minutes or so before the lettuce vanished. We
tried preserving a few insects in alcohol but these specimens
promptly turned a dull and uninteresting brown. The locusts were so
large that they obviously could not be dried without being stuffed,
which was beyond our skills. We rather vaguely decided to keep them
alive, if we could, for the six weeks or so before we would sail and
then somehow solve the problem of keeping them for Dick. By this
time we had discovered that, on the short trip to Queenstown, our
pets had eaten the plush lining out of Doctor Ficher's camera case.
We were to find that silk stockings and lace curtains were also
among their favorite foods.
Soon after our return came the time to make good my promise to speak
in the native compound. Miss Soga had suggested that we dress as we
would for an evening function at home, so we took the hint and put
on a long dress and my dinner jacket. We were taken to a large,
rather bare hall that was crowded with natives, many even roosting
Return to Queenstown / The Native Reception 135
among the trusses that supported the roof. I made the easiest speech
I ever gave because it had to be translated, sentence by sentence,
into the native language, so that I had plenty of time to think. I
told them a little about the eclipse and our reason for being in
Africa, but spent most of the time discussing the difference in
treatment of blacks in the northern and southern parts of the United
States, not that I was at all expert on that subject. The natives
were absolutely excited when I assured them that we had a number of
black students at Harvard. I answered innumerable questions with, I
suspect, the interpreter editing or omitting many that must have
been regarded as improper or undignified. Catherine had accepted
Miss Soga's suggestion that native women never spoke in public, and
kept her mouth beautifully shut for the entire evening, hard though
it must have been for her.
I am sorry that I did not then know the wonderful story of the first
black student at Harvard. When a rumor arose that the College was
thinking of admitting a black man, a number of proper Bostonians
waited upon the President, Edward Everett, to protest. Dr. Everett
heard them out politely and then said, "Gentlemen, Mr. has passed
his examinations and has been admitted. If the white students choose
to withdraw, the resources of the College will be devoted to his
education". Since then, Harvard has had no serious difficulty about
color, except that today it is hard to find as many qualified black
applicants as the University might prefer.
When I finished, the natives, took over and spent hours giving us a
varied and spectacular show. This ranged from a Sunday School choir
singing a capella to what was either a highly indecent or a
perfectly beautiful performance of a dance celebrating a young boy's
arrival at puberty. We were told that the exhibition of this dance
had required a special dispensation from the chief witch doctor of
Southern Africa, not because we were to see it but because it was
supposed to be performed only outdoors. At the close of the show I
was presented a specially-carved cane. It represents a native man
holding by the neck a long spotted snake that spirals around the
cane. I did not learn why this design was considered appropriate for
me.
I was abashed to find that there had been an admission charge of
sixpence to see me on this occasion. Small as this sounds, it
represented more than a day's pay for most men. Fortunately, we
learned that the evening's proceeds were to be devoted to some
community purpose, so we contributed five pounds to the fund and
made ourselves even more popular. I have always remembered with
emotion the contrast between the formal evening at the University of
the Witwatersrand and this truly exciting and uninhibited reception
that came a few days later.
Aside from our continuing control observations the three remaining
weeks In Queenstown were highlighted by a few dinner parties we gave
at the hotel to express our thanks for various acts of kindness and
friendship. The first of these had probably been after the eclipse
and before we left for Kruger Park. On this occasion we discovered
that the headwaiter, Johnny Davis, had a real genius for sand
painting when he was moved to display it. He would dye farina in
various colors and decorate any available space on a large table
with appropriate designs. For this first of our large parties Johnny
was probably motivated by the presence of the Mayor and his wife and
produced a magnificent eclipse for a centerpiece, with an orange sun
partially covered by a black moon. The most memorable party was
certainly on November 22nd, Catherine's birthday. For this occasion
I had bespoken a large birthday cake at the local confectioner's. I
was a bit surprised at the price they asked until we discovered that
it was an iced and decorated fruit cake. When the confectioner asked
how many candles to put on it, I had thought quickly and said, Oh,
two dozen, please, although this was something of an underestimate.
This cake had been delivered to the hotel kitchen and it inspired
Johnny to a special effort. When we brought our guests into the
dining room, after the customary sherry in the parlor, we found the
table decorated with floral designs surrounding a brightly colored
ribbon that ran the length of the table, saying, C.S.S.P.'s 24th
Birthday. When Johnny, who perhaps had some misgivings, approached
Catherine to ask if this was all right, she gave him one of her
sweetest smiles and assured him that everything was just fine.
At the end of November we terminated our operations and packed and
shipped our equipment. After the boxes had left, we returned to the
cottage to clean it up to some extent. While working, we saw that
the old native grandmother and her daughter-in-law had arrived in
the yard. In the customary way, they waited thirty feet from the
front door until we chose to notice them. They then approached the
porch and the grandmother made a long speech in her language,
interpreted by the daughter, to thank us for all our kindness to the
children. This was done with the most perfect dignity and was very
moving. The native women saw that we were doing our own cleaning, so
they went home and returned with brooms and brushes to sweep out the
cottage for us. At my request, they gave us a beautifully-braided
native equivalent of a whisk-broom, which we still keep as a
favorite souvenir.
One of our last acts was to return the keys to the cottage and thank
the Ritchies for their kindness. We were, of course, entertained for
tea on this occasion. Over the tea cups, after routine subjects had
been fully dealt with, Mrs. Ritchie filled a short conversational
gap by remarking brightly, "I do hope that you haven't been bothered
Returning the Keys 137
by the cobras that live under the cottage". Catherine says that Mrs.
Ritchie nearly lost one of her best bone-china tea cups at this
moment, and I would not be too sure that she had not risked two of
them. At least, for several years I occasionally dreamed of a cobra
head and hood appearing through one of the holes in the floors of
the cottage.
* * *
We left Queenstown by train for Port Elizabeth and a leisurely trip
along the south coast to Capetown. We spent a day sightseeing in
Port Elizabeth, including a visit to a famous snake farm where we
made the acquaintance of the African cobras we had not seen in
Queenstown. More repulsive snakes I never saw. They were relatively
flat and ribbon-like and had an unpleasant yellowish-brown color. We
admired the contempt with which the native keeper kicked them out of
the way as he went about picking up specimens to milk for their
venom.
At George we spent a couple of days exploring the only region in
South Africa that can be called forested. In the narrow south
coastal strip of lowlands there were good stands of large
slowgrowing trees and beautiful homes and gardens. This is the
habitat of the famous stinkwood, an excellent furniture wood, that
is in short supply and great demand. Its name comes from a faint
unpleasant odor that really can only be noticed in, say, a cabinet
that is not often opened. Bits of the wood that are too small for
furniture use are used to make very attractive small objects for the
tourists.
Back in Capetown we saw to the shipment of our equipment on a
freighter to Boston. We were to sail on the City of New York for the
city of that name. We paid calls on our Capetown acquaintances and
entertained many of them at teas and dinners. Fortunately we met and
entertained Mrs. Rossiter from the Michigan Observatory in
Bloemfontein, as she turned out to be a martyr to seasickness and we
saw very little of her on shipboard. We made the good Scots Dr.
Jackson, his Majesty's Astronomer at the Cape, very unhappy because,
for some reason I never understood, he had to certify our shipping
papers to authorize the free inland transportation of our eclipse
equipment; an allowance that he had been unable to obtain for his
own expedition. Mr. and Mrs. Thompson, who had been so kind to us on
our arrival, entertained us and made arrangements for us to meet Mr.
Thompson's daughter and her husband in Trinidad, where our ship
would stop for fuel.
* * *
On a Saturday morning, about a week before we were to leave, we
Returning the Keys 138
completed our business with the shipping agents. Almost as an after
thought, we were advised that it might be well to get visas to visit
Trinidad. These were not ordinarily required for passengers in
transit, but our agent thought that because of the war we might not
be able to go ashore without them. He told us to apply at the
immigration office and explained how to find it. When I asked
whether we should look for anyone in particular, he said no, but he
did finally name a Mr. Conway.
We reached the Immigration Department in the late morning. We were
casually dressed and dusty, and far below South African standards as
I was bareheaded and we were both carrying parcels of souvenirs. The
Department was in a nondescript old building made up of several
houses, with long and twisting corridors and many unmarked doors. We
located the appropriate office where we found only a young and
rather imperious woman behind the counter. I approached her with our
passports and said, "We would like visas for Trinidad, if you
please." The girl looked through our passports carefully and then
said, "Where are your exit permits?" Not having heard of such
documents, I replied, "What is an exit permit?" "Oh", she said, "You
must have one before you can leave the country. When are you
sailing?" "Next Friday", I answered, and received the response, "Oh,
dear, dear! We will never be able to get them in time." As I began
to become more severe, she weakened a little; "Well, perhaps if we
telegraph Pretoria we may be able to get them." As there seemed
little else to do, we followed her instructions to go upstairs to
(for some reason) the accountant's office where we could fill out
the application forms.
At the accountant's office we finally found a pimply-faced youth and
went through an almost identical routine with him, from "Where are
your exit permits?" to "Oh, dear, we'll never be able to get them in
time". As I was tiring of this line of conversation, I thought it
time to ask for Mr. Conway. The youth's obvious reluctance was later
explained when we found that Mr. Conway was His Majesty's Principal
Immigration Officer, but the boy finally acceded to my request, and
took us through a rabbitwarren of corridors to knock on one of the
unmarked doors. Mr. Conway appeared to be alone. He was about sixty
years of age with gray hair and steelrimmed spectacles and all the
characteristics of an experienced civil servant. The youth explained
us to Mr. Conway as well as he could and departed, saying something
like, I'll get their file.
With Mr. Conway we ran through our familiar conversation for the
third time. He assured us that nothing but the prompt execution of
applications plus bearing the costs of telegrams between Capetown
and Pretoria could possibly get us out of Africa in less than a
week. As he was politely but firmly edging us out of his office
toward an empty room where we could make out the applications, the
youth returned down the long corridor at an absolute gallop. His
face wore a look of shock and he carried a file at least four inches
thick, opened somewhere in the middle. We had noticed a slight
stammer before, but when he spoke now it was overpowering. As he
reached us he exclaimed, liub-bubbub-but. Mr. Kuk-kuk-kuk-kuk-k-
Conwayl - Thetre dud-dud-duddud-dtid -distinguished visitors!
Mr. Conway displayed the value of his long training in the civil
service. With only a brief but searching look over his glasses at
our disheveled appearance, he made a remarkable recovery. Oh - - -
Oh, he said, In that case we would not think of requiring exit
permits, and told the youth to take us back to the girl downstairs
and instruct her to give us our visas immediately.
* * * *
The City of New York differed very considerably from the Lancaster.
She was the only passenger liner sailing between Capetown and New
York at the time, and she was supposed to make the trip in only
seventeen days, even including a day's visit to Trinidad. The South
Atlantic swell, which we had encountered gradually on our way south,
revealed itself in its full glory when we sailed. We delayed our
descent to the dining room until after the last line had been cast
off at seven in the evening. At 7:2O we passed the breakwater and
the dishes began sliding off the table. It was noticeable that two
or three days passed before we saw as many as half of the passengers
at mealtime.
The trip would no doubt have been very pleasant and relaxing, except
that the Professor Pierce effect made its last appearance and caused
us to be seated at the Captain's table. Our table mates were a lady
from the highest Boston society who was returning from her
daughter's wedding in Kenya, two State Department officers who were
changing stations, with their wives, and a real South African
professor and his wife. The members of this group, with the Captain,
insisted on giving each other cocktail parties almost daily, which
put a strain on our budget and my supply of dress shirts. I had to
conduct a running battle with the ship's laundry to keep myself
presentable in the tropical heat with, of course, no air
conditioning.
When Captain Schmidt discovered that I came from Maine, he had a
word with the steward. As a result I found myself required to top
off each large and varied breakfast with a quarter of an apple pie,
because I could not dishonor the reputation of my State in the eyes
of the Captain.
I was surprised recently when Catherine turned up four or five
certificates that I had won various contests on the City of New
York, including shuffleboard and, of all things, a spelling bee. I
had not forgotten having won the bridge tournament, as I was
generally not a good enough player to win anything. In the first
match I happened to be the partner of a rich South African who
correctly and unpleasantly made it clear that he was an
exceptionally good player. I misunderstood his bidding on the first
hand with the unhappy result that I went down three no-trump,
doubled. My partner's scornful reaction so irritated me that I
really settled down to try, and had the pleasure of coming in first
to his second at the end or the tournament. I have been wise enough
to play very little bridge since then, but I still frequently use
the very good corkscrew I won on that occasion.
When leaving Queenstown we had popped our remaining locusts back
into Dr. Fisher's camera case and taken them with us. Each night in
a hotel we would let them out for food and exercise, discovering, to
our surprise, that we were becoming rather fond of them. Their
climbing habit made them easy to recapture. We could just go around
the room, picking them off the tops of chairs, bureaus, or curtains.
If the count were not complete, it was only necessary to wait two or
three minutes and we would see the truants appear at the top of one
piece of furniture or another. We arrived at our sailing date with
eight locusts still in good health. As we had still thought of no
way of killing and preserving them, we simply took them with us. We
did not choose to advertise their presence on shipboard but we
managed to feed them quite well with fruit taken when we left the
dining saloon, or lettuce or carrots stolen while we took tours of
the kitchens.
We reached Port of Spain in the early morning of January 1, 1941.
Our visas turned out to be essential and I think no other Americans
were allowed to go ashore. We were shocked but not greatly surprised
to find that the South Africans, except for some officials, stayed
on the ship. Their reason was that they refused to have their papers
examined by the colored immigration and customs officers. We were
happy to discover the difference in attitude towards color in
Trinidad after coming from South Africa. Trinidad, of course, shows
traces of every nationality that ever sailed the Caribbean and I was
delighted to find that pretty girls came in every possible shade. We
happened to be introduced to a new Baronet, just created that day.
He was a prominent lawyer and must have been of nearly pure African
blood.
It had been arranged by radio that we would meet the Melvilles (Mr.
Thompson's relatives) at the Queens Park Hotel. We happened to
arrive first and I employed the extra minutes in buying a bottle of
cologne that Catherine wanted. The purser on the ship had provided
me with a heavy pocketful of British silver coins, and I was
surprised to find the cologne marked $1.80. I assumed that this was
done as a convenience for American tourists. At a guess, I offered
the clerk three half-crowns, asking if that were enough. "Just
right, sir, said the clerk and rang up $1.80 on his cash-register.
This introduced a problem of understanding the Trinidad monetary
system that lasted me all day.
The Melvilles arrived in hospitable mood and took us for a sight-
seeing tour of the island, including lunch at a pleasant resort
overlooking the Caribbean Sea. In the afternoon we were taken to the
race; as that happened to be the big day in the winter race meeting
and everyone would be in the grandstand. I was interested to find,
on studying the race program, that Mr. Melville (who was the Manager
of Trinidad Leaseholds, the big oil company, and could easily afford
it) had paid $8.00 for my admission and only $0.50 for Catherine. I
took great pleasure in pointing this distinction out to Catherine,
to be sure that she appreciated her relative position. Our hosts
paid little attention to the races but spent their time chatting and
introducing us to Trinidad society, including the new Baronet. I
noticed that the purses for the races were given in dollars and,
after much mental anguish, discovered that the monetary unit was the
Trinidad dollar but that, to save expense, British silver was used
for coinage. It ultimately became clear that a dollar was equal to
four shillings and tuppence, so that my three half-crowns had in
fact been exactly $1.80 in Trinidad.
While in Port of Spain we sent off air-mail letters announcing our
arrival in Boston, as the ship had been diverted there, including
instructions to Dick Dow to meet the ship with whatever documents he
needed to permit importation of live locusts.
After this pleasant change we went back to our sweltering ship for
another week. Somewhere in the latitude of Florida we passed the
freighter carrying our equipment and learned that she also had been
diverted and was going to land in New York instead of Boston. This
made no great difference, as we were able to have our boxes sent in
bond to the laboratory and passed through customs there.
As on the outward trip, we found the last week a little long, in
spite of many farewell parties and other amusements. Although the
ship cooled down somewhat during this week, we found the contrast
startling when we left the Gulf Stream and landed in Boston on the
coldest day of the entire winter. To our surprise, we were not met
by Dick Dow, who turned out to be in bed with the flu at the time,
so I put our surviving six locusts into a small box and smuggled
them ashore in my hip pocket.
Our little apartment in Cambridge, which we had sublet for six
months, was ready for us. We took the South African professor and
his wife and Mrs. Rossiter to lunch at the Harvard Faculty Club, and
began to feel at home right away. On the following day, Catherine's
entire entry in her day-by-day log of our trip says, "Shirts sent to
the laundry."
12.
The first three months of 1941 in Cambridge were devoted largely to
clearing up matters left over from the African trip; writing letters
of appreciation, and composing my scientific report. To my surprise
we returned with more than two thousand dollars in traveller's
checks unspent. I have always supposed that we constituted one of
very few expeditions to return with a cash surplus. I wrote a check
for this balance in favor of Harvard University and gave it to
Professor Mimno. He was, as usual, squirreling away small budget
items for future use. His method for keeping this fund unspent (and
perhaps inconspicuous) was simply not to deposit the check. As a
result, for a year and a half we maintained a bank balance far
beyond our normal standard and, by great care, managed to keep it
untouched.
This surplus included, of course, the $500 donated by Professor
Pierce. We were reminded of this when, on our first Sunday afternoon
call, Mrs. Pierce, who acted as the watch-dog of G.W.'s treasury,
promptly asked if we had brought back her husband's money. This was
the only occasion on which we ever heard G.W. speak firmly to his
wife, as he said, remarkably sharply, "Florence, you keep out of
this!" The next day he called me into his office to say that we
could keep the money in our ionospheric research funds.
Before I settled fully into my "defense" or wartime activities, I
had a most interesting consultancy. This was passed on to me by Ted
Hunt, who was surely already preparing for his very important work
as Director of the Underwater Sound Laboratory at Harvard. It seemed
that the Boston Symphony Orchestra had been encountering great
difficulties in its efforts to avoid signing a contract with the
Musicians' Union. The latest, and ultimately conclusive, attack was
the success of the Union in forbidding RCA-Victor to make any more
recordings of the Symphony. It could easily be predicted that,
without a continuing supply of new performances, the royalties from
records would soon decrease. In a last-minute effort to offset this
threat, the Symphony trustees had adopted the idea that they might
record, manufacture, and sell their own records.
I was introduced to this problem by Mr. George Judd, a most charming
gentleman who was the manager of the B.S.O. Under his guidance a man
from New York who understood the manufacturing aspects was found,
and I became a consultant on the actual recording. Between us we
selected and the Symphony bought all the necessary equipment, as
The Boston Symphony Orchestra 144
much as possible (without threatening the quality of the product) in
the second-hand market. A little room overlooking the stage in
Symphony Hall was fitted with first-rate amplifiers and cutting
turntables, and the basement, or part of it, was filled with
electroplating tanks and presses for the actual manufacturing of
records.
My primary duties in this enterprise were in the supervision of the
cutting of the wax master records. Today, with the advent of high-
quality magnetic tape, this is relatively easy. The performance is
recorded from as many as sixteen or twenty-four microphones in
strategic locations on as many separate tapes. These, sometimes
after as much as a year of study and experimentation, are blended
together to produce the desired artistic results, and the same
original material is then re-recorded to yield monophonic, stereo,
or quadriphonic records or final tapes. In l941 and 1942, this was
impossible and it was necessary to make an original recording that
satisfied all the requirements for a commercial release. This
involved much worry about the placement of microphones and the
mixing of their outputs in various proportions, which usually varied
during the course of a performance.
One policy decision, probably made by the music director and
conductor, the great Serge Koussevitsky, was that the records
should, be cut during actual performances. This ensured a higher
quality, as there was no doubt that the orchestra played better
before a sympathetic audience than in a "cold" hall containing only
microphones, but it made it harder for the recordist (if there is
such a word) in several ways. It was recognized that at times the
audience noise would ruin a recording, but it was felt that any
important work would be presented many times and it was hoped that
at least one recording would be satisfactory.
The greatest problem in making a record was, and still is, the
compression of the volume range of the orchestra into a compass that
does not exceed the limitations of the recording medium. Should the
level be too low, surface noise on a record becomes intolerable,
while too high a level leads to distortion.
[This was written before the era of the laser and the compact disc.]
Even if the recording mechanism could follow the whole range of
loudness possible to a symphony orchestra, the resulting music could
not be played in a small room without very unsatisfactory results.
It is therefore necessary to increase the gain of the recording
amplifiers for pianissimo passages and to reduce it when the
orchestra plays fortissimo. If this compression process should be
carried too far, so that, in the extreme, the record played
everything at constant loudness, the music would lose much of its
The Boston Symphony Orchestra 145
emotional content (except for possibly the single exception of rock-
and-roll) and would certainly disgust a listener with any musical
taste at all. The solution is for the recording engineer to foresee
all changes in volume. When he knows that a crescendo is coming, he
must inconspicuously and gradually reduce the gain so that the
increase in loudness may come forth with as much as possible of its
full glory. Similarly, he must prepare for a soft passage by
bringing up the gain enough so that none of the reproduced music
will be lost in the background noise of an ordinary room.
Our solution of this problem was, as it is must be for any other
engineer, to rehearse the operation of the recording gain control
much as though it were another instrument. We learned to follow the
printed score well, enough so that we could annotate it with
numbered settings for the gain control, and used whatever musical
taste we had to make the necessary adjustments as inaudible as
possible - or perhaps I should say to preserve as much as possible
of the artistic values of the performance. We tried, through many
rehearsals and performances, to use music students and other artists
to carry out this function, almost always with discouraging results.
I am sorry to have to say that, of all our trials, those using
Arthur Fiedler, the famous conductor of the Boston Pops, were the
least satisfactory. It was clear that Mr. Fiedler was too devoted to
the music itself and could not simultaneously maintain the necessary
concentration on the recording problem. The only solution seemed to
be to use an engineer who had a modicum of musical taste but who
could keep the technical problem uppermost in his mind. I am sorry
that we did not identify a better compromise candidate than I
myself, so I am sure that I "rode gain" on more trials and records
than anyone else. Curiously, I was never introduced to Dr.
Koussevitsky in the year I spent on this effort, but I still
treasure a letter from Mr. Judd that described the conductor's
satisfaction with some of our results.
Dr. Koussevitaky's personal habits complicated my problem. He felt
that his orchestra could keep time and devoted his gestures, whether
of the baton arm or the other, almost entirely to matters of
inflection. It was commonplace for the orchestra to begin playing
with no preliminary signal that could be seen from the poor vantage
point of a very small window overlooking the stage from the side.
This was a great trial as it was necessary, in those days that did
not permit re-recording, to start the cutting turntable soon enough
so that the record would have three or four silent grooves but these
few grooves could not be allowed to become many. All too often I
found the orchestra playing while I was still eagerly watching for a
clue, and the performance was, from my point of view, reduced to the
status of another rehearsal.
I was sternly assured that Dr. Koussevitsky could not be troubled to
give a starting signal for my benefit as, in the last seconds before
beginning a composition, he was entirely occupied in mental
preparations that could not be disturbed. After watching this
performance many times, I came to the conclusion that an errant
cough in the last row of the audience could interrupt the conductors
concentration and considerably extend the time it took him to
prepare himself. I did learn to start the recorder at nearly the
right time on some occasions, but I failed much too often. I was
delighted at one rehearsal when a violinist, new to the orchestra,
had the temerity to inquire how the musicians were supposed to know
when to begin. Dr. Koussevitaky looked at him in what seemed to be
total amazement. "Why, -- why", he said, "When ze baton touches ze
air, you play."
By the end of the year, when it was too late for the information to
do me much good, the musicians had become used to seeing me around
and I finally got someone to provide the answer to the question.
This was not given without an oath of secrecy, as the musicians
seemed to feel that they were in deadly peril if the conductor heard
of their solution to the problem that bothered me. I was then told
that when Dr. Koussevitsky's baton gently descended to the level of
the third button on his vest, as seen from the position of the first
oboe, that musician would give an inconspicuous nod and the
orchestra would take its starting time from him. This confession may
have been akin to sending me for a left-handed monkey-wrench, but it
comforted me to believe that I was not alone in my trouble.
When introducing a new composition for rehearsal, Dr. Koussevitsky
had the habit of giving the orchestra little five or ten-minute
lectures, discussing the composer and explaining the conductor's
beliefs about what the composer was trying to accomplish. These
talks were invariably delightful and I tried very hard to get
permission to record some of them, as I thought they would be of
great interest and importance to music students everywhere. I am
still disappointed that Dr. Koussevitsky would never agree to this
suggestion, especially as such a series of records might have gone
far toward justifying the amount of time and energy, if not of
money, that was spent on the recording project.
One of our great difficulties was the strength of the tympanist,
Raman Szulc (pronounced, as far as I could tell, "Schultz"). He had
muscles that I never saw equalled. He enjoyed baring his arm,
holding a drumstick between his fingers, and letting all comers feel
his forearm. It seemed much as though it were carved out of seasoned
maple wood. His power was a trial to us in the recording room. We
would often think that we were ready for a passage rising to
fortissimo when Mr. Szulc would join in with his kettle-drums and
make the sound level jump above our distortion threshold. Those of
us bothered by his skill, or strength, invented all sorts of
hypothetical schemes to limit his acoustical output. The most polite
of these was probably the suggestion that we bore holes at
appropriate points in the ceiling and drip water onto his drums
during the performance. After suffering from Mr. Szulc's
ministrations for some time, there came a cheering day when the
orchestra was rehearsing Shostakovich's sixth. At a moment when, to
me, all seemed to be going beautifully, Dr. Koussevitsky's baton
went tap, tap, tap and the music came to a quick stop. Turning
towards the tympanists' corner, extending his arms toward Szulc and
then bringing his hands together over his heart, Dr. Koussevitsky
exclaimed, "Ah, Szulc, Szulc, you play be-yooo-tiful - - - - but too
loud!"
Dr. Koussevitsky's instructions to the orchestra were, to one with
no musical experience except as a listener, often unintelligible. My
favorite occasion was during a rehearsal of something by Beethoven
when again the baton tapped three times. As the orchestra stopped
playing, Dr. Koussevitsky extended his arms in a gesture somewhere
between beckoning and beseeching and cried, "Zhentlemen, zhentlemen,
I moost half more gooold all over ze orchestra!" As the music
resumed, I could detect no difference but the tone must have been
more golden as the conductor made no further comment.
The year in which I spent a fraction of my time in this enterprise
of the Symphony was full of discovery and excitement. It had all of
the fascination of any work that requires stretching one's ability
and energy to the utmost. The satisfaction that should have ensued
was, unfortunately, absent because the management of the B.S.O.
found it financially impossible to continue without signing a
contract with the union. I never found out whether the few
symphonies I had successfully recorded could have withstood
commercial competition. I had, however, had a memorable experience
in a world that was new to me.
13.
It was probably in April, 1941, when my life began a major turn from
Physics toward Engineering. Professor J. C. Street, who had studied
cosmic rays for years, began to sound me out about joining the
secret work being done at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
I was somewhat reluctant, partly because I felt that I owed Harvard
a great deal and partly from serious doubts about my practical
ability. It was, of course impossible for Professor Street to tell
me just what the work would be, and I finally suggested that he
should proceed to get my security clearance so that he could tell me
all about the new project. To my surprise, M.I.T. yielded to this
request and, after the military intelligence forces had spent a few
weeks deciding that I did not favor the Fascists (or perhaps the
Communists), I was able to attend a meeting of a few people to have
the project explained.
This group, which included Dr. Street, on leave from Harvard, had
been organized to test equipment that was being built to form a new
kind of radio aid to navigation. This new system, then known only as
"Project C", was intended to operate in the lower part of the VHF
(very high frequency) radio spectrum, between 30 and 40 megacycles
per second. It would, for propagational reasons, serve only a very
short range near the surface of the earth and to a distance of 300
miles or more for high-flying aircraft.
It was obvious that the first wartime need for better navigation for
the United States' forces would be in the convoy routes in the North
Atlantic, where a system having such short range would be next to
useless. I thus found myself being asked to join the group, to
explore any possibilities for providing additional radio circuits at
lower frequencies, to take advantage of the greater sky-wave
transmission ranges available in the short wave (or high frequency)
band. The proposed transmissions would be not unlike those used for
ionospheric sounding, but the requirement for the precise
measurement of time differences would be from ten to a hundred times
greater than had been used in ionospheric work. As the precision of
ionospheric soundings had always been severely limited by the narrow
bandwidths enforced for experimental work by the Federal
Communications Commission, there was no experience to indicate
whether the required accuracy could be achieved; but, equally, there
were no data that proved it to be impossible. Since this proposed
work was obviously important and fitted well with my experience at
Harvard, my doubts were somewhat relieved and I agreed to take a
year's leave of absence beginning July 1, 1941, and see what I could
The Office of Scientific Research and Development 149
contribute. This decision waa made easier by the discovery that I
already had three friends In the group of about ten that existed In
the spring of 1941. In addition to Dr. Street, I also knew one of
his former students, Dick Woodward, who had taken his doctorate
under Professor Street after I had come to Harvard. I was especially
pleased to find that the head of the group was Mr. Melville Eastham,
the President of the General Radio Company in Cambridge who had been
a regular attendant at Harvard Physics Colloquia and whose abilities
I greatly admired. There were also Donald Fink, whom I knew slightly
as the Editor of Electronics magazine, and two brilliant young
recent college graduates, David Davidson from Trinity College and
Dick Lawrance from MIT.
Long before the American entry into World War II, Dr. Vannevar Bush,
a famous scientist and engineer who had formerly been Vice-President
of MIT, convinced President Roosevelt of the importance of
mobilizing the scientific talent of the country. Dr. Bush was made
the head of the Office of Scientific Research and Development which
was supported by ample funds and made entirely independent of the
military forces. As seen from the viewpoint of one far below him in
the organization, Dr. Bush's essential contribution was the
provision of a climate in which the scientists could work freely
while OSRD and its subordinate entities kept financial problems and
military demands from delaying or preventing the scientific work. In
retrospect, it is clear that Hitler's stopping of scientific
research and trying to fight the war with what he had in 1938 was
one of his serious errors. It was exactly this mistake that Dr. Bush
prevented in this country, in spite of determined military
opposition to devoting manpower to anything except production and
fighting. It has been claimed that microwave radar gave the allied
forces the margin that won the war while the atomic bomb ended it.
Neither of these developments would have been possible without Dr.
Bush and his organization.
The National Defense Research Committee was organized under the
OSRD. This committee dealt directly with the scientists. It was
headed by James Bryant Conant, the President of Harvard and a
distinguished scientist himself. The NDRC had the respect and
support of the scientific community. It was organized in a number of
divisions dealing with various scientific disciplines, of which the
one of importance to me was Division 14, devoted almost exclusively
to microwave radar.
At the beginning of the war, radar had been developed in several
countries. These early devices operated mostly at wavelengths of one
or two meters because vacuum-tube transmitters could not develop the
required high power at shorter wavelengths. This in turn meant that
the needed directional antennas had to be large. Effective radar was
therefore available only for large ships or fixed installations
The Office of Scientific Research and Development 150
ashore. This was the type of radar that detected the Japanese attack
on Pearl Harbor, although administrative laxity prevented an
effective warning. The British CH (Chain Home) radar stations around
the coasts of the United Kingdom had a far better record, as they
made it possible for the Royal Air Force to win the Battle of
Britain in 1940 by giving early warning so that "those few to whom
so many owed so much" could be concentrated to meet each German
attack wherever it came.
In the summer of 1940, Sir Henry Tizzard brought a famous mission to
the United States. One of his duties was to induce America to
produce the cavity magnetron and incorporate it into a useful
airborne radar system. This magnetron had been developed, if not
invented, by a group headed by Professor Oliphant at the University
of Birmingham. It could generate large amounts of power at
wavelengths of only a few centimeters. With the war at a very
critical stage, Great Britain could not support the effort required
to put the magnetron into production and develop the necessary
modulators, antennas, receivers, and other elements needed for an
effective radar system. Doctors Bush, Conant, and others welcomed
this opportunity to contribute and assigned the responsibility to
Division 14, whose executive body was called the Microwave
Committee.
President Karl Compton of MIT agreed to support this effort under
NDRC and established the famous Radiation Laboratory, which
eventually grew to about 14,000 people, nearly half of them of
professional caliber. The effort was a great success, but its story
is only a tangential part of these memoirs, important here only
because it established at MIT a flourishing defense organization
under the leadership of Dr. Leo A. DuBridge.
I have always felt, without any proof, that some small amount of
information about a developing British aid to navigation, called Gee
or G, leaked from the Tizzard Mission although I understand that the
mission was not authorized to discuss this subject. Gee had been
proposed by and developed under the direction of a brilliant and
aggressive engineer named Robert J. Dippy. From 1937 onward he had
fought for this idea and had the happiness of seeing it find a very
useful place in the war effort, beginning in early 1942.
Wherever the idea came from, a proposal to develop a similar system
was made in November, 1940, by the Chairman of the Microwave
Committee, Mr. Alfred Loomis. Mr. Loomis was a rich amateur
experimenter who maintained a private electronics laboratory in
Tuxedo Park, New York. The other members of the Committee were, in
general, vice-presidents or directors of research of major
electrical or radio companies, and included Melville Eastham. The
acceptance of this proposal established "Project C", one of the
Project C 151
first three efforts approved by the Committee.
The Microwave Committee then proceeded in a most curious way. The
representatives of the various companies divided up the problem and
agreed to build the components that would be required for the
proposed system. If memory serves, the General Electric Company and
Westinghouse each was to build a two-megawatt pulse transmitter; the
Radio Corporation of America and Sperry were to make two different
kinds of receiver-indicators; and the Bell Telephone Laboratory was
to make two transmitter timers, the most critical components. The
only thing obviously missing was a good idea about how the timing of
the received signals was to be measured and presented to the
navigator. The Committee made a number of suggestions, none of them
very workable. The best, to my eye, was the idea that one station of
a pair might transmit 19 pulses in the same elapsed time in which
the second station would transmit 21 pulses. One of these series
could then be read against the other in the manner of a vernier
scale. My sympathies, after the fact, were with the unfortunate Bell
Laboratories people, who had to build transmitter timers that would
respond to any of the several proposals of the committee, thus
requiring an almost impossibly complex mechanism. After authorizing
contracts for all this equipment, the Microwave Committee passed on
to other duties and as a whole was not heard from again, although
Mr. Loomis kept in touch with the project from time to time.
During the winter of 1940-1941, Mr. Eastham had recognized the fact
that a technical group would have to be formed to receive and test
the Project C equipment when it should be delivered. As he lived in
Cambridge and the Radiation Laboratory had been formed at MIT, Mr.
Eastham arranged to have this group housed there and included in the
Radiation Laboratory staff. The navigational work was distinct from
that on radar and used many different techniques, but this
affiliation persisted throughout the war and the LRN (Long Range
Navigation) group became Division 11 of the Rad Lab, the only
division that was not working on the many implementations of
microwave radar.
The Idea of Hyperbolic Navigation
The new idea behind all this activity was simple and powerful. In
194O, the only radio aids to navigation were various kinds of
direction finding that had acceptable accuracy only at relatively
short ranges. The new methods were to be based upon the time of
transit rather than the direction of radio signals. Because the
velocity of light, or of most radio waves, is approximately a
thousand feet in each microsecond, measurements to that accuracy
should yield position to a fraction of a mile if the velocity of
propagation could be predicted accurately. The proposed technique
was the exact inverse of the acoustic ranging that was so successful
The Idea of Hyperbolic Navigation 152
in the first World War, when enemy cannon were located by measuring
the relative time of arrival of the sound waves from their firings
at three or more known locations.
In the radio implementation it was proposed that two separated
transmitters should transmit short pulses, or some other easily
timed signals, from known locations with an accurately known time
separation. The measurement of the time difference between the two
received signals would establish the position of the receiver on one
of the infinite family of hyperbolae having the two stations as
foci. To take a case of maximum simplicity, suppose two pulses to be
sent out simultaneously. It a navigator received them at exactly the
same instant, he would be equidistant from the two stations or on
the perpendicular bisector of the line between them. If he received
the pulse from station A, say, before that from station B, he would
be somewhere on a curved line somewhat nearer station A and concave
toward that station; and the exact amount of the time difference
would tell precisely on which of the many curves (hyperbolae) he
must be.
Of course the navigator wants to know more than his position
"somewhere" along a line. This problem is solved by making a second
measurement on a second pair of stations (which may or may not
include one of the stations of the first pair). The position then is
at the intersection of the two lines of position. Various
modifications of this fundamental idea are required in practice. For
example, it would be very inconvenient to try to receive two pulses
from different stations at the same instant. This problem and others
are resolved by transmitting the pulses alternately so that, for
example, the pulse from station A is always received before that
from station B no matter where the navigator may be. This technique
makes it possible to identify which pulse is which; an important
factor as it is obviously better to have the two pulses absolutely
similar.
This simple description sounds as though only a single pulse were to
be transmitted from each station. Actually the pulses are endlessly
repeated many times per second in an accurately spaced sequence.
This makes it possible to show the pulses steadily on an
oscilloscope and permit the navigator to determine a position at any
time he may wish.
Nothing has yet been said about the process of getting two separated
transmitters to emit trains of pulses in exact synchronism. This
needs to be done with almost infinite precision because two
practical clocks or oscillators at the two stations will gradually
drift apart without limit as time passes. A solution to this problem
is to install something much like a navigator's receiver at a known
place within range of both stations; and to have an observer then
Hyperbolic Theory and Experiment 153
transmit to one of the stations information enough so that
adjustments to the time of transmission can be made so as to keep
the time difference exactly what it should be at the monitoring
point. With the oscillators available in 1941, it turned out to be
necessary to make small corrections every few seconds, or at least
once or twice a minute.
Even this bare outline probably includes more than was thoroughly
understood in 1941 about the theory and practice of hyperbolic
navigation, as the method was to be called later. Much needed to be
learned about the construction of satisfactory equipment, about the
velocity of propagation (at least in the skywave mode), about the
mathematical methods that would allow the computation of a "fix"
from the measured time difference; and about presenting this
information to a navigator in a sufficiently simple and rapid way.
My first step along the road was to arrange for the construction of
a pair of relatively low power pulse transmitters, suitable for a
wide range of frequencies. I had these made at Harvard because the
Cruft shop had an excellent machinist and radio technician, Victor
Ghigli, who had built much of my South African equipment and who was
so used to my ways that he could make what was wanted without
needing detailed plans and specifications. This work began some
weeks before I enrolled at MIT, and the cost was borne by the
Radiation Laboratory. The transmitters were ready in August and were
promptly installed in two discontinued Coast Guard stations that had
been taken over for the Project C high-powered transmitters. Then
stations were at Fenwick Island, Delaware, and near Montauk Point on
Long Island.
I was much impressed by the local electric fields from the first two
megawatt transmitter being tested at that time at Fenwick. I found
that I needed rubber gloves to handle even small tools in the yard
of the station. When I passed a piece of antenna wire through an
insulator and bent it back to form a loop, sparks would leap the gap
as soon as it was reduced to three or four inches. I was enthralled
to realize that this was exactly the technique used by Heinrich
Hertz in his first detection of electromagnetic waves in the 1880s,
although Hertz never had such an abundance of energy to work with.
There was at this early date no mechanism for synchronizing the
pulses from the two stations. My experiment, therefore, was to time
the pulses independently from two crystal oscillators that were as
stable as possible and to observe them on an oscilloscope that was
timed by a similar oscillator. I hoped to be able to judge, without
precise measurements, whether the pulses seemed sufficiently stable
at long distances and whether they passed through the ionospheric
reflection process without serious distortion of their shapes. A
schedule was set up for transmitting at four or five frequencies,
Hyperbolic Theory and Experiment 154
between three and ten or twelve megacyoles per second, at
appropriate times of the day or night.
With these arrangements made, Mason Garfield, who had followed me
from Cruft to the Radiation Laboratory, and I set out on a junket in
a rented station wagon full of experimental receiving and test gear.
We would stop every few hundred miles and observe the pulses
wherever we could stay with friends or find a motel that would let
us, for a price, use enough electric power to run our gear. We
stopped in Geneva, New York, where Catherine had gone to visit
relatives while I was away, and we spent a few days with Professor
Samuel Goudsmit (with whom Catherine had studied) in Ann Arbor,
Michigan. From Lexington, Kentucky, I tried to telephone Catherine
and found that she had been taken to the hospital with what appeared
to be acute appendicitis. I left Mason to continue westward and flew
to Geneva. Fortunately Catherine's specialist in Boston had
convinced the medical people in Geneva that her trouble was probably
not appendicitis, and the crisis had subsided by the time I reached
her. I met Mason again in St. Louis and we pushed on to Springfield,
Missouri, the farthest point we tried to reach in our travels.
* * *
While wandering in the woods behind the motel in Springfield I
picked up a box tortoise. Mason and I fed him hamburg with moderate
success and, when we left, idly dropped him in the back of the
station wagon with our equipment. Within half an hour the creature
managed to crawl into the front of the wagon and bite me on the
ankle. This demonstration of spunk endeared him to me, so I brought
him home to our apartment in Cambridge where Catherine and I kept
him for four or five years. He lived on the floor of the apartment,
frequently in dark corners, except when we got him out to feed him.
He dearly loved all kinds of melons, when available, and would
accept lettuce and an occasional mealworm, when we felt that he
needed protein. It amused us that he could brace himself against a
wall and move an overstuffed arm chair when he found it in his way.
In the winter he becamae comatose and we had to remember to get him
out occasionally to soak in a pie plate of warm water, which would
usually rouse him enough to let him eat a little. He was one of a
succession of odd pets that Catherine and I enjoyed from time to
time.
Mason and I were trying to observe our signals on a system of three
oscilloscopes that had circular sweeps operating at speed ratios of
one, ten, and one hundred. The idea was to read the angular
positions of the pulses as in taking the reading from the dials of
an electric watthour meter. This was impossibly cumbersome and
Circular Sweeps 155
somewhere on our travels I conceived the idea of showing the two
pulses to be compared superimposed on relatively short horizontal
sweeps whose timing could be adjusted to agree with that of the
pulses. I must admit that my idea of an electronic mechanism to do
this feat was too awkward and inaccurate to be of much use.
Fortunately, while Mason and I were travelling, some design
information about the British Gee system had been received at the
Radiation Laboratory and it was found that the same superposition
idea was used there. Dr. Street and Donald Kerr promptly set to work
devising circuits for such a receiver, using their experience
derived from the construction of cosmic ray counters and other new
devices.
I have always been pleased that my report of this first field trip
happened to be dated October 1,1941, because, after a year of
frantic activity, the first four Loran stations went into operation
on October 1, 1942. This speed record is especially notable because
my report said, in effect, I think it will work, but we must abandon
all our present ideas about instrumentation and start again. I had
at that time no idea how many changes and additions would be
required in the future.
My next step was to retire for a couple of months to my old office
at Harvard, primarily because it was quiet and closer to our
apartment, and try to compute the time of transit for a simple sky
wave as a function of frequency, distance, and time of day. This was
an impossible task, considering how little was known about
ionospheric variation at that time, but I hoped that I could at
least deduce the probable shapes of the curves relating these
various functions so that the results of a very few experiments
would fit easily into place. This turned out to be mostly wasted
effort, but it at least kept me from interfering with the
construction of the new receiving equipment, for it must be admitted
that I was by no means well acquainted with the new techniques Dr.
Street was developing.
* * *
At some time during this first autumn at MIT, I, or perhaps
Catherine, was the beneficiary of a fortunate accidental occurrence.
One afternoon I happened to leave the laboratory with Mr. Loomis,
who was making one of his occasional visits. On the spur of the
moment I invited him to come home to take pot luck for dinner, and
to my surprise he accepted. Catherine was upset, naturally, but she
somehow produced a dinner for company. During the meal and for hours
afterward, Mr. Loomis sat and discussed the entire history and
future prospects of all the classified work he was involved in.
Catherine listened avidly, as I had hitherto followed the strict
rule and told her almost nothing about what we were trying to do. As
Mr. Loomis Talks 156
a result of this happy accident, it was never thereafter necessary
to keep secrets from Catherine, and I was able to keep her at least
roughly abreast of our difficulties and successes.
* * *
During this time and for months thereafter, we did not realize that
the lower frequency work would be more than an adjunct to the VHF
pulse system, so we kept waiting for the Project C equipment to
provide the synchronism that was required. The transmitters and
timers for Project C were delivered and partially tested, but the
receivers never did work very well. In fact, I do not think that
satisfactory synchronizing signals were ever received at Manahawkin,
New Jersey, a Bell Telephone Laboratories field station
approximately midway between the two transmitting sites.
In December a crude navigators receiver for the lower frequencies
was in existence in breadboard construction and a second one had
been built in more transportable form, Dick Lawrance, who had been
working entirely on Project C, took the breadboard to Manahawkin and
found that he could receive excellent signals from both stations
and, by relaying a continuous stream of instructions over a
telephone line to Fenwick, could maintain a sufficiently constant
time difference between our two transmissions. We therefore were
able to set up a synchronized pair without waiting longer for the
Project C equipment to be put into successful service. This was
fortunate as that project was encountering longer delays and greater
disappointments.
At the end of December, Mr. Eastham sent me to Bermuda to make the
first pre-Loran observations. I took with me Ed Stevens, a young
technician, and went by ship, landing in Hamilton on December 31st.
On this trip Ed is, I am sorry to say, chiefly memorable for being
fearfully seasick. After a miserably lonesome New Year's Eve in a
cheap hotel, we established relations with the officers at the
Daniel's Head Y station, a naval installation at approximately the
point in Bermuda nearest New York. After the holiday our equipment
was delivered there and set up most conveniently. We found more than
adequate quarters in a beautiful cottage colony at which the British
Ministry of Supply had pulled strings to get us accomodated at a
nominal rate. I am sure the present management of Cambridge Beaches
would be shocked to hear that this rate was eight dollars a day for
the two of us. As no cars were then permitted in Bermuda, we rented
bicycles to commute between the cottage and the station.
The Royal Navy accepted us In their social doings so far as our
irregular operating schedule penmitted. An especially memorable
evening party was one in which I was introduced to a charming old
gentleman, Admiral Kennedy-Purvis, who had been called out of
retirement to take a senior position at the Bermuda Dockyard. In
about 1906, Lieutenant Kennedy-Purvis had apparently been the Royal
Navy's chief expert on wireless. He was, of course, intensely
interested in our activities. I was in great doubt about how much I
was allowed to tell him, but this turned out not to be crucial as I
was forced to suspect that the Admiral had not learned any more
about radio since the days of Edward VII, and I found it impossible
to give him the least idea of what we were trying to do. The
officers we met were most helpful and, with the exception of the
Admiral, were very discreet and asked almost no questions.
The experimental work went very well. My transmitters were of such
low power, a few hundred watts, that we could not detect a ground
wave at the distance of about seven hundred and twenty miles, but
this did not trouble me as I still believed that my mission
concerned only sky waves. At all times of day we received useful
signals at one or more of the frequencies we tried. We quickly
found, as expected, that the signals reflected from the higher F
layer were far too unstable to be useful for our purposes, but the
earlier-arriving E-layer pulses were quite satisfactory. Averaged
over all our frequencies and times, the measurements showed a mean
error of about two and a half miles; and the center of the
distribution agreed well with our calculations.
* * *
A computation I made at the time of this trip is of historical
interest. We used two of the extremely complicated Bell timers, two
transmitters, synchronizing equipment in New Jersey, and, receiving
equipment in Bermuda. I counted up a total of 768 vacuum tubes that
bad to be operating correctly before a navigational measurement
could be made. Because vacuum tubes were not as constant in their
characteristios as are today's transistors and chips, it was a
frequent accident for some circuit to jump in phase and require
readjustment before the measurements could be continued. Fortunately
these corrections could usually be made in a few minutes.
* * *
The two-trace oscilloscope indicator gave us easy and accurate
measurements but had two serious deficiencies. In order to make the
readings the pair of pulses to be compared had to be positioned in
special spots on the receiving oscilloscope time base. The only
accurate way we had for making this setting was to misadjust the
crystal oscillator frequency and allow the pulses to drift slowly
around the time pattern until they reached the right places. This
was an impossibly slow process as the duty of the oscillator was to
be as exact as possible. The effect was much the same as trying to
set a clock by speeding it up and waiting until the hands read the
The Bermuda Trip 158
right time. This unhappy situation could be somewhat ameliorated by
inducing random phase jumps In the timing circuits, until the pulses
happened to come to rest reasonably near the desired positions.
Obviously something better had to be arranged. We also found that it
was often necessary to compare a strong pulse with a weak one. This
meant a severe loss of accuracy because a weak pulse could not be
seen well without increasing the receiver gain until the strong
pulse overloaded the linear circuits and became distorted.
The most important discovery that we made in Bermuda was that, at
our lowest frequency of 2.8 megacycles per second, we received
stable and useful E-layer pulses all night except for a "fuzzy"
period of an hour or two just before dawn. This was a great surprise
as the E-layer was then generally supposed to disappear at sunset.
We later found that, by lowering the frequency somewhat further, a
reliable E-layer signal could be received all night at all distances
beyond 200 to 250 miles. The, lack of skywave reliability at such
short distances was not important as that distance region was served
by strong groundwave signals.
A totally unimportant discovery was my introduction to the semi
tropical humidity. I happened to hang a Palm Beach suit in the
closet at our cottage and leave it for ten days or so. When I looked
again, the suit was completely covered by inch-long fungus; it
looked much like a somewhat greenish fur coat.
In deference to Ed's seasickness, we arranged to come home on one of
the old Pan American flying boats. This was not much of a help to Ed
as unfortunately he was just as sick in the aircraft, which took
five or six hours to reach New York. Ed was miserably unhappy when
we got within an hour of our destination and learned that the
weather was so bad that we would have to turn back to Bermuda. After
a night in one of Hamilton's best hotels at the expense of Pan Am, I
succeeded in getting Ed into the plane again, not without
difficulty. This time the trip went as planned and I think Ed was
not as sick as he had been the day before.
Back at the lab I found that Dick Woodward had already corrected the
first of the deficiencies in the receiver. The timing circuits
divided the 100,000 cycle per second frequency of the crystal
oscillator successively by ratios of 2, 5, or 10 to obtain the pulse
repetition frequency of 25 per second. Between the second counter
and the last, the division ratio was 4OO to one. Dick had discovered
that the output pulse of the last counter could be fed back to the
second to reduce the count by one unit each 25th of a second. This
effect, when switched on and off, could alter the overall division
ratio from 400 to 399, thus yielding an output frequency that
allowed our received pulses to slide around the oscilloscope pattern
at a controlled rate that could be stopped when the pulses arrived
at the correct position.
I did not understand how Dick's invention worked so I set up a model
circuit to study. There was a capacitor that coupled the output
pulses back to the earlier divider. Because I could not see how to
decide what size capacitor to use, I put a large variable capacitor
into the circuit. To my surprise, I found that the capacitance made
no difference in the output frequency until it reached a particular
size when the frequency suddenly changed. A further increase in
capacitance made no difference until a second critical value was
reached, when the frequency changed again. It soon developed that,
if the feedback pulse were applied to a counter that divided by ten,
at least eight different frequencies could be obtained as the coupt
was momentarily reduced to less than ten. The obtainable overall
division ratios were thus 400, 399, 398, - - - 393. We quickly made
the transmitter timers and the receiver-indicators operate at any
chosen one of these eight frequencies (between 25 and about 25-7/16
pulses per second) by incorporating in each a switch that inserted
one of seven adjustable capacitors. This meant that we could now
have eight pairs of stations operating at a single radio frequency.
By selecting the correct recurrence rate, the desired pair of pulses
could be made to stand still on the oscilloscope so that the time
difference could be measured, but at the same time the other seven
pairs drifted around the picture at different rates such that they
did not interfere seriously with the measurement.
The difference in amplitude between the chosen pulses was
compensated by a circuit that reduced the gain of the receiver at
the time when the stronger pulse was expected. The technique was
simply to position the pulses and adjust the main gain control until
the weaker pulse had the chosen size, and then to reduce the size of
the stronger pulse by turning the differential gain controL By this
means, and by adjustment of the time separation between the
oscilloscope sweeps, the two chosen pulses could be precisely
superimposed (visually) and the time difference measurement could be
made with maximum accuracy. I was surprised, after the war, to find
that I had been granted a patent on this device, which was
apparently one of the first implementations of a time-variant gain
for a receiver.
With these modifications, and a few minor changes, the circuits of
the new measuring instrument had reached a useful form. Don Fink,
who acted as Mr. Eastham's administrative assistant, arranged a
contract with a minor division of the Radio Corporation of America
to package our circuits in commercial form and find and supervise a
manufacturer who would produce a trial quantity of receiver-
indicators. This work, with a good deal of assistance from Rad Lab
people, went with amazing speed. The first discussions about the new
contract were held, I remember, on St. Patrick's Day in 1942. The
Receiver-Indicator Production 160
first receiver-indicators, built by FADA on Long Island, were
received at the Radiation Laboratory before the end of August. This
speed was possible, in part, because FADA never waited for
commercial delivery of components. When a part threatened not to be
ready in time, an emissary would be dispatched to Cortland Street in
New York with a pair of large suitcases. He would buy the necessary
number of any parts that were reasonably similar to the desired
ones. As a result, probably the entire production run never
contained more than ten units that were absolutely identical. This
made no real difference, as all the receivers were sent to the Rad
Lab for checking and any necessary modifications.
I have always felt that the rapid success of Loran, as it came to be
called, was due largely to Mr. Eastham's wisdom and courage in
ordering an initial supply of 250 receiver-indicators. We soon found
that it took lots of units to fill the Naval supply pipeline.
Another negative factor was that, although the Navy could order the
installation of receivers on its ships, each captain was the
absolute authority on board and could not actually be forced to use
the new equipment. The value of a large number of trial receivers
was that, whatever delays and reluctances there were in the naval
system, a few units fell into the hands of officers who would use
them. It was then only a few months before favorable opinions began
to circulate in the officers' clubs and the system was able to
expand as fast as equipment could be produced.
When we were preparing for the Bermuda experiment I had happened to
visit Montauk Point and had seen that an excellent groundwave pulse
from Fenwick Island was received, even at our highest frequency of
8.5 megacycles per second. This stimulated the idea, which we should
have had months before, that a Loran slave station could synchronize
itself with the signals from the master station received at the
slave station site, and that there was no need for an intermediate
monitor station to perform this function. This realization led to
the conclusion that we need wait no longer for the Project C
signals.
Work was immediately started on higher power transmitters (100
kilowatts) under the direction of Al Pote', an MIT trained engineer
who was the part-owner and manager of a local broadcast station. At
the same time, Dick Woodward began the construction of transmitter
timers that were less complex and therefore far more reliable than
the Bell Laboratory devices we had been using. The idea of
maintaining synchronism within the slave station meant that we had
to devise a way to prevent the extremely strong local transmission
from saturating the sensitive receiver that was needed to receive
the signals from the master station. In Dick's first model this took
the simple form of relays that closed at the right time to short
circuit the transmission line from the receiving antenna.
Receiver-Indicator Production 161
Division 11 was growing rapidly throughout this period and a larger
and larger fraction of the people were working on the lower
frequency project. It gradually became clear that this modification
was a complete system by itself and that there was no real need for
the VHF system. I do not remember when the work on the original
Project C was finally dropped, but I believe that some of the
equipment ordered for that project was never removed from the
shipping cases.
By June of 1942 we had installed high-power transmitters in our two
stations, and construction of two more stations, at opposite ends of
Nova Scotia, had begun. In this connection, the Canadian Navy sent
an officer, Commander J. R. Foster, to act as liaison with the
Radiation Laboratory. Commander Foster, or John, promptly endeared
himself to us by taking off his uniform jacket to go to work with us
in the lab, and generally doing everything he could to educate
himself and advance our cause. He was chiefly responsible for the
fact that the Canadian Navy accepted Loran even more quickly than
did the American Navy, and he of course saw to it that the Canadians
received some of the very first receiver-indicators to be
distributed. To the American Naval Liaison Officer, Lt.Cdr. Larry
Harding, goes credit for coining the name Loran. He observed that a
shipment of equipment to Canada, addressed to the LEN Project, had
arrived with the words Long Range Navigation pencilled in on the
boxes. This was too transparent, so he expanded it to "Loran".
Curiously, this term was never deciphered, so far as I know. Most
people apparently assumed this to be the name of the inventor of the
device.
Near our two American stations, the work had attracted a good deal
of local interest and wild rumors began circulating. Walter Tierney,
our highly important construction man borrowed from the Bell
Telephone Laboratory, turned out to be an excellent practical
psychologist. He had someone paint very large signs, Fenwick Island
Radio Direction Finding Station and Hither Plains Radio Direction
Finding Station and had them attached to the faces of the old Coast
Guard stations. Apparently everyone knew that direction finding was
not exciting and, to my surprise, the local interest subsided
immediately to zero.
In June, 1942. we had also finished one or two quite complete
receiver-indicators, incorporating all the modifications suggested
after the Bermuda trip, and electrically nearly identical to those
being produced by FADA. Mr. Eastham again selected me to give the
new system its first mobile trial. I was surprised to find that this
would take the form of a trip in a Navy blimp, flying from
The Spring of 1942 162
Lakehurst, New Jersey. This was actually a very well chosen vehicle,
because the blimp could fly slowly at low altitude directly to any
number of check points; something that could not be done nearly as
easily in a car, aircraft, or boat.
I must explain that the calculation of the Loran readings to be
expected at a given point is direct and relatively easy, while
deduction of the position from the readings is not simple,
fundamentally because the earth is not quite spherical. The
oblateness of the earth is enough to produce serious errors (if the
calculation is done for a sphere, which is the only shape for which
the formulae are easy) at distances of more than a hundred miles or
so. Loran therefore was planned to work with preplotted charts or
tables that had to be based upon many weeks of calculations.
Fortunately these computations would need to be done only once for a
given pair of stations; the results could be stored, in charts, for
example, and used forever after by any number of navigators.
At the time of the blimp trip no such computations had been made.
The idea, therefore, was to fly along the coast passing over
lighthouses, bridges, or any other identifiable points that could be
located on navigational charts. After the readings had been recorded
at these places, I could come home and spend several days
calculating what the readings should have been at each of the points
where an observation had been made.
I drove to New Jersey with my equipment on Sunday, June 7th, and
spent the night in a small hotel in Tom's River. In the morning I
was greeted by the news that during the night a pair of blimps had
collided and that one of them had fallen into the ocean with the
loss of its crew and a number of scientists who were on board. This
disturbed me, not because I thought that such an accident was likely
to happen again but because Catherine was, at this time, nearly six
months pregnant and I could visualize her reaction when she heard
the news on the radio. My first duty, therefore, was to telephone
her to assure her that the accident had nothing to do with me, and
that blimps were (in spite of the evidence) perfectly safe to travel
on.
Captain Rosendahl and the staff of the Naval Air Station were much
too occupied with the aftermath of the accident, and the very
impressive memorial service that followed, to pay much attention to
me and my problem. I was installed in a balcony room in the large
hangar and allowed to amuse myself with the receiver all week.
Finally on Saturday, the 13th, the time came for our experiment. My
gear had been lashed down on the navigator's chart table so that I
could operate it from a standing or crouching position in the cat
walk. I was disturbed at first by the magnitude of the noise and
vibration; it appeared that in a blimp there was no lift to waste on
The Blimp Trip 163
sound absorbing material, and the propellers were whirling just
outside the thin walls of the gondola. We flew down the coasts of
New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland until we passed well beyond the
station at Fenwick Island, while I made measurements timed to
coincide with shouts by a crew member whenever we passed over an
identifiable point. This was not quite as easy as I had hoped
because the aircraft's power supply was not very steady and induced
phase jumps that had to be corrected every few minutes. These did no
real harm, however, and I found myself thrilled to see one pulse
move with respect to the other as we progressed. I had, of course,
known that this would be so but to see it actually happen was very
exciting.
My original plan had been to fly inland from this most southern
point and see how far we could receive our pulses over land. We had
known that this range over land would be (for the groundwave pulses
we were using) far less than over water, and we wanted to see just
how bad this condition was. Unfortunately it was a windy day and I
soon became airsick. I found that a blimp at low altitude over land
can perform all the gyrations of a small boat in a choppy sea, plus
a curious motion of its own as the gondola swings like a pendulum
beneath the gas bag. After half or three quarters of an hour of
misery I was relieved when the Captain came back to inquire how
things were working. With some apparent hesitation he asked how
important this overland part of the trip was to the experiment. By
this time I was ready to admit that it was not at all necessary and
was happy to have him say, "I guess if you don't mind we will go
back and return by sea. The ship can take it but the crew can't."
Although we had never thought about the possibility before, I was
inspired at this point to invent homing along a Loran line of
position. While awaiting my chance to fly I had played with the
receiver until I thoroughly knew the reading to be expected at the
Lakehurst hangar. I realized that if we flew along the line having
that reading in the right direction we would be sure to get there
sooner or later. I therefore suggested to the Captain that I could
shut down the equipment for a while (thus getting some much needed
rest) and that he might fly well out to sea and "lose" me. I would
then start making measurements and see if I could guide him back to
Lakehurst. This sounded like fun to him, so he flew sixty or eighty
miles out to sea. I then set up the reading for Lakehurst on the
indicator and found, as expected, that the pulses were far apart on
the screen. I soon discovered which way to go to bring the pulses
together and, with some trial and error, found a heading that kept
the pulses nearly in coincidence. From then on it was only necessary
to shout "a little left" or "a little right" to the pilot from time
to time as we strayed from the line.
After an hour or more I saw that we were approaching the coast and
that the hangar was easily visible, although not straight ahead
because we were, naturally, heading somewhat into the wind to keep
from drifting off the line. I paid no attention to our heading, as I
was satisfied to find that we were clearly approaching the hangar.
Finally the pilot broke away from my instructions to make his final
approach to the landing area in an upwind direction. Then there
was a long delay because a small engine, that was supposed to trim
the blimp's fore-and-aft balance, refused to start. We floated for
some time over the landing field, our nose pointing steeply
downward, with occasional bursts of engine power to bring us to a
lower altitude and keep us from drifting away from the field. After
this delay, the ship was brought into a horizontal attitude so that
the landing crew could catch our mooring ropes and bring us down.
When we landed I waited a few minutes until the Captain alighted. He
approached me in a state of some excitement and gave me Loran's
first official accolade, saying, "You know, boy, we weren't headed
for the hangar we were headed for the middle of the hangar!" He was
certainly correct, as the hangar was about a thousand feet long and
the precision of our groundwave pulses was such that we were
probably within a hundred yards of our line of position most of the
time, but it was a delight to have our system receive such an
endorsement.
After I had returned to Cambridge and had had time to calculate the
expected readings for the various places we had pinpointed, I found
that most of our measurements on this flight had been within 200
yards, and that the average of all of them was in exact agreement
with the calculations. I found out later that there were better
methods for computing the values on an oblate earth, but at such
short distances the difference would probably not have been great.
In any case, I was so happy with the agreement between calculation
and observation that I was careful never to recompute the readings
to be expected.
Within a couple of weeks we had a chance to use the same receiving
equipment in a B24 aircraft that belonged to the Royal Air Force and
happened to be in Boston to have some Rad Lab radar equipment
installed. I do not remember which of the boys in our group had the
fun of this trip, over the Gulf of Maine and Nova Scotia.
I should have explained that all of this work with the more powerful
transmitters and improved receivers was done at a frequency of 1.95
MHz. After the Bermuda trip, we had reduced the operating frequency
to 2.2 MHz in an effort to improve the nighttime reliability of E-
layer transmission. This was a successful change but unfortunately
our pulses at that frequency had begun triggering automatic distress
alarm systems on ships in the Great Lakes. Because the war had made
Other Early Tests of Loran 165
it necessary to forbid amateur radio operation, we found it
convenient to make a further move into the former amateur "160-meter
band" where Loran remained for many years.
Shortly after the blimp trip, Dave Davidson took another receiver-
indicator for a trip of several weeks' duration on a Coast Guard
weather ship in the North Atlantic. This trip was principally to
check out the skywave accuracy at night, but it also gave us the
first real proof of the distances we could achieve: about 700
nautical miles for the ground wave in the daytime and about twice
that distance for the sky wave at night. Dave's measurements thus
did much more than prove that Loran could provide useful service in
the Atlantic Ocean quite far from land.
The possibility remained that, by extra transmissions at higher
frequencies, we could extend the daytime range of usefulness to
equal that at night. This never would be done (although occasional
trials wore carried out both by the Rad Lab and the Coast Guard)
primarily because it always seemed more important to use new
transmitters for new areas to be served by Loran than for extension
of a useful daytime service area.
After these successful trials, Mr. Eastham called a large conference
of military officials. He had no difficulty in convincing them that
we had a new and useful device, and soon had an agreement that the
armed services (primarily the Navy) would pay for the receivers we
had ordered and would reimburse the Radiation Laboratory for all the
transmitters and timers we could construct while the military
purchasing people were setting up their own sources. Al Pote'
continued to make excellent transmitters and Dick Woodward began
construction of a second generation of transmitter timers in the
lab. Orders were placed for more of each with the Research
Construction Company, a modelshop manufacturing facility set up by
the Radiation Laboratory. This effort continued through even a third
generation of timers before these models were supplanted by Naval
supplies. We also arranged a contract with the General Electric
Company for a prototype airborne receiver. The model they produced
was probably the best receiver I saw during the war. Unfortunately,
the War Production Board decreed that Bridgeport, Connecticut where
GE proposed to build the receivers in quantity, was an overloaded
area and that the receivers would have to be built by Philco in
Philadelphia. This led to an unfortunate delay as Philco had to
redesign the receiver because they could not, naturally, use the GE
designs.
In the middle of 1942, we were joined by Professor Fletcher Watson,
an astronomer from Harvard, and also Henrietta Swope, whom Catherine
and I had known on the Russian expedition. These two took over the
calculation and plotting of the first charts and tables. They
Charting 166
brought professional expertise to this important part of the
program, which was very fortunate because none of us in the
electronic area knew enough to do the job well. This phase lasted
only a few months before these experts accepted commissions in the
Navy and moved the problems to New York, where they ultimately
collected a large force of computers, and sent the results to the
Hydrographic Office for the plotting and publication of Loran
charts. By "computers" I do not mean today's instruments but people
who thundered away by the hour on mechanical desktop comptometers,
aided by eight-place tables of the trigonometrical functions. I
believe that this force of about a hundred people was barely able to
keep up with the demand for new charts and tables as the system
expanded.
In August, 1942, as I have said, we began to receive the first
commercially-built receiver-indicators. This kept us busy with
testing and minor modifications for a long time. The first Naval
installations were on the battleships "New York" and
"Massachusetts". I had almost no connection with the installation
problems. They were handled by Dave Davidson until they were taken
over by a Naval group established for the purpose.
In early fall I was "sold down the river" by Mr. Eastham who
instructed me to accept a position as a contract employee with the
Bureau of Ships in Washington. My duty was to write the
specification for Naval production of receiver-indicators. It was
arranged that my contract salary was to be the same as my Rad Lab
salary had been, which I believe was $300 per month at this time,
but Mr. Eastham also kept me on at half-pay at the Rad Lab so that I
could keep a room in Washington and still maintain our apartment in
Cambridge. The Navy job was very painful, as I knew nothing of the
military way of doing things and I found myself continually in
trouble with one office or another. My chief difficulty lay in
trying to avoid a mountain of detailed specifications for every
component part of a radio receiver. These, when applied to a new and
more complicated device, made little or no sense. For example,
vacuum tube sockets were required to be at least two and a quarter
inches square. As our device needed nearly fifty miniature tubes,
this meant a tremendous waste of space. After months of effort, I
managed to get approval for a specification that really required not
much more than a certain accuracy of performance, with little said
about details of construction. This made very good sense to me, but
it ran counter to all naval tradition, which tended to specify all
details but had nothing to say about whether a device would work. or
not. I had to admit that this philosophy might be adequate in
building a ship or some other mechanism for which the Navy had long
(and no doubt painful) experience, and probably had more expertise
than the suppliers. In the case of an entirely new device, however,
the Navy had no way of knowing what it actually wanted and the
Charting 167
future (unknown) contractor could not be expected to know more.
Fortunately the Navy knew so little about what I was doing that I
could always obtain travel orders to go to Cambridge whenever I had
nothing pressing on me in Washington. I am sure that I spent at
least half of my Navy time at home. Whether in Washington or
Cambridge, I worked on a self-imposed project for producing
operating and maintenance instructions for the new receiver-
indicators now being installed. These had twenty or thirty adjusting
devices, all of which had to be correctly set. In fact, if two or
three were wrong at the same time it might be very difficult to tell
what to do to correct the situation. I worked out a logical order
for the adjustments (which were necessary to compensate for changes
in voltages, temperature, or the age of vacuum tubes) so that each
one to be tested and corrected would remain undisturbed by later
adjustments. I then tried to explain in writing where the
innumerable switches should be placed for each test, and what
visible effect should be produced on the oscilloscope screen as each
adjustment was made. I set down each of the many steps in simple
language and then tested the whole set of instructions with
volunteers who had never seen the instrument before. I watched
carefully and silently while each one tried to follow the written
instructions. Whenever one of my victims hesitated or made an error,
I noted just what happened and revised the rules to make them less
ambiguous. After several weeks and a hundred or more volunteers, the
instructions, having reached a point where errors were seldom or
never made, were reproduced and distributed. They were, in fact,
reproduced again and again, with minor modifications to match
various receiver models, and many of the paragraphs remained the
same for years.
This enterprise kept me from becoming totally disheartened during my
time with the Navy. After about six months, which seemed a long time
as there was a war to be fought and the Loran sets were needed, my
specifications were given what I took to be final approval and I was
allowed to resign and return to the Radiation Laboratory. By the
time a contract for Navy receivers was arranged, however, someone
had reIntroduced many of the cumbersome requirements into my
specifications. As a result, the General Electric Company, which won
the contract despite the War Production Boards earlier action, used
many of the techniques developed under the Rad Lab contract for the
airborne receiver and built an excellent but massive receiver that
might have served well as an anchor for a small ship. It weighed
about 230 pounds and was, I was told, too heavy to install on the
bridge of a destroyer that was already top-heavy with radar
antennas. The small production run of this DAS model was ultimately
given to the Coast Guard and used entirely in shore-based monitor
stations that continuously checked the performance of the Loran
stations. These receivers were certainly the best, from an
electrical point of view, produced before the end of the war.
In the meantime, the Radiation Laboratory had ordered more of the
FADA receivers. The same units were later reordered by the Navy and
several thousand were produced with no change except for a military
designation, DAS1. I do not think that the first true Navy
production sets were delivered in time to be of service during the
war.
In the winter of 1942-43, besides working on my specifications and
instruction books, I collected what data I could about the delay of
our skywave pulses behind their corresponding ground waves, and
tried to find a rule for predicting this delay more accurately so
that we could improve the corrections to be applied to navigational
readings when sky waves were used. I should explain that one of the
great merits of the pulse system was that the ground wave and the
various modes of skywave reflected pulses were all seen separately
on the oscilloscope. A navigator would always use the ground waves
(for maximum accuracy) when they could be seen, and could make a
deliberate change to the skywave mode when it was available at night
and at medium and long distances. We found that the sky wave was
always delayed at least 65 microseconds, which would shift the
apparent position by twenty miles or wore except that the sky wave
from the other station was also delayed, usually by a different
amount. These corrections were very important and attempts to
improve our rules for their prediction continued for a year or two,
although little further improvement was made after the first few
months.
On January 1, 1943, operation of the U.S. stations was turned over
to the Coast Guard, although Radiation Laboratory supervisors
remained in them and were effectively in charge for another six
months. I suppose that at the same time the two stations in Nova
Scotia were turned over to the Canadian Navy, although my memory is
not distinct on this point. At this time operation was maintained
for only sixteen hours a day, which gave us some time for
experimentation with various things. Realizing that we would soon
lose this facility, Walter Tierney found a convenient site at East
Brewster on Cape Cod and built us a fine transmitting station for
experimental purposes. An admirable feature of this station was the
Consodine House in Brewster where the owner, Mrs. Consodine, who was
then in her eighties, accomodated some of the permanent staff of the
station as well as the very variable number of experimenters from
Cambridge who worked there from time to time. Mrs. Consodine served
meals that were truly worthy of a New England inn, and it became
quite customary, when returning late after a hard evening's work, to
find a large piece of apple pie and a glass of milk waiting on the
table by one's bed. I have always been sure that Mrs. Consodine kept
the inn open throughout the war for our benefit, as she sold it as
East Brewster / Reorganization 169
soon as the war was over. If so, her kindness was a valuable but
unsung contribution to the war effort.
Soon after the Coast Guard and the Navy had effectively taken
control of the operating system, Mr. Eastham retired to his proper
responsibilities as the head of the General Radio Company, along
with many valuable committee and advisory contributions of his time.
Don Fink was made Division Head but, for some reason I never
understood, he apparently did not get on well with the higher
administration at the Radiation Laboratory. After about six months
he found it convenient to join the Office of the Secretary of War,
where he performed many useful services, some of them in the
interest of Loran. Dr. Street then became the Division Head, while
Al Pote' became the Group Leader in charge of the Laboratory and I
turned into the leader of a small group with uncertain, but
primarily propagational, duties called "Loran Operational Research",
which I don't think it ever really was. Walter Tierney remained the
head of what we called the Field Service Group.
A disadvantage of the hyperbolic systems is that, except near the
baseline between a pair of stations, lines of position diverge as
one goes farther from the baseline and farther from the centerline.
At large distances near the centerline the increase in errors is
nearly proportional to the distance divided by the length of the
baseline. For example, in our first Bermuda experiment the errors
(for a given accuracy of time measurement) at the range of about 720
miles were about three times those along the coast of New Jersey
near the 240-mile baseline. For the ground wave the relative
precision is somewhat worse than this factor because at the longer
distances the signals are weaker and the effects of random noise
reduce the accuracy of measurement. In Loran the skywave timing
errors are large at short distances and are somewhat reduced as
distance increases because fluctuations of the height of the E-layer
are less important for relatively flat angles of reflection. This
modifies the theoretical "geometrical accuracy", but it is still not
satisfying to have to operate at long distances. It was good Loran
practice to keep the baseline lengths at about 300 miles, although
occasional pairs were set up with twice that separation. This
usually required the, use of directional receiving antennas at the
stations to improve the signal-to-noise ratio and permit
satisfactory synchronization of the signals.
In April, 1943, soon after returning from Washington, I came to
realize that the greatly superior properties of a long baseline
might go far toward offsetting the inferior accuracy of our
skywaves. Because a new station had been built at Bonavista,
Newfoundland, but was not yet in service, I found it simple to make
a trial of this idea. This was, by long odds, the easiest and most
private experiment of my life. Without telling anyone what I had in
mind, I telephoned to ask Bonavista to be on the air during the
eight-hour silent period Loran observed at the time, and asked
Fenwick Island to synchronize itself with the skywave from
Newfoundland, 1150 nautical miles away. This, of course, was
possible only during the night, which I spent making measurements in
Cambridge. To my delight, I found that a long series of observations
had an average error of only one half mile in the line of position.
The next day I explained my experiment at the lab. It was obvious
that we had a new function for Loran that would work nearly as well
over land as over sea water, but with the great disadvantage that it
could only be used at night. Quick discussions with the Navy, Army,
and Army Air Force confirmed our opinion that a system with these
advantages and limitations would not be of value to the American
forces. The obvious area of interest was over Europe, where long
range, bombing sorties were a major activity. The American Army Air
Force did only daylight bombing, but the Royal Air Force made most
of its attacks at night and therefore seemed a potential customer
for our new scheme. This technique was soon called Skywave
Synchronized Loran, or, ordinarily, SS Loran.
Fortunately, during the time while I was in Washington, the British
Telecommunications Research Establishment, a rough equivalent of the
Radiation Laboratory, had sent Bob Dippy to Cambridge to help us. He
stayed for eight months and was a powerful force for good as he,
together with Jack Williams (our most versatile circuit designer),
brought new and far better techniques to the design of our third
generation transmitter timers. This development notwithstanding,
Bob's greatest achievement was in forcing the mechanical design of
the airborne Loran receivers into exact agreement with the British
Gee sets. When the new Loran sets became available, they could be
put into the shock-mounted racks of the Gee sets, and would even use
identical antenna and power connectors. It was then only a few
minutes work to take a Gee set out of an aircraft and substitute
Loran.
With knowledge of these two developments in hand, Don Fink took off
for England to sell the new Idea to the Royal Air Force. His effort
was so successful that it was decided to demonstrate SS Loran in the
United States as soon as possible, and a team of U.S. Navy, Army Air
Force, and Royal Air Force officers was designated to observe the
trials and decide whether this use of Loran would justify the
diversion of much needed equipment.
SS Loran Trials 171
During the summer, Walter Tierney performed miracles of organization
and built us two new stations at Key West, Florida, and Gooseberry
Falls, Minnesota. These, with the East Brewster experimental station
and Montauk Point (which had been replaced as an operating Loran
station by a new one at Siasconsett, Nantucket Island) gave us a
system of two separated pairs that promised good coverage of most of
the eastern third of the United States. Somehow all was ready in the
early fall, and the three military services prepared to make their
own trials in October.
The Radiation Laboratory took no part in these trials, except for
operating the ground stations, but I had the pleasure of making one
preliminary flight in a B-25 aircraft before the official trials
began. It happened that both pairs could not be well observed east
of the Hudson River, so the first part of the flight was devoted to
getting to the service area. Because the Loran equipment could
measure only one line at a time, I was interested to see how quickly
I could observe one line and then reset the switches and measure the
second line. As we moved across New York State in the darkness I was
busy practicing these observations (at about one minute intervals)
and recording the times and the readings. One of the British
Observers, Flying Officer Ben Halpern, was an unofficial guest on
this flight. While I was busy with my numbers, I was conscious that
he had taken the aeronautical chart on which we had plotted the
hyperbolic lines, and was making little x's to indicate our
successive positions. He presently nudged my elbow and pointed to
his latest x which was in the center of the yellow patch on the
chart that indicated the city of Buffalo. Lt. Halpern then pointed
to the window and I locked out to find the lights of the city all
around us. This was my second big thrill, in the course of the Loran
work, nearly comparable to seeing the pulses move during the blimp
trip.
Shortly before the official trials began, someone picked up a rumor
that the Navy intended to jam our SS Loran transmissions during the
trials. This was irritating as the Navy had exhibited great
opposition to the idea of giving up any of its pool of equipment to
anyone; perhaps least of all, to the Royal Air Force. As soon as I
heard the rumor I took the train to Washington and stormed into the
office of the Navy's Director of Communications to protest such a
dirty trick. Admiral Redman assured me that the Navy would not think
of such a thing, and said it so blandly that he fooled me
completely. Two days later the trials began and the Navy promptly
turned on its jammers. It was our great good fortune that our
equipment withstood the jamming better than we, or anyone else, had
expected that it could. As three weeks of trials all over the
eastern United States showed an average error between one and two
miles in spite of the jamming efforts, we had to conclude that the
Navy had inadvertently done us a favor.
SS Loran Trials 172
As could have been predicted, the Royal Air Force representatives at
the trials were in favor of using SS Loran in Europe, while the
officers from the American Navy were opposed to it. This left the
decision to the Army Air Force which voted in favor of its brother
airmen rather than with its sister service. The equipment was
promptly taken out of the experimental stations and shipped to
Europe and Africa. An original idea had hoped for a station near
Leningrad, but this was changed to a more practical plan of a
station near Aberdeen in Scotland forming a pair with one in
Bizerte, Tunisia, while a second pair extended from Oran Algeria, to
Apollonia in Libya. This network gave good coverage for high-flying
aircraft, roughly from central Spain to the border of the USSR and
from near the English Channel to Sicily and Northern Greece.
The Radiation Laboratory sent abroad a couple of engineers for each
station, to assist in construction and operation, and my secretary
and I were detailed to London to coordinate their activities. This
turned out to be a misnomer, as my duties in London became almost
entirely political; an area in which my abilities were, and are,
minimal.
173
14.
My trip to England was on the "Queen Mary", where fortunately I was
given a bunk in the first class area. The ship was crowded with
17,000 American troops, of whom a third had to sleep on the decks.
Our first class cabin, that would normally hold two, had fourteen
people in double-deck bunks with barely room to move between and
around them. There was time to serve only two meals a day and I
never learned what they were named; I do however recall that somehow
the Queen Mary had the best kippers I ever ate, so one of the meals
must have been breakfast. Among the saddest sights I ever saw was
our old-time steward doing his best to give Cunard service under
these trying conditions. I found that from my cabin on the Main Deck
it took me three minutes or more to reach a lifeboat. I wondered
about the chances of the soldiers on the seventeen decks below us,
if we did ever have any trouble. The ship sailed unescorted, as was
the habit of the two Queens which trusted their speed and routes
intended to keep them away from any known concentrations of enemy
submarines.
We were, of course, told nothing about where we were at any time
but, for some reason I cannot imagine, the ship's clocks were
corrected in twenty-minute steps as our longitude changed. Since the
month was November, our northern latitude could be estimated with a
pocket slide-rule and a casual measurement of the length of the
daylight. It was thus not difficult to Judge our position within a
few degrees of arc. I am quite sure that we went southeast until we
passed well beyond Bermuda, up the center of the Atlantic to a point
very near Iceland, if not north of it, and then dropped down through
the Hebrides until we entered the river Clyde, where the ship had
been built. The trip, even at the Queen Mary's speed of 32 knots or
more, took almost a week. When we left her in a lighter, the sight
of the Queen, sitting up like a desert pyramid in the middle of a
landscape of green fields and cows, was extremely odd.
Unfortunately I caught the flu in the last day or two on the ship.
After shivering all night in a train to London, I had to settle in a
small hotel for a couple of weeks before I could attack my new
duties. The first of these was difficult and embarassing. We had
cabled to London all the latest information about skywave delay. As
the system did not use ground wave; these sky-wave corrections were
included in calculating the lines of position shown on the
navigators' charts. The standard delay values for the night-time E
layer corresponded to a layer height between 92 and 95 kilometers.
Professor Appleton, like all other ionospheric experts, knew little
about nighttime reflections but insisted that the E layer over
England was at a height of 110 kilometers, which was about the value
measured anywhere by vertical incidence sounding in daytime.
Professor Appleton's influence was so strong that the British charts
had been calculated on this basis and were seriously in error.
Almost my first appearance in public was in a large meeting where I
had to dispute this matter with Professor Appleton.
This was the first of many occasions when I came to respect, and
even admire, the English talent for making a foreigner's opinion
appear negligible. Professor Appleton and his surrounding assistants
insisted that they had experimental data to prove their case. I
suspected that these suffered, as had almost all ionospheric
measurements, from the differentiating effect of a strong groundwave
pulse, but I could not convince the meeting of the soundness of my
ideas.
Fortunately, a week or two later, I was able to induce Mr. Naismith,
one of Appleton's chief assistants, to make a measurement on a Loran
signal from Iceland (which had just begun to operate) where the
conditions were reversed and Naismith had to measure from a weak
ground-wave to a strong skywave. As his ionospheric equipment lacked
the gain-adjusting feature of the Loran receiver, he found the
differentiating effect reversed and deduced a layer height of 80
kilometers. I was then able to take a Loran receiver, with its
amplitude-balance control, and demonstrate our expected value of the
delay. This settled the controversy in my favor, but unhappily the
beautiful charts from His Majesty's Stationery Office had to be
scrapped. The new charts, when recomputed and redrawn, turned out to
be entirely satisfactory. Because other delays would be encountered,
the time lost in this episode was not to become important.
* * *
Winter in London, for a foreigner forced to live on the civilian
economy, was bleak. Hotels were supposed to keep a guest for only
five days, but many smaller ones put their prices up a bit and paid
little attention to this regulation. As I was often in London for,
only a week or so and then away on a short trip somewhere, I was not
greatly bothered. Either my hotel would keep me a few extra days or
the OSED staff would find me another place. I never really unpacked
my bags and, when I got home, found in them several useful things
that I had forgotten I had. Although the O.S.R.D. offices in Park
Street were relatively warm, as English buildings went, one got used
to never really being warm enough. Host fireplaces operated on a
supply of three or four hundred pounds of coal for the winter. I
never understood how an open fire could be maintained with a nucleus
of burning coal only about the size of a softball. Needless to say,
Charting Troubles 175
these gave out almost no detectable heat. It was sometimes possible
to draw enough water for a bath that would warm one to some extent,
but to do this it was necessary to disregard the signs recommending
conservation of hot water and to pay no attention to the water level
painted in the tub which silently recommended a depth that would
almost cover one's insteps when he got in.
Food was the worst problem. Although I was technically entitled to
eat in American Army messes, I almost never found myself near one at
mealtime. The rules said that no restaurant or hotel could charge
more than five shillings for a meal, except that oysters or coffee
could be supplied for a shilling or two extra. Breakfast usually
consisted of a reconstituted scrambled egg and a pair of bangers, or
sausages that were legally supposed to contain at least twenty
percent of meat. Everyone was entitled to get a fresh egg every
month, but in my four-month stay I only received mine on a single
occasion. Once when I managed to surmount my hesitation and invade
Claridge's Hotel, among the Maharajas and the generals, I was made
almost teary with sympathy for the pride with which the headwaiter
assured me that my omelet would be made with a real cracked egg. In
spite of my beat efforts to eat, I lost about twenty-five pounds
(weight) during my stay in England, and acquired a distaste for Spam
and brussels sprouts that has lasted, so far, for forty years.
I remember two or three flavorful exceptions to the general run of
unpleasant or tasteless food. A little hotel named Simonds (that had
disappeared completely when next I visited England) accomodated me
as often as any other. It had, adjacent to the bar in the basement,
a sort of lunch counter presided over by a genial man named George
who would on request concoct a salad. His only ingredients were very
good lettuce and some remarkably sturdy onions. These he drenched
with a throat-cutting vinegar that would bring out the perspiration
on one's forehead, no matter how cold he might be. There was a brief
period when George had a large tin of Argentine corned beef. During
this interval a corned beef sandwich and George's salad would
constitute a supper all components of which had flavor.
One day when passing through Paddington Station, I noticed a dusty
stack of tins in a shop window. A small, fly-specked, and
discouraged sign at the bottom of the window said plaintively, "This
is peanut butter. In America people feed it to their children". I
bought two of the large tins. One of them was rancid; the second was
excellent and brightened many of our teas at the O.S.R.D. offices.
There were, of course, occasional light-hearted occasions. One of
these was when the O.S.R.D. held an ordinary Christmas party for the
staff. Because of my illness and some errands outside of London, I
had met very few people at our headquarters. This fact inspired Sam
Goudsmit, my acquaintance from Ann Arbor, to propose a pleasant
game. Whenever we found an unoccupied girl Sam would hold a piece of
mistletoe over her head and I would kiss her. I would then step
smartly back one pace so that Sam could introduce me. I was not told
what Sam was doing in England at this time. I suppose he was
primarily waiting for a chance to get on to the Continent to find
out how far Germany had progressed toward the atomic bomb, as
described in his book "Alsos". This work he performed very well,
many months later, but with meagre results as the fears that Hitler
might beat us to this goal proved to be completely unfounded,
Another happy moment came when I received an Army cablegram
addressed, as was routine, to General Eisenhower, that said, in
part, "Affirmative indications on CSP project". This was the news
that I had requested on my departure from Cambridge, confirming our
suspicion that Catherine was again pregnant. My elation lasted only
a few weeks, however, before I heard that another miscarriage had
taken place. This news, combined with the dreary weather and semi-
starvation, threw me Into my worst fit of depression since the death
of my mother. Fortunately, there was so much to be done that I could
not let this fact interfere much with my work.
My worst political troubles soon appeared. The Royal Navy was
determined that the SS Loran system should not be installed. The
pretext was that the pulses would interfere with the reception of
signals from small enemy ships in the North Sea, apparently an
important part of the naval intelligence network. I have always felt
that the British Navy was simply doing a favor for the American Navy
which, as I have said, wished to maintain control of the entire
Loran program. In any case, I suffered intensely through innumerable
meetings, enjoying (in a way) seeing how the naval officers could
somehow pass me a cup of tea with one hand and a plate of cakes with
the other and manage simultaneously to drive a knife in between my
kidneys. In all of this wrangle, the Royal Air Force was of only
moderate help, mostly because Group Captain Foss, who had the
primary responsibility for the defence, was apparently intimidated
by the forces the Navy could array against him. One of my few
cheering moments came when a friend, who was a senior officer at
T.R.E., said to me in disgust, "I have just spent the entire morning
trying to stiffen Group Captain Foss's weak knees!" I am sorry to
speak ill of the Group Captain, because he was a very charming man
who was later killed in an aircraft accident in India, but I am sure
that many of our troubles were seriously compounded by his
indecisive ways.
It was finally decided that Loran would stand or fall as a result of
communication trials conducted in the North Sea. These were finally
organized in February, 1944, and took the form of trying to copy
nonsense morse signals between a survey ship and a pair of trawlers.
These vessels spent several days at various distances from the Loran
station near Aberdeen and from each other, and interchanged signals
with and without Loran interference. I was invited to be a spectator
on the survey ship, where I was treated with the utmost deference.
The morning routine amused me especially. At seven, a sailor would
open my cabin door and announce the time. Thirty seconds later,
another sailor would appear with my morning tea. A third sailor
would presently arrive, bringing my boots that someone had polished;
to be followed by a fourth who brought my hot water for shaving. It
was also a pleasure to have access to a wardroom with a good supply
of whisky, as in London I had found that a pub would often open for
the evening with a supply of only one or two bottles. A "single"
there was completely lost in the soda, while a double might be as
much as a quarter-inch deep in a small glass. On the ship the ample
supplies came from naval stores at fictitiously low prices. This
vessel observed a simple and satisfactory custom under which, no
matter which officer ordered a round of drinks, the steward kept
track and charged them to the men who drank them. When I left the
ship, I paid a chit for less than three dollars covering all the
drinks I had cared to have in five days.
If my mood had been a little better, I would have recognized the
trials as being a comedy. They consisted in exchanging groups of
letters in morse code between, say, a vessel twenty miles from the
Loran station and one a hundred and fifty miles away, alternately
with and without the Loran station transmitting. The ships would
then move to other locations and try again. Fortunately for Loran,
the receivers they used (although new) were of the old "single
circuit" design that I had not seen since my amateur days about
1925. Their selectivity was very poor, which meant that they did not
"ring" under the impact of the Loran pulses as better receivers
might have done. The result was that the pulses were heard as an
annoying series of loud sharp clicks that failed to interfere
seriously with the sustained tones of the morse code signals. The
radio operators also seemed very poor and did, as a matter of fact,
succeed in reading correctly only about two-thirds of the nonsense
groups. This ratio was so poor that it was not detectably affected
by the presence or absence of the Loran pulses, even when the vessel
was within a mile of the interfering station.
At the conclusion of the trials, the captain of our ship, perhaps
not maliciously, led me into my worst political error by asking for
help in composing his report. He claimed to have no clear
understanding of what his orders required, and I was glad to help
him. I was not totally naive, so between us we concocted a report
that really drew no conclusions but exhibited the statistics of the
messages received in a way that clearly showed that the Loran
interference was not serious. I should, of course, have refused to
have anything to do with the report becausethe Admiralty promptly
seized upon my participation as an excuse for denouncing the entire
Delays and, Finally, Operation 178
test program. The issue was not resolved until after I had left
England, when the British Branch of the Radiation Laboratory, a
group that cooperated with the T.R.E. at Malvern in the introduction
and support of the new radar devices, helped the R.A.F. in demanding
and carrying out a second series of trials. These, I am happy to
say, also proved that the claim of Loran interference was not well
founded, and authorization to proceed with the Loran program was
finally received.
All of this shilly-shallying was not, as it happened, what actually
delayed the introduction of SS Loran in Europe. Our most crushing
blow was the discovery that the production run of airborne receivers
was hopelessly deficient, as the high-voltage power supplies and
leads burst out with coronal discharges (which created intolerable
radio interference) at altitudes above 4000 feet. By the time
better-insulated transformers and high-voltage leads were procured
and fitted into the sets, the spring season was so far advanced that
it was decided to wait until the long nights came again in the fall
before introducing the system.
As it turned out, SS Loran was then helpful because the Germans had
at last developed airborne direction-finding equipment that
permitted fighter planes to find and attack the bombers that were
using the H2S microwave radars. Soon after Loran was introduced, the
situation became so bad that the British aircraft were only allowed
to turn on their radars for the ten minutes before they were due to
reach their targets. The radars were thus useless as navigation
aids, and many confused aircraft bombed areas that, on radar,
superficially resembled the proper targets. As a final result, SS
Loran was used to some extent for area bombing as well as for en-
route navigation. We were pleased when we found that the accuracy of
the system was good enough so that Berlin, as a major example, could
be resolved into nearly a hundred districts. This was by no means
pinpoint bombing, but it resulted in fewer lost aircraft and aborted
missions. We were convinced that the system was useful when, a month
or two before the end of the European part of the war, we received
copies of intercepted messages ordering various German broadcast
stations to move to the Loran frequency and broadcast noise from
electric fans in an attempt to jam our signals.
In January or early February, I had a memorable ride from Yorkshire
to London. John (actually Clifford Charles Edward) Bellringer, Bob
Dippy's right hand man at T.R.E., and I had gone to a place called
Danby Beacon, on the moors in the North Riding, to inspect an
abortive effort to set up a Loran network for local use by aircraft
returning to England. My chief recollection there is of our stay in
the Fox and Hounds, an old stone inn that was fearfully cold and
A Winter Day 179
where I was sure the wind blew even harder indoors than outside.
When we left, we started for London in John's tiny automobile at
about five o'clock in the morning. Dawn began as we descended to a
lower elevation, and we drove into the worst freezing fog I
remember, even after a boyhood in Maine. It soon got so bad that we
could drive no more than a hundred yards before having to stop and
scrape the ice from the windshield. After fighting this weather for
an hour or so, we realized that these conditions prevailed only
below a certain height. As John had an excellent set of contour
maps, we used them to guide us up above the fog, and then worked our
way south by any roads that went in more or less the right direction
while remaining above the critical height. As the sun got higher it
began to dispel the fog and we were gradually able to go lower
until, in the middle of the morning, we got down near sea level and
bowled cheerily down the Great North Road in one of the winter's few
clear and sunny days.
All then went very pleasantly until about five in the afternoon
when, just as the light failed, we dipped down into the Thames
valley and into the worst pea-soup fog we had during that winter.
Our rate of progress promptly dropped nearly to zero. Fortunately we
had reached a region where the streets had curbs. We could drive for
one block at a time with John keeping his foot on the accelerator
barely enough to maintain a speed of four or five miles an hour,
while I (in the left-hand passengers seat) leaned out of the window
with a flashlight pointed at the curb and steered the car with my
right hand. As we were, in a very small car, I could bring the
flashlight within a foot of the curb so that I was able to see it.
This would work very well until we came to an intersection, when the
curb would swoop away into the darkness. We would then stop and get
out to explore the intersection to discover where we needed to go.
When John understood our position, I would walk slowly in front of
the car with the flashlight pointed at John (now in the drivers
seat) from a point nearly over the radiator. He could then tell
where to drive, following the flashlight until we cleared the
intersection and could start curb-following again. At some
intersections we would find other invisible travelers and would
engage in merry exchanges of opinion about where we were. At others
we would be reduced to climbing signposts with a flashlight to get
close enough to read the signs. By nine-thirty P.M., we had slowly
traversed nearly five miles in the outskirts of London and reached a
point where we could abandon the car in someone's driveway and walk
to an outlying Underground station. The train took us the rest of
the way to our hotels and John was, the next morning, able to go
back to find and retrieve his car.
It was routine, in London in a combination of blackout and fog, to
come up from the Underground, seeing nothing, to be picked up by a
mysterious little man or boy who would guide one to his destination.
Nightwear / The Little Blitz 180
It was an eerie experience thus to be guided by and to give a tip to
someone you never saw.
At some time during the winter I was the beneficiary of a curious
incident. A new man from the Radiation Laboratory, Raymond Webster,
arrived in England and for a single night he and I shared a room in
Simonds' Hotel before he went to a station in Shropshire. It
happened that we had a very noisy air raid that night and my
roommate woke me in excitement to say, "What do we do now?" As I was
an old hand by then I told him firmly, "Roll over and sleep",
leaving him astonished at my courage until he learned that there
wasn't really much else to be done. After he left London, and while
I was busy at the office, the hotel moved my gear to a single room.
When I returned I found not only my own bags but also the most
beautiful pair of broadcloth pajamas I ever saw and a fine wool
dressing gown. Assuming that these must be Webster's, I kept them
for three or four days as I happened soon to be going to visit
Webster's station. When I got there he denied ever having seen the
articles so I brought them back to Simonds', as examination had
shown that they had come from one of the finest English stores. By
that time no one at the hotel had the least idea who owned the
clothes, so I had no alternative but to keep them. I was so
delighted by the pajamas that I wore them out in a couple of years.
The dressing gown was a trifle too small to be comfortable for me,
so Catherine took it over. To this day she uses it when in New York
State and it is still in excellent condition.
* * *
In late January and February, 1944, London was subjected to what was
called either the "little blitz" or the "baby blitz". In the
preceding months the Germans had bombed London about once a week
with the relatively small force that could be mounted at that time.
In the little blitz the bombing attacks occurred almost nightly
except for perhaps one night a week when the weather was impossibly
bad. It did not happen that any bombs fell close enough to me to be
disturbing, but one got used to the noise and the rain of anti-
aircraft shell fragments that fell like heavy hail and broke an
occasional window. It was also entertaining to walk in Hyde Park at
night to see whether any of the searchlights could locate a German
bomber among the clouds.
In February it happened that John Bellringer and I had a morning
appointment with Air Vice Marshal Tait, the Director of Signals for
the Royal Air Force. We were so early that we had to wait for the
Air Vice Marshal to return from the morning staff meeting. He
arrived obviously disturbed because, among other things, the night's
damage had included the destruction of a Booth's gin factory; news
that had brought a simultaneous groan of despair from the entire
Nightwear / The Little Blitz 181
staff! Perhaps his emotion caused him to tell us more than he should
have disclosed about the situation.
News reports of the German air raids were always made to sound
innocuous. It was commonplace to read that bombs had fallen on a
park in southern England, a euphemism that often referred to Hyde
Park. Air Vice Marshal Tait told us that the situation was worse
than we had realized. The German force, fortunately of only about
150 aircraft, was successfully dropping bombs in the most sensitive
places. For example, one or two sticks of bombs might fall on
Whitehall; then with gaps of several miles, bombs would fall on
Eisenhower's and Montgomery's headquarters, or other places that
were best calculated to interfere with the invasion plans. The bombs
seldom seemed to fall more than a couple of hundred yards from the
intended targets, and the targets were well chosen. It was obvious
that both good espionage and some very accurate aid to blind bombing
were being employed. Air Vice Marshall Tait concluded this report
with the facetious remark that the Germans must be using something
like Loran.
After concluding our business, John and I went back to my office and
discussed what we had heard. We thought that we knew at least the
general characteristics of both Allied and German radio aids to
navigation. The Germans, we felt sure, had not changed from their
primary dependence upon directional systems. Some of these were very
well instrumented and fairly accurate, but we believed that they
could not, from bases across the English Channel, yield the
precision that Air Vice Marshal Tait had reported. Gee itself was
the only passive British system that would have the accuracy
claimed; "passive" means not requiring radio transmission from the
air craft being guided. By the end of the day, John and I had pretty
well convinced ourselves that the Germans must be using Gee at least
in their pathfinder aircraft.
Use of enemy aids to navigation was by no means unknown. Throughout
most of the war, the British made excellent use of a German
directional system, Sonne, called Consol by the British and further
disguised as Consolan when it was later tried out experimentally in
the United States. This was an accurate medium-range system that was
very easy to use. The Germans had operated it for blind bombing over
much of the British Isles until its usefulness was destroyed by
meaconing, a subtle form of jamming that was hard to detect but
which ruined the accuracy of the system. At the same time, the
British had found Sonne to be very useful in the seas around the
British Isles and in the Bay of Biscay, and they meaconed the system
very gently so that it would be untrustworthy over land but still
good at sea. In fact the utility of Sonne to the allies was so great
that in the latter stages of the war, when some of the Sonne
stations were captured, British crews were assigned to keep them in
Sonne 182
operation.
There were two stories, possibly both apochryphal, current in
England about the meaconing of Sonne's predecessor system, Elektra.
The best known was that once the German beams were bent so that a
large raid aimed at one of the Midland cities actually attacked
Dublin. It was of course claimed that the Irish believed the
English, in this case, to have known exactly what they were doing.
Such delicate misadjustment of an enemy system was not technically
feasible, as was proved by the second tale which I happened to hear
by fortuitously being at the right place at the right time. This
tale neutralized the other by stating that a massive German raid had
been diverted from its target but accidentally guided so that it
destroyed one of the biggest ammunition dumps in England.
In the case of Gee, which had been in use as far as the Ruhr since
1942, the Germans had found it possible to jam the signals over
Germany and the occupied territories in the west. The system was
maintained thereafter primarily because it provided highly-reliable
guidance for British bombers returning from raids over Europe,
making operations safe in weather that would otherwise have made
navigation impossible. In 1944 the system was magnificent over
England although of relatively little use elsewhere.
John knew that more than 2,000 aircraft equipped with Gee had been
shot down over the continent. It seemed likely that at least one or
two percent of these sets might have come down in repairable condi
tion. If this had happened, it appeared possible that the Germans
might have installed some in their bombers (or pathfinders) in the
hope that serious damage might be done before the trick could be
discovered. This argument, coupled with the fact that we knew of
nothing else (except certain active systems whose use would have
been revealed by their signals) that could give the observed
accuracy over England, quite convinced us that this use of Gee must
explain the recent flurry of German bomber activity.
Our feeling that we ought to do something useful with this idea was
somewhat dampened by John's recognition of his position. The Tele
communications Research Establishment operated in a quasi-military
mode in which John was, if my memory can be trusted, an equivalent
Flight Lieutenant. He could foresee dreadful consequences if he did
more than report our hypothesis to his immediate superior. I was, on
the other hand, loosely attached to the American Embassy and had no
direct superior in England who could forbid my doing anything that
seemed to me to be useful. The results of these realizations were
that John went back to his proper duties in Malvern while I prepared
to see if I could convince the Royal Air Force that they ought to do
something about the situation.
I spent the following day, Wednesday, February 23rd, making myself
obnoxious in every office in the Air Ministry that I could reach. My
object was to beg the authorities to shut down the Gee system for an
hour or two during the next German raid, unless a major British
force happened to be returning at the same time. I reasoned that the
pattern of the fall of bombs would immediately reveal whether or not
Gee had been guiding the German aircraft. I met, of course, with
unhesitating refusal on every attempt. The attitude was usually one
of contempt based on the idea that "We would know if they were
trying anything like that". I would answer, "Why, you [expletives
suppressed]! Have you recently shot down a German pathfinder?" This
would bring the answer, "Well, no, we haven't; but we'd know, we'd
know". My only satisfaction during the entire day was to sit beside
the Group Captain in charge of the wreckage of German aircraft while
he, at my insistence, called all of his depots to order an
especially careful search for anything that might have been a Gee
receiver. I returned to my office with the feeling of total defeat
that often followed upon a conference with our British allies.
The next day happened to be the one on which I left for Edinburgh
and Rosyth Halt to join the survey ship for the Loran trials I have
already mentioned. I was therefore out of touch with affairs for a
week or more. On my return to London I found a number of urgent
messages calling me to the Air Ministry. When I visited Air Vice
Marshal Tait the next morning I received a greeting that was unique
in its warmth. It was disclosed that on Thursday, February 24th, the
day following my bad time in Whitehall, a German bomber containing a
Gee receiver had been shot down. I doubt that I ever again had such
a prompt and satisfying fulfillment of a prediction. Before my
return to London, the coding delays (which controlled the geographic
locations of the numbered lines of position in the Gee system) had
been changed, showing the Germans that the British had discovered
their trick; and the baby blitz had already come to a quick end as
the frequency of German raids fell back to the earlier pattern.
Air Vice Marshal Tait rewarded me with an excellent luncheon with
some of the high brass in the Air Force, but he carefully refrained
from giving me any written evidence of this episode. Some months
later, John Bellringer found a chance to clip out one of the
electronic components of this first twice-shot-down Gee set so that
he could send me what has remained one of my favorite souvenirs.
I have always been pleased at the recollection of this event because
the raids had been killing from 100 to 200 people each night. I
reasoned that my interference had presumably advanced the end of the
little blitz by at least a few days, and that I could enjoy the warm
feeling that a few hundred threatened people were still alive.
On one of the rare bright mornings in London in early March I
happened to be on Oxford Street just before nine o'clock. As the
sound of aircraft grew to unprecedented proportions, at least for
me,. I looked up to see the beginning of a flight of fully a
thousand American bombers moving steadily eastward with its center
precisely overhead; no doubt by design. I was duly impressed by the
sight of more aircraft than I had ever seen in one mass, even in a
newsreel.
What moved me, and made the occasion truly memorable, was to look
around and discover the looks of joy, and even glee, on every face
in the street. It was all too clear that every thought had to be,
"Thank heaven, `Jerry' is going to get what he deserves!"
* * *
At about this same time, pursuant upon a visit to the London Zoo, my
secretary and I conceived a scheme that amused us. Although the
project never came to fruition, the memorandum we drafted may be
worth quoting as it somehow helps to indicate our sentiments on
being confined in London in the wartime winter:
"From: Betty Cooper, OSRD London Mission
To: All Americans connected (however remotely) with the Embassy
1. It has been observed, with keen regret and dismay, that, whereas
many or most of the animals, birds, and reptiles in the London
Zoological Park have been adopted for the duration of the War by
various public-spirited individuals and groups, there is a single
and magnificent specimen of the American Bald Eagle which is,
even at this late date, apparently an orphan.
2. It has been determined that a necessary component of the act of
adoption, in this connection, is the payment of the sum of _____
Pounds to ______ , or of the guarantee of the payment of _____
Pounds at ______ intervals.
3. Consummation of the act of adoption is indicated by the
attachment, to the enclosure containing the animal, bird,
reptile, or, in this case, Emblem in question, of a small sign,
usually inscribed in the English language, indicating the fact of
adoption and designating the foster parent, parents, guardian, or
guardians, as the case may be.
4. It is believed that official members of the American colony in
London cannot stand idly by while so great an Emblem of our
national being is allowed to exist in a state of shame and
degradation, being fed) no doubt, upon scraps and remnants
considered unfit for the consumption of his already-adopted
neighbors, among whom may be observed the lowly vulture, condor,
and sea-eagle.
5. It is therefore proposed that each of those who feel the need for
action in this matter should contribute a sum, proportionate to
the depth of his emotion, toward the adoption of this noble
Emblem of our Freedom who finds himself, like so many of us,
constrained to dwell, through no fault of his own, in an allied,
yet alien, land.
We might have carried forward the Eagle Project except that just
then Dr. DuBridge, the Director of the Radiation Laboratory, and Dr.
Compton, the President of M.I.T., passed through London on a trip to
visit various laboratories and authorities in England. They brought
the news that Curry Street was about to come to England as the new
head of the BBRL, the British Branch of the Radiation Laboratory,
while I was to become the head of the Loran Division. This meant
that my first duty was to get home, a very welcome idea, so that I
could confer with Curry for at least a few days before he moved to
England.
I felt that I would at first be good for little if I flew home in
the tail of a military aircraft, the usual way for Rad Lab people to
travel, so I insisted that Betty and I should be treated to a
commercial flight on one of the old Pan Am flying boats. To my
surprise, no one objected to this plan which would cost, I remember,
209 pounds 16 shillings (about $850) each for the one-way fare. It
still being the winter season when the flying boats could not carry
enough fuel for safety on the North Atlantic direct route, we
would fly south to Dakar and across the shortest stretch between
Africa and Brazil. Almost everything about this trip turned out to
be pleasant or amusing.
The first curious happening was an introduction to my most unusual
banking transaction. I had arranged by telephone for BBRL, which
disbursed my expense money, to send me a check to cover the two
airplane fares. When the check did not arrive in the first mail the
next morning (the British Post Office being, then at least, uniquely
efficient), I telephoned to Malvern to find out what was wrong. It
as explained that the Lab had changed its mind and simply told the
Malvern branch of the Midland Bank to have a London office give me
the money in cash. This sounded odd to me but there was no
alternative in the time available, so I walked a couple of blocks to
the branch bank in Oxford Street. Not knowing what to try first, I
simply went to the nearest teller and began negotiations, saying,
"My name is Pierce - ". "Oh, yes, Mr. Pierce", said the teller and
immediately began counting out a pile of five-pound notes about an
inch thick. At the end he tossed a few pound notes and some silver
on top and pushed it toward me, saying, "Thank you, sir" and turned
to go about some other duty. As he did not seem interested in having
me sign a receipt, I took the money and went to the Pan American
office and bought our tickets.
We left London early on a Sunday morning in March on a flight that
brought us to Shannon in Ireland in good time for lunch at the
airport restaurant. This was the first of three meals that were
highly memorable after the terrible diet in London. Shannon provided
a magnificent platter of sliced cold turkey and ham with a delicious
salad and other goodies we had not had for months. After lunch we
were driven thirty or forty miles through Limerick to Foynes, a
village on the south side of the Shannon where the river was several
miles wide and provided an excellent sheltered landing place for the
flying boats. Here we had to wait several hours before leaving for
Lisbon, because Pan American had had an aircraft shot down on that
route a few weeks before. As a consequence, the flights then left
Foynes only after dark.
We promptly met three other passengers for New York. With them we
made a walking tour of the village, an enterprise that took only a
few minutes. Observing that nearly half of the buildings were pubs,
we decided to investigate what was reputed to keep the Irish poor
and selected one for examination. The fact that the wall behind the
bar was completely covered by shelves full of bottles of John
Jamison's failed to make me realize that I was no longer in England,
so I automatically asked for a double whisky. The bartender
selected a sixteen-ounce glass and filled it with whisky to within
an inch of the top. He added a splash of soda and then handed it to
me. I nursed this noble drink for the balance of the afternoon and
managed to maintain consciousness until it was time to report to the
aircraft.
We found that the five who had assembled at Foynes were the only
passengers on the aircraft until we reached Puerto Rico, after which
it was crowded. As a result, for most of the trip the plane had
almost the spacious atmosphere of a ship and we could doze or read
without discomfort or walk about freely when we wished. Soon after
we reached cruising altitude the steward produced excellent steaks
and even baked potatoes, to the great satisfaction of all
passengers. We reached the Tagus River at about one in the morning.
Although it took two hours or more to get the plane ready for the
next leg of the trip, there was not time to go to Lisbon itself. We
were taken to a small restaurant building for what I suppose must
have been regarded as breakfast. We distributed ourselves around a
table that would have accomodated a full set of passengers and
started to sample thousands of olives and a few bottles of rather
sour red wine. As soon as the waitress saw us seated, she brought in
a platter that could have held a large turkey but was piled high
The Homeward Trip, continued 187
with scrambled eggs and bacon. Because none of us had seen such a
beautiful sight for a long time, we five managed to empty the
platter quite quickly. When the waitress next came in she looked a
bit surprised but took away the platter and brought another equally
loaded with scrambled eggs, but this time fully decorated with
sausages. We eventually got back into the plane well distended and
ready to sleep.
When we awoke we were flying across the western part of the Spanish
Sahara. It was, in fact, remarkably beautiful but we were very
conscious of the hope that we might not have trouble and need to
come down there. The middle of the day brought us to Dakar where we
were given lunch in an American Naval mess. This broke the series of
enjoyable meals. It was the worst I ever ate in a military
establishment; about as bad as a few of those in Ak-Bulak. After a
sight-seeing drive around Dakar in the afternoon, where it was
interesting to see the Arabian costumes in a city where the signs
were in French, we left for Brazil in the evening. In this case, I
think, the late departure was primarily so that we could use the
stars for navigation, Loran not having penetrated into that part of
the world. After breakfast in Natal we flew to Belem, this leg of
the trip taking us over the tropical jungle. This reminded us of the
Sahara as it also was beautiful but by no means a place where we
would wish to land. The heat and steady rain in Belem discouraged us
from trying to do anything except wait for the plane to be ready to
fly.
After leaving Belem we passed over the mouth of the Amazon where we
were, for some time, out of sight of land. Arriving in Port of
Spain, Trinidad, in the evening we were greeted with trays of
Planter's Punch and taken to the Queen's Park Hotel (where I had
bought Catherine's cologne three years before) for baths and a
night's sleep in a real bed. The bed was satisfactory although I
slept with a mosquito obligato from the insects trying to find a
hole in the netting; but the bath turned out to be imaginary as
there was a water shortage and the service had been discontinued
just as we arrived. I still wonder how turning off the water in the
middle of the night could be supposed to be much of a conservation
measure.
I was amused at the antics of our flying boat in trying to get off
the water in the Dragon's Mouth. We left Port of Spain downwind and
needed to turn before takeoff. A strong wind was against us as we
turned and the downwind wing tried to droop into the water. The
pilot made several unsuccessful variations of the maneuver,
sometimes trying to go very slowly to turn before the wind noticed
him, and at other times trying at high speed, so that the ailerons
would give him more lateral control. We began to worry a little, as
each trial seemed to use up a half mile of distance and the crags of
The Homeward Trip, continued 188
Venezuela were getting closer. Finally, at what I guessed was a half
mile from the rocks, the turn was completed successfully and we were
off across the Caribbean.
At San Juan the plane filled up with Puerto Ricans and, in the
latter part of the night, brought us to Bermuda. We landed in New
York on Thursday, a few hours more than four days after leaving
London. I finally reached home with a serious problem for Catherine,
as I think I had amassed twenty-six dirty shirts and the wartime
problems had just made our laundry cross us off their list of
customers. Even with this and other minor difficulties, it was a
delight to be home again.
Our trip had covered more than 10,000 miles at a speed of about 120
knots. Later I calculated that, in terms of the airline distance
from London to Boston, we had averaged thirty-one miles per hour
toward home!
189
15.
My transition to Division Head was made easily, because everyone in
the Loran work had settled into whatever job he could do best, and
because the division's administrative assistant, John Halford (a
business man and wool expert), had all our affairs under good
control. John always seemed to know what would be needed and
maintained beautiful files that answered almost all questions at
once - a talent that I lacked and sorely needed. The division had by
this time reached its stable maximum size of about seventy-five
people. Although I have nothing but respect for the abilities of
physicists, I have always thought that the success of Division 11
(and perhaps especially the speed at which it was able to operate)
was due to the mixture of the many talents of its members. The radar
development and the search for the atomic bomb had drawn off the
most talented physicists. Division 11, because it was organized a
few months later than those efforts, and also because Melville
Eastham was an intensely practical man, called heavily upon the
skills of various kinds of engineers and other sorts of experts. As
a result, whenever a problem arose there always seemed to be someone
in the group who could deal with it.
The first few months after my return were devoted largely to a crash
program that did not have my complete sympathy. The Army Air Force
had convinced the division that it should develop a tactical form
called Air-Transportable Loran that could be installed quickly in
the field and, when necessary, could have its stations moved from
time to time. This was wanted primarily for the China-Burma-India
region. This effort required three main developments: new and semi-
automatic synchronizing devices, light-weight transmitters, and
simplified methods for calculating lines of position and plotting
them on charts.
The synchronization was established, mostly by Jack Williams and
Glenn Musselman (who had come to us after experience helping Major
Armstrong in the development of wideband FM), by adding automatic
control circuits to navigational receivers. These circuits, with
some modifications to improve accuracy and stability, made it
possible for a slave station to maintain its phase with relatively
little operator attention. Al Pote' and Dick Lawrence designed and
built very pretty transmitters of about one-tenth the size and
weight of the standard ones. Unfortunately, the power was reduced to
half or a little less, with the result that these transmitters were
never used in the field as the Army Air Force decided to fly in
standard transmitters for the sake of the extra power. So far as
equipment went, the Rad Lab might as well have saved its efforts
190
because standard transmitter timers could have been used instead of
the air-transportable ones with little extra effort on the part of
the Air Force.
The real success of the AT program was in the development of simple
calculating methods and in the training of dozens of young Air Force
officers for the field production of charts. This effort made
possible the use in Asia of ten or a dozen Loran stations under
circumstances that did not often permit time for the production of
the regular Hydrographic Office charts. As an additional benefit,
the Army Air Force could have Loran lines on its normal aeronautical
charts that were drawn in a different scale and style from the Navy
charts.
These achievements, and others, must be credited entirely to
Professor Bancroft W. Sitterly, an astronomer who had come to us
from Wesleyan University. Dr. Sitterly was not only an able
astronomer and mathematician but also probably the best teacher I
ever knew. I have always felt that he could be trusted to teach
anything to anyone. During the time when I was in England, Banny had
completed a short text called The Elements of Loran. This has never
been equalled as an introduction to the theory and practice of the
new system. It was published as a Rad Lab report in March, 1944, and
republished within a month by the U.S. Navy which distributed
thousands of copies. In late 1944 Catherine and I gave our son the
middle name of Bancroft, largely in Banny's honor.
A difficulty with Loran resulted from the normal errors of celestial
methods for determining the geographic positions of transmitters and
the general inaccuracy of charts, particularly in the higher
latitudes. The combination of these troubles sometimes resulted in
errors of a mile or two (or occasionally half a dozen miles in the
Arctic). It remained a nagging problem how to correct the Loran
lines to agree with charts that were known to be inaccurate. The
dilemma had to be resolved in favor of forcing agreement with the
standard charts because the overriding requirement was to bring the
navigator to the place he was trying to find. These difficulties
were increased in the AT Loran operation because the baselines, were
generally very short and so the geometrical contributions to errors
were large. Banny made a very thorough study of these effects, with
the result that a few observations of discrepancies between the
chart and the terrain could be used to deduce approximate
corrections for the entire coverage area of a group of stations.
These methods became a part of the AT Loran charting program, and
Banny taught them to many Air Force officers who used them to great
advantage in the last year of the war against Japan.
AT Loran 191
For some time I had been wondering whether the Loran technique could
be used at a lower radio frequency. This possibility appeared
important because of the large distances between some of the island
groups in the Pacific Ocean. It seemed likely that an attack on the
Japanese homeland, which it was generally thought would be
necessary, could not be well served by Loran when operated at a
frequency of two megahertz. At a lower frequency the measurement of
time difference could not be as good, but the experienoe with SS
Loran had taught us the advantages of a longer baseline, which might
go far toward making up for decreased accuracy of measurement. Of
primary importance was the expectation that we might be able to
double the distances served by Loran.
My new position gave me a seat on the Steering Committee of the
Radiation Laboratory. I could, of course, contribute little to the
discussions and decisions about problems and proposals for microwave
radar systems. On the other hand, no one else on the Steering
Committee had much understanding of Loran. It was therefore
relatively easy to get approval for anything in which I believed
strongly. I soon secured an allocation of about two million dollars
for the work on Low Frequency Loran. I found that my efforts to
spend this money wisely, in spite of the need for speed, made this
the hardest administrative job I could imagine. It did, in fact,
give me a permanent distaste for the business side of research.
By the autumn of 1944 our commitments to AT Loran were largely
completed and I could get more and more people into the LF work. We
were able to use somewhat more professional methods than time had
permitted in the original Loran design. For example, the standard
Loran transmitters were simple high-powered oscillators, turned on
or "modulated" by short driving pulses at the right instants. This
caused no trouble because the radio-frequency period was only about
half a microsecond while the typical measurement error was about
twice that value. The phase of the radio frequency was therefore of
no importance. At the low frequency we ultimately decided on, 180
kilohertz, the period was about five and a half microseconds or
considerably more than we hoped the the normal error would be. It
was therefore necessary, or at least advisable, to use a crystal
controlled source of' the radio frequency that would be coherent
with the pulse repetition frequency, so that each radio-frequency
cycle could have its standard position within the pulse envelope.
This would have been good engineering practice in standard Loran but
could be neglected without harm in that case. The use of this
technique required a development of new methods for deriving and
modulating the carrier frequency.
This "phase coherence" also made it possible to make more accurate
measurements by comparing the timing of individual radio-frequency
cycles as well as the time of arrival of the pulse envelope. Thus we
LF Loran 192
could have a coarse and a fine measurement because the pulse
envelope would, we hoped, be stable enough to identify a particular
radio-frequency cycle (as, for example, the third or fourth visible
one, or perhaps one at a certain fraction of the maximum height of
the pulse) while the exact reading was made on the rf cycle itself.
This technique turned out to be difficult to handle with high
reliability in a navigator's receiver, but it was used successfully
from the first in holding synchronism between the transmitting
stations. We believed that we were able to maintain the relative
timing to about a tenth of a microsecond.
We also made a number of other improvements in technique, such as
elegant attenuators for the transmitting stations, to reduce the
over-powering local signal in the receivers. These gave very great
attenuation at the right instants without incurring noticeable phase
shifts on the distant signals. Another important device for
preventing interference from the locally-generated carrier was a
modulation system that guaranteed the total absence of the carrier
between pulses.
The problem of receivers for the Low Frequency Loran system was
temporarily solved by the construction of small converters that
would translate the low-frequency signals to one of the Standard
Loran frequencies so that existing receiver-indicators could be
used. This technique was possible because all of the timing
characteristics were the same at the two frequencies except that, at
the low frequency it would be possible to have one master and two or
even more slave stations operate at each recurrence rate. The
converters were unfortunately manufactured with too narrow a
bandwidth, which turned out to be a limiting factor in the accuracy
that could be achieved.
Transmitting antennas for the low frequency constituted a major
problem. We designed and ordered for use in the Pacific three 625-
foot lattice towers to be used in an "umbrella" configuration with
heavy toploading cables. These could not be produced quickly so we
settled for balloon-supported wires for the experimental stations
set up in the United States. The balloons were little "VLA" (very
low altitude) models about 35 feet in length and with a diameter of
114 feet. They had stabilizing fins so that the kite effect gave
them some additional lift from the prevailing winds. Each balloon
supported an antenna of about 1300 feet of copperweld wire with
large insulators at the top and bottom. The Army Air Force provided
the balloons and helium to fill them, and also assigned small crews
to fly them for us. We had three stations at East Brewster,
Massachusetts; Cape Fear, North Carolina; and Key Largo, Florida.
The balloons flew more reliably than we had dared to hope but, of
course, were less than perfect. They had a maximum load-carrying
capacity (in still air) of 58 pounds while our antenna wire and
insulators weighed 48 pounds. It was therefore essential to keep the
balloons well inflated. It surprised me that, even with the balloons
flying in three quite different weather patterns, all three of them
were in the air for more than ninety percent of the time. This would
not have been satisfactory for operational use, where absolute
reliability of the signals is highly desirable, but it was adequate
for the experimental work.
Our continuing attempts to keep the balloons flying as much as we
could led us into interesting quandaries. It was impossible to reel
in a balloon and land it safely at a wind speed of more than 20 or
25 miles per hour, but the strength of our antenna wire was adequate
to permit the balloons to fly in winds up to 140 or 50 miles per
hour. Whenever a high wind was predicted we had to guess how extreme
it might become and try to get the balloon down, if necessary, at
the last possible moment. If we guessed wrong and the balloon
carried away it became embarrassing because we had to alert the Air
Force to get out planes to shoot the balloon down before it became
too much of a hazard to aviation. There was also the risk that a
trailing piece of antenna wire might short-circuit electric
transmission lines in the neighborhood but, so far as I know, this
never happened. We lost several balloons in the months the trial
system lasted, but none of them caused serious trouble.
One night the balloon at East Brewster was reported to have broken
loose in a high wind at about one o'clock in the morning. I happened
to be staying at Mrs. Consodine's that night. While driving out to
the station at about eight o'clock in the morning, I was amazed to
see the missing balloon floating peacefully within a couple of miles
of the station at what I guessed was a five or six thousand foot
altitude. It was inconceivable that the wind could have shifted to
bring the balloon back so accurately after seven hours, but the
anomaly was never explained. I can only suppose that whatever
antenna wire was torn loose with the balloon must have caught in a
tree until the rising sun heated the helium and increased the lift
enough to let the balloon break free.
On another occasion the balloon at East Brewster gave me an eerie
sensation that all the laws of physics were being flouted. It was
late on a dark night when I walked out to the balloon's tie point to
make some change in the antenna coupling network. As the 1300-foot
antenna could accumulate enormous static charges, the first duty in
making such an adjustment was to ground the antenna above the bottom
insulator through a length of copper braid attached to a hook with
an insulated handle. The insulator at the bottom of the antenna was
suspended at a height of four or five feet. When I attached the hook
and ground strap, which together probably weighed a pound or two,
the whole structure of balloon, wire, and ground strap slowly
settled down until the insulator rested on the ground. At this point
I realized that it was a perfectly still night with no wind strain
on the antenna. I made a mental note that there seemed to be no
excess lift and that we would have to add helium in the morning, and
then went on to make the necessary change in the coupling network.
After finishing this I removed the ground strap and, to my surprise,
found that the insulator continued to rest on the ground. In a pure
spirit of fun I grasped the long insulator by the safe end and
hoisted it up to its normal position where, to my complete
amazement, it remained. This behavior seemed totally unreal as the
balloon could not possibly be in such exact neutral buoyancy, and I
actually felt the hair rise on the nape of my neck. Upon later
consideration I decided that just as I raised the insulator a faint
breeze must have caught the balloon so that the kiting effect
increased the lift by at least the weight of the insulator; but at
the time I surely felt that some unknown power must be at work.
The Brewster low frequency station operated from late 1944 for
trials of developing equipment, but the three-station network was
available only from April to September, 1945. We made fixed-station
observations during this period at various points between Minnesota
and Trinidad and the Azores with fair success, although the accuracy
of the system was not as good as we had hoped that it would be. The
Signal Corps also made even more extensive observations at a number
of places. By the time the trials ended we believed that our steel
towers would be delivered and all necessary equipment ready to ship
within two months, when the end of the war brought the whole project
to a quick stop.
I had a pleasant but unsuccessful idea in July of 1945. A total
solar eclipse was to cross western Canada and I thought it would be
great fun to walk unannounced into the camp of Don Menzel who had
led the 1936 expedition and who, I had heard, was to observe the
1945 eclipse at a small town in Saskatchewan. It happened that we
wanted to test the LF Loran signals in an airplane at about that
distance from the east coast, so I timed the trip to accomplish both
objectives. At Regina I talked some RCAF officers into taking a
staff car a hundred miles or so to the town of Bradenbury, where we
would spend the night as the eclipse would pass early in the
morning. My timing was perfect and I called on Don in the evening
before the event but, as I should have predicted, he was so busy
that he hardly noticed my being there. In the morning we rose to
find a patch of cloud, about twenty miles across, neatly centered
above the camp. The clouds remained between us and the sun until
after the end of the eclipse. We nevertheless were treated to a most
beautiful sight as there was a brilliant orange light all around the
horizon during the eclipse. This light reflected from the bottoms of
the clouds, turning the parts between the bright spots a deep purple
by contrast. The effect was rather like golden moonlight on purple
water, but upside down. Our disappointment was accentuated when we
found later that we had been under the only patch of clouds along
the eclipse track; if we had chosen any other place we could have
seen it perfectly. Fortunately, the LF Loran experiment on the
flight was entirely successful.
We had had no hope of getting special "cycle-matching" receivers
into production and use for many months, but Glenn Musselman and I
had been working on such a device for some time and had, before the
end of the war, built two or three models. These receivers were
intended to make very accurate measurements at distances short
enough so that the groundwave pulse was usable in the few cycles
that arrived before being jammed by the stronger and later-arriving
sky waves. It was uncertain whether the correct cycle could be
recognized among its very similar neighbors, a matter that could be
settled only by experiment. We took one of these receivers to
Bermuda for tests just at the end of the war; in fact, the news of
the first atomic bomb reached us as we passed through South Station
on our way to New Jersey to catch an Air Force plane to Bermuda. We
set up our gear quickly and made observations for a week before the
Japanese surrendered and it became our obvious duty to get home
again. These experiments were fairly successful. The station at Key
Largo was about a thousand miles away and yielded very uncertain
cycle identification, but the pair connecting Cape Fear with East
Brewster was much better and we could choose the right cycle about
eighty percent of the time. The accuracy within the cycles was, as
we had expected, about a tenth of a microsecond which gave us a
probable error of about 160 feet in the line of position through our
site in Bermuda. The average position, however, disagreed with the
chart by about 1200 feet. At the time it was uncertain whether this
discrepancy was caused by a calibration error somewhere in our
equipment or a mistake in the charted position of Bermuda. A year or
two later, the question was settled in our favor, as the
Hydrographic Office decided to move Bermuda about a quarter of a
mile on its charts.
The whole experiment indicated that high-precision measurements were
indeed possible but that, as we had expected, the problem of cycle
identification would require more work and especially careful
instrumentation. A dozen years later, this low-frequency system came
back into existence as Loran C, which has now become the normal form
of Loran. Loran C differs from our experiment chiefly in using
multiple pulses from each station and up to 140 times as much power
as we had. These changes operate strongly to bring the weak ground
wave up above the ambient noise to improve the reliability of cycle
identification. This is also aided by the use of a lower carrier
frequency (100 kilohertz) with longer cycles. I regret that in our
reports at the end of the war we did not emphasize the low-frequency
work, preferring to concentrate on the proven performance of
The First Cycle Matching, continued 196
Standard Loran, later known as Loran A. As a result, almost no one
today knows that the Radiation Laboratory came very close to
bringing cycle-matching to the status of a useful method, and it is
often thought that Loran C was invented by the Coast Guard or
perhaps by the Bureau of Standards, which tried hard to stimulate
interest in that system. Actually, the unique and important
distinguishing features of Loran C were devised by Winslow Palmer, a
very clever engineer from Sperry, who had worked closely with the
Radiation Laboratory people during the war, and who continued for
some years to suggest and experiment with ingenious ways to make
cycle-matching reliable.
On this last trip to Bermuda, we had slept, for some reason, at the
V.I.P. guest house at Kindley Field. Before that airport had been
dredged up from the bottom of the sea this house had been a pleasant
mansion on an island. When the airport had been finished, the house
found itself on a rocky nubbin close to the intersection of the two
major runways. At the time of our visit, there were aircraft
arriving and leaving at five-minute intervals, bringing soldiers
back from Europe for transfer to the Pacific. When departing, these
four-engined transports usually rose to just a little more than the
height of the guest house and thundered past at what seemed to be a
distance of a hundred yards or so. This racket never subsided during
the night, and I was sure that the vibration would soon reduce the
house to rubble. The situation had one minor advantage, however,
because the activity of the aircraft made it easier for us to work
long hours in the hope that we might get tired enough to sleep.
* * *
On my return to Cambridge I found that there were only three duties
left: to terminate all work as quickly as possible; to find jobs for
everyone; and to help write a complete account of the achievements
of the Radiation Laboratory. This last effort resulted in the
publication of the Radiation Laboratory Series of twenty-eight
volumes that recorded the many wartime developments, chiefly in
microwave theory and practice. Dick Woodward and Alexander McKenzie
(whom I had known, at least by radio, since the mountaintop days in
Maine, and who had headed our divisional publications office) and I
were designated the editors of the Loran book, which appeared as
Volume 14 of the series. Until the formal end of the Radiation
Laboratory on December 31st, everyone who could write and who had
not left for other work was kept busy composing this account. As far
as possible, the chapters were written by those most expert in the
various subjects, but a few sections were ghost-written by the
editors in an effort to give credit where it was due in the case of
important contributors to the program who could not or would not
write. The editors were kept on the Rad Lab payroll at half rate for
the first months of 1946 to carry this work forward.
The First Cycle Matching, continued 197
As part of the program for finding jobs for people (and particularly
for myself) I conceived the idea that perhaps the Navy might
subsidize our efforts if I brought a number of our Radiation
Laboratoy people to Harvard to use some of our powerful new
techniques in investigation of the physics of the ionosphere. As a
first step in the negotiations I secured an appointment with Admiral
Furer, the head of the Navy's Office of Research and Inventions. I
was greatly surprised to meet, in the admiral's waiting room,
Professor E. L. Chaffee, who had become director of Cruft Laboratory
upon the retirement of Professor G. W. Pierce. Professor Chaffee was
there on much the same mission, but with ideas further matured than
mine. After some three-way discussion, and at Admiral Furer's
suggestion, I fitted myself into Professor Chaffee's proposal for
one of the first university research contracts with the organization
that became, after Admiral Furer had retired, the Office of Naval
Research.
198
16.
These negotiations secured a place for me at Harvard which, in
accordance with its normal policy, had not renewed my annual
appointments after I had been on leave for two years. On January 1,
1946, about ten of the Rad Lab people came to Cruft Laboratory. They
were more or less equally divided between full-time research
fellows, students who would work half-time and pursue graduate
degrees, and technicians or research assistants.
In the last months of the Radiation Laboratory we had compiled a
long report on the status of Low Frequency Loran. This was intended
to record all details of design so that other people, if they
wished, could resume the work without any great loss of information.
For some reason the Radiation Laboratory had closed without
publishing this report. One of my first actions at Harvard,
therefore, was to induce the Navy to subsidize the printing of this
report, which was issued from Cruft Laboratory under the curious
title of Radiation Laboratory Report Number 1061 because the Rad Lab
had at least gotten as far as giving it a number that was mentioned
in other publications. The report was unusual because it was the
only technical report in my experience that was printed from hand
set type (possibly because the low bidder was the company that
printed the Boston telephone directories) and was bound in hard
covers.
The completed LF Loran equipment was taken over by the Army Air
Force and our test stations were promptly set up again in southern
Canada. This was, I suppose, primarily an experiment to help
determine the utility of the system. The excuse for the location was
that it would support a military exercise called the MuskOx Project.
This was basically a Canadian test of living and working in the
arctic winter, but it was assisted to some extent by British and
American participants or observers. A group of 50 or 60 people was
to set out from Churchill, on the western side of Hudson's Bay, and
drive north as far as possible and then west along the coast of the
Arctic Ocean to Coppermine and Norman Wells, and thence south to
finish the trip at Edmonton. I believe that two or three kinds of
treaded vehicles were to be used, dragging sleds with supplies of
gasoline and food. There were also some emergency arrangements to
drop additional supplies from aircraft, but it was hoped that the
expedition would be self-sufficient. The trip was to begin in the
middle of February and last nearly three months, covering more than
3,000 miles.
199
Someone apparently thought that LF Loran might help the MuskOx
people with their navigation, so the Rad Lab test transmitters,
complete with balloons, were set up in southern Canada. This
subsidiary effort was called, obviously, Musk Calf. Our group had
barely settled at Harvard when we received a last-minute request to
visit the transmitting stations to see that all was in order,
although there was hardly time to do anything in case trouble should
be encountered. As a result, Dave Davidson, Dick Woodward, and I,
supported by one technician, Angelo Pannesi, made a quick start for
Canada, equipped with complete sets of arctic clothing by the Air
Force. Dave and Dick went to the two western stations while Angie
and I settled at Gimli, Manitoba, on Lake Winnipeg. I do not
remember that we found much wrong with the installations, but I am
sure we gave the operators confidence and helped them to get the
signals on the air before the middle of February. I was surprised
and pleased to find that many of the local people were Finns, so
that one or two evenings at a local restaurant and dancehall had
much of the flavor of nights at cabarets in their old country.
While preparing for the trip I had done my best to calculate the sky
wave corrections needed to improve the accuracy of LF Loran in the
north country. These data were extremely doubtful as all I really
knew was that the permanently frozen ground in the arctic would
greatly reduce the strengths of the ground waves, leaving the
effective time of arrival of the composite pulses uncertain. I did
the best I could, however, and prepared tables of the estimated
corrections for various latitudes and longitudes in the area to be
traversed by the MuskOx people. On the day before the expedition was
to leave Churchill I found an airplane that would take me there,
where I could try to find whoever was to operate the Loran receiver
that was being taken along.
At about sunset on St. Valentine's day I found myself, with about
twenty other strays, in the tail end of a DC3 full of wooden boxes,
starting the four-hour flight to Churchill. This was the only
aircraft I ever encountered in the arctic in which the heaters were
out of order. The passengers were sitting in various strained
attitudes on the boxes of freight with no opportunity to move
around. In spite of proper arctic clothing, I was colder than ever
before, and the other passengers were no better off. By the time we
reached Churchill, where the temperature when we landed was minus
fifty-four degrees Fahrenheit, it was not possible to move without
great effort and many of us were surprised that we were still semi
conscious. The pilot had obviously radioed ahead, as we found a
truck waiting to rush us to a messhall where plenty of hot coffee
was ready. There we found that we could not hold mugs of coffee, but
even this was provided for. One of the permanent residents sat with
each of the arriving passengers and poured the first two or three
mugsfull into him. At the end of a half hour my shivering was so far
reduced that I could handle my own coffee and even eat a little.
By eleven o'clock or so I was able to find the young officer who was
to operate the Loran receiver and I kept him out of bed long enough
to give him a very short explanation of the use of my correction
tables. To my surprise, I never heard any news about whether my set
of tables, or even the LF Loran system itself, was ever used. I
suspect that the receiver was probably abandoned as excess baggage
somewhere in the arctic.
The next morning was beautiful. I was up soon after five o'clock to
see the expedition start off, and was delighted by first view of the
arctic. I could see why some people fall in love with it. Every
thing was pure white, glittering as the sun rose, except for the
occasional top of a small fir tree. The infinite expanse of uniform
scenery had much of the fascination of a similar expanse of ocean.
I was told that only one press camera in Churchill worked that
morning. One photographer had had experience in such a temperature
and had, the night before, disassembled his camera and cleaned out
all lubricants. By operating the mechanism completely dry, he was
able to get pictures. It was certainly true that none of the many
accounts I read later was accompanied by pictures taken that cold
morning.
As soon as the expedition left in the direction of Baker Lake, I
hurried to the biggest hangar to try to find a plane to take me back
to Winnipeg. Fortunately I made friends with a pilot who assured me
that I could find room on his plane in an hour or two. I did not
realize until later that this was the plane that had brought the
Canadian Joint Chiefs of Staff and various other dignitaries who had
wished to see the expedition leave. I knew that there were a couple
of hundred reporters who were as anxious as I to leave
Churchill, and I was happy to have beaten them to the first aircraft
to go. Later I was even more pleased as, after our plane had flown
north to show us the caravan plodding forward and had turned toward
Winnipeg, a storm with a complete whiteout blew up and we flew along
at a very low altitude, with the ground barely visible and with the
aircraft lurching and rocking heavily as the gusts reached us. My
only comfort was the realization that the pilot flying all the top
brass of the Canadian military, with some guests from abroad, was
not going to let the plane crash if he could help it.
After catching a small plane to Gimli, I walked a mile or more to
the barracks. Having been warm in the aircraft and somewhat heated
by the walk, I ended by strolling along with my coats unbuttoned
and, I think, even with my mittens off. I happened to meet Angie
Pannosi near the barracks. He never thereafter allowed me to forget
The End of LF Loran, for a While 201
how I arrived practically in my shirt sleeves although the
temperature in Gimli was twenty-six degrees below zero. I never
encountered another situation when such a temperature seemed so
relatively warm.
The LF Loran work in southern Canada was carried out by an Air Force
research branch known as Watson Laboratories, but the technical
studies were delegated to a small consulting firm in Needham called
Pickard and Burns. This had been organized by Greenleaf W. Pickard,
who was a famous radio pioneer and at least one of the inventors of
radio direction finding at about the time when I was born, and
Harold Burns, a young business man. Their people, made some kind of
an error, of a nature I now forget, in interpreting the data from
the Musk-Calf project. It seemed necessary to me to write the Watson
Labs to straighten out the mistake. This had a most unexpected
result. Although Pickard and Burns were fairly appreciative of my
correction, the Air Force apparently felt very hurt by my
interference in their affairs, or perhaps by the way I reported the
error. In any case, there resulted a period of two or three years
in which Watson Labs declined to take any notice of my existence,
and I had no further contact with the LF Loran work until 1949.
This, at the very least, permitted me to clear my mind and settle
down to the different kind of work we were attempting to get
organized at Harvard. Probably the change was, as they say, as good
as a vacation. It certainly gave me the leisure to reconsider my
ideas about (in the words of the title of one of my last reports at
the Radiation Laboratory) The Future of Hyperbolic Navigation.
At the end of the war professional societies were eager to publish
new material just released from military classification. One effort
to satisfy this demand led to my writing (among the other works that
occupied the latter part of 1945) a relatively detailed account of
Loran for the Proceedings of the Institute of Radio Engineers. A
short form of this paper was given orally at the national convention
of the Institute in the spring of 1946. This was an exciting
occasion as it was, I believe, the first time a paper was read
before that Institute and simultaneously presented in England at a
meeting of the Institution of Electrical Engineers. This trick was
performed through the combined facilities of recording and radio. I
first read the paper onto phonograph records which were sent to
London and played at an evening meeting of the I.E.E. while I was
speaking the same words at an afternoon session of the I.R.E. in New
York. Things were timed well enough so that the readings ended
simultaneously, whereupon a transatlantic telephone circuit was
opened up so that the discussions of the paper could be heard
through loudspeakers in both halls.
The double presentation went very well, except that one part of the
discussion from England embarrassed me. One of the great British
radio pioneers, among whose papers is one that I have consistently
recommended to students as an outstanding example of a research
report, had unfortunately begun to lose his mental faculties. He-
chose to criticize my claims for hyperbolic navigation on the
grounds that the principles of relativity prevented a navigator from
knowing the time at the distant transmitting stations. He went so
far as to say that the errors of the system had to be as large as
the times of transmission from the stations; an obvious mistake as
the whole history of Loran proved that the relativistic errors were
thousands of times smaller than that magnitude. I had a few
extremely bad minutes while considering my answer to this charge,
knowing the great reputation of the man and also being sure that
many friends and acquaintances on both sides of the Atlantic were
listening for my response. I think I worked my way out of the
difficulty sufficiently well by suggesting that the relativistic
effects were limited to the square of the ratio of the speed of the
vehicle divided by the velocity of light. In other respects the
British discussions were not difficult to answer, although many of
them showed a tendency to belittle American achievements - a trend
that no longer surprised me. There was, curiously, almost no
discussion of the paper from the western side of the Atlantic.
* * *
In May, 1946, I was visited by I. Bernard Cohen, later Professor of
the History of Science but then Instructor in Physics at Harvard.
Mr. Cohen was inquiring into the story of some letters exchanged
My Speech in Duplicate 203
before World War I between Lee de Forest and Professor G. W. Pierce,
later Rumford Professor of Physics and Director of Cruft Laboratory.
I had seen a reference or two to this correspondence in the
scientific literature, suggesting that it was the first attribution
of radio fading to a change from constructive to destructive
interference between a sky-wave and a ground-wave. Beyond this vague
information I could not help Mr. Cohen.
Professor Pierce had retired in 1940 and in his later years divided
his time between a summer home in New Hampshire and a winter home in
Florida with stops of a few weeks in Cambridge in spring and fall.
It happened that Mr. Cohen's visit came during one of these
Cambridge intervals, so I suggested that we go and ask about the
correspondence. We found G.W., as usual, receiving visitors in his
well-worn leather armchair while smoking his customary Upman cigar.
It was easy to induce him to look up the original letters.
Beginning in 1910, Dr. de Forest had been operating a wireless
circuit between Los Angeles and San Francisco at a wavelength of
about 3,000 meters. He was using arc transmitters that, had the
advantage of producing quite a pure tone but could, not be turned on
and off fast enough to respond to morse code. The telegrapher's key,
therefore, operated a relay that changed the frequency of the
emission, so that the dots and dashes appeared at one frequency
while the spaces between them were transmitted at a second frequency
far enough removed from the first so that the receiver selectivity
made the compensation wave inaudible. Dr. de Forest's operators had
observed that whenever the signal faded to inaudibility the
compensation wave was always strong. Being practical men, they
reversed the sense of the keying relay at such a time and continued
to transmit information at the secondary frequency until that, in
turn, faded away, when they would return to the original conditions.
It was a fortunate fact that, at that wavelength, fading was so slow
as to make these adjustments easily possible.
This characteristic behavior interested de Forest who wrote Pro
fessor Pierce about it, probably because G.W. had recently published
a well-known book, The Principles of Wireless Telegraphy, in which
he had suggested interference as a source of fading. G.W. eagerly
seized this chance to calculate the height of the ionized reflecting
layer in the atmosphere, whose existence had been postulated as soon
as Marconi had succeeded in receiving trans-Atlantic signals. By
1912, "G.W." had obtained all the needed information; principally
the distance and the amount of change in frequency. He then made the
somewhat optimistic assumption that when the layer height was such
that the sky and ground paths at one frequency differed in effective
length by exactly an integral number of wavelengths, the sky
wave/ground wave difference at the second frequency was exactly half
a wavelength greater or less. Upon this assumption it was easy to
G. W. Pierce and the Height of the E Layer 204
calculate the apparent height of reflection, which he found to be
about 200 miles.
The correspondence came to a halt after the letter in which G.W.
reported this result. While it was not actually said, one may
reasonably infer that neither gentleman really believed that there
was enough atmosphere at such a height. This is not surprising, as
the large increase in temperature in the upper atmosphere was not
known in those days, and it was generally supposed that there was an
almost perfect vacuum above a height of forty miles or so.
To return to the day in 1946, "G.W." was sitting at his desk turning
the pages of the correspondence while Mr. Cohen and I read it over
his shoulders. After going through it once rather quickly, "G.W."
settled down to a more leisurely perusal. It happened that I then
moved to a position at the end of the desk. I was therefore able to
see that, as he read the letter reporting his calculations, a more
and more sour look was appearing on G.W.'s face. He presently picked
up the slide rule that always lay on his desk and began using it,
looking from the letter to the slide-rule again and again. At the
conclusion of his comparisons he turned toward me and said, "You
know, that answer should have been 62 miles". At this mention of
essentially the accepted height of the E layer, Cohen and I came
awake with a start. We carefully watched "G.W." backtrack through
the calculations and come to the conclusion that, in 1912, he had
taken the answer from the wrong end of the slide rule.
Professor Pierce was kind enough to inscribe and initial the
correction in the margin of his carbon copy of the erring letter and
give it to me as a souvenir, with permission to publish an account
of the happening "some time when de Forest and I are both dead". I
kept this copy as a favorite souvenir until after my retirement,
when I did publish nearly this same account of the incident in the
American Journal of Physics. At that time I thought it appropriate
to give the letter, with my description, to the Harvard Archives.
A result of this error was that the world waited a dozen years for
Professor Appleton to measure the height of the Kennelly-Heaviside
layer or E layer, as it was named by Appleton. His method was
essentially that of 1912, but with better scientific control of the
variables. It is an interesting footnote that both Appleton's paper
in 1924 and the paper by Breit and Tuve, that reported the first
pulse measurements of layer height in 1925, were both titled as
"proofs of the existence" of an ionized layer.
It was probably at about the end of the war that I received my
favorite memento of Professor Pierce. "G.W." was an amateur painter
Souvenirs of "G.W." 205
of no great merit. In his later years, his office was decorated by a
dozen magnified pictures of some of the kinds of insects he studied
in his work on insect sounds. These paintings were dominated, and
probably preceded, by his locally-famous picture of The Dodo. This
was imitated from Tenniel's dodo in an illustration for Alice in
Wonderland, except that the bird was shown pointing a finger rather
than holding a ring. I have been told that G.W.'s painting was
inspired by a drawing made by Miss Ida Cannon, who was the head of
the Social Service Department of the Massachusetts General Hospital
and a daughter of the famous Doctor Walter B. Cannon, who was
perhaps G.W.'s closest friend. Whatever the origin of the idea, the
painting had much of its background filled by a quotation from Lewis
Carrol: "Why", said the Dodo, "The best way to explain it is to do
it". In his later years, G.W. spent most of his time in his office
sitting in his red leather armchair with The Dodo hanging above him.
He was always available to supply advice and sympathy in one's
research problems, and probably no student or staff member failed to
have at least one discussion that ended with G.W. giving his silent
advice by gesturing toward The Dodo with his cigar.
I suspect that there was no staff member who did not covet this
picture. My first move in this contest came in 1939 when Catherine
and I made our first Sunday afternoon call on Professor and Mrs.
Pierce, shortly after Catherine's arrival in Cambridge. G.W.
inquired what we would like for a wedding present and I promptly
piped up, "The Dodo, of course". He seemed to shudder a little, but
turned the conversation by saying, "Well, maybe some day", and
introducing a new subject. The Pierces quickly sent us another gift;
a luncheon set, I believe. I nevertheless took the maybe as
encouragement and thereafter at least once a year I brought up the
subject of The Dodo under similar circumstances. After five or six
years of this persistence, there finally came a Sunday when G.W.
said, "Oh, well, come to the office in the morning and you may have
it". Catherine insists that on that Monday I got to the laboratory
before the janitor. The painting still occupies an honored position
in our home. Years later, our daughter painted a copy of The Dodo
for me so that for my last decade at Harvard I could have a dodo in
my office as well as one at home.
The red leather chair ultimately followed the Dodo. After the death
of Professor Pierce, his office was inherited by Professor Harvey
Brooks. He presently passed it on to Professor Edward M. Purcell,
who later won the Nobel Prize. When he decided to redecorate, my
quarters were in Pierce Hall, but one of my spies kept my wishes in
mind and advised me that the time had come when I might get the
chair, which was by then in fairly decrepit condition with at least
two large holes worn through the covering. Ed released the chair
with apparent pleasure. I then visited Teddy Nahabedian, an
upholsterer in Arlington who had done many things for us, to say
that I wished the chair recovered in top-grain cowhide. "I won't do
it", said Teddy, "No old chair is worth what that would cost". I
said little, but a day or two later had the chair delivered to the
Nahabedian shop. That evening Teddy called to say, "I've stripped it
down and it's a good strong chair. You may have your cowhide.
Naturally it cost a pretty penny, but we now have a beautiful and
sturdy chair to which I have a strong sentimental attachment.
Early in the fall of 1946, MIT inaugurated the first Arthur Dehon
Little Memorial Lecture, to honor the founder of the Arm of that
name, who was a generous alumnus of Tech. For this occasion, they
reached across the sea for the speaker and chose my old
acquaintance, Sir Edward Appleton, who had been knighted for his
ionospheric research and perhaps for his services as Secretary of
the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research during the war.
To get this lecture series off to a good start, MIT decided to dress
up the house. To this end, President Compton invited some five
hundred couples to a black tie buffet supper at the president's
house before the meeting. I do not know why this group included
Catherine and me, as surely there must have been enough more eminent
couples who owned evening dress in Cambridge. It may have been an
after-effect of my having been a Division Head at the Radiation
Laboratory.
Two things about this evening greatly amused me. The first was the
succession of scenes visible in the men's dressing room. It had
apparently occurred to very few guests to replace their evening
trousers after the war, and for many this was obviously the first
occasion when such costumes had been needed in a long time. I
hesitate to estimate the number of wives who had been called upon at
the last moment to insert gores in the backs of their husbands'
trousers. Many of those who had thought that they needed no such
assistance were unusually red of face and clearly found it difficult
to take a full breath.
When all hands had been washed and last minute adjustments made, we
assembled to run the gauntlet of the receiving line. I hoped on this
occasion to be able to discover whether President Compton could or
could not identify me. He had attended many meetings of the dozen or
fifteen members of the Rad Lab steering committee, but I was in
grave doubt that he knew me by name. I therefore somewhat
maliciously refrained from giving our name to his chief of protocol
and waited to see what would happen. Sir Edward foiled this plot. As
I approached President Compton, the guest of honor reached across in
front of his host to shake my hand and say, "Hello, Jack". My
opportunity was gone, forever as it turned out.
I am sorry to report that after all this effort on the part of MIT,
A Party at MIT 207
Sir Edward gave about the worst lecture I ever heard. It was the
only time I ever saw him appear to disadvantage in public.
The only other belted knight with whom I was ever on anything like
first-name terms was Sir Robert Watson-Watt, who carefully cultiva
ted the (British) title of the "father of radar". I have remarked
above in recounting my first visits to England in 1936, about my
doubts of the legitimacy of this epithet. During the war, Sir Robert
appeared from time to time at the Radiation Laboratory and once at
least joined a meeting of the steering committee. On that occasion
he was feeling unusually mellow and insisted that all of us should
address him as Bob. The only time I ever took advantage of this
permission was years later when my son Bob and I met Sir Robert in,
of all places, one of the corridors in the Boston Garden. I could
not resist trying to impress my boy by calling the distinguished
visitor "Bob" as I introduced my son to him.
* * *
At the laboratory, 1946 was largely spent in planning the general
lines of our new research program and designing and building
equipment for it. Our first requirement was for a number of
oscilloscopes with cameras for making continuous records of
ionospheric reflection variations as a function of time. At that
date we could find no commercially produced oscilloscopes that were
satisfactory. We required unusually linear sweep circuits and
accurate arrangements for establishing the starting points of the
sweeps, neither of which was done particularly well in any scopes we
could buy. It was equally serious that we found no production scopes
that would stand up well. After a few weeks of 24-hour operation
each day, small components would fail at an alarming rate so the
devices were out of service, while being repaired, for a large
fraction of the time.
Jack Williams, to whose talents as an instrument maker I have
already testified, took over this problem and planned and built a
dozen or more very superior oscilloscopes. These weighed a
forbidding amount but were highly reliable. In fact they were all
still working well when I retired more than twenty-five years later,
having required only occasional replacement of parts (with the
exception of vacuum tubes) in the intervening decades.
We designed and built a special kind of camera to use with these
scopes. These were necessary because I had become addicted to a kind
of record initiated by Professor Mimno and used by him and by me
with a glow-lamp technique until 1941. These were made on long rolls
of 3-3/8 inch wide bromide paper rather than film, and the records
were made continuous in the time dimension by drawing the paper
slowly past the image of the oscilloscope sweep. This form of record
Tooling Up 208
was advantageous because the photographic development was fast and
easy, while the records were large enough to be scaled, drawn upon,
or otherwise worked over without optical projection equipment. The
new cameras accomodated 250-foot rolls of paper and, except for the
lenses, were entirely made in our machine shop. These cameras, like
the new oscilloscopes, lasted indefinitely.
Our requirements for accurate timing were satisfied by the best
crystal oscillators available at the time, together with frequency-
dividing circuits and various modulating devices we made ourselves.
We were often lucky to be able to borrow good oscillators on
indefinite loan from the military services, and we made some in the
laboratory. Our efforts to improve these or replace them with more
stable oscillators continued for many years until such devices were
finally superseded by cesium-controlled or other kinds of atomic
frequency sources, also generally supplied as grants from interested
military laboratories.
Our needs for supporting equipment were amply satisfied by a friend
in the Air Force who had become the head of the Cambridge Field
Station, which had taken over much of the equipment of the Radiation
Laboratory, including essentially everything that the Division 11
had left behind. Major Marchetti allowed me to walk through his
large Cambridge warehouse and choose what I pleased. He then sent to
Harvard several large trucks with about a quarter of a million
dollars worth of essential gear, even when assessed at 1946 second-
hand prices. This lot included a number of lathes and milling
machines, and quantities of electronic test equipment. This generous
gift, added to equipment and supplies left over from various war
time projects at Harvard, set us up in business very well.
It was our intention, at first, to apply improved techniques to
standard propagational problems at the usual radio frequencies. Our
wartime experience had taught us something that remained true for
many years: that there was a lack of the data and background theory
needed for the solution of practical communication problems. It is
usually assumed that scientists discover new principles and
engineers then use them to produce useful devices. In the case of
radio wave propagation, however, the demand for improved
communication systems has usually been so great that the engineers
have had to start with only their own best guesses and make tests
with actual operating devices to find out how well they would work.
We had learned that in the case of hyperbolic navigation the
"engineers" were far ahead of the "scientists" and that, in
principle, great efforts ought to be made to increase the pool of
scientific knowledge useful for the design of devices not yet
invented.
Harvard's was one of the first of many "three-service" contracts
Organization of the Work at Harvard 209
between a university and the Army, the Navy, and (later) the Air
Force. Administration of this contract was delegated to what became
the Navy's Office of Research and Development, while the costs of
the basic contract were equally divided between the military
services. Guidance was in principle provided by a Technical Advisory
Committee consisting of research directors of various military
research offices and laboratories. It always seemed to me that this
guidance was quite nominal. The TAC members visited the Harvard
laboratories for a day once or twice a year and heard discussions of
the research in progress or proposed. The members could, of course,
show more interest in one program than another, but the chief duty
of the Committee seemed to be to tell Harvard how much money would
be available for the next year's extension. Harvard, in the person
of the Dean of the Division of Engineering and Applied Physics,
disbursed the funds granted under separate task orders to principal
investigators who prepared contract extension proposals carefully
tailored to require the exact amount of money that had been offered.
At least in my case, there never was any suggestion from either the
Dean or the Military about what I should be doing except that, in
the early days, one official in the Navy kept urging me to get into
low-frequency wave propagation before I could think of any practical
way to do so.
In the first years of the contract all research in wave propagation
was lumped into one task order under the direction of Professor
Mimno. This brought me back into the happy position where Harry did
the worrying about the budget, exactly as he had done before the war
except that there was now much more money. He continued one or two
projects of his own while most of the effort of the group was under
my day-to-day direction, assisted by Harry's usual intelligent
advice and political guidance. After some years, when we had worked
out ways of experimenting at the low frequencies, the military
rather insisted upon a separate task order for this work and I had
to learn how to devise and operate under somewhat fictitious budget
proposals. Until then, however, the radio work was all done in one
happy family in which there was no very evident allocation of duty.
Harry was, of course, responsible for the academic affairs of the
students who were working part time and studying for master's
degrees and doctorates, while I guided those research projects of
the group that were distinct from individual thesis research.
* * **
A fulltime graduate student who did his research in our group was
Alan Waterman, Jr., the son of the man who had become the principal
scientist in the Office of Naval Research. This coincidence no doubt
caused us to be informally inspected more often than would normally
have been the case, but it probably did us no harm when the time
came for contract renewals. Alan found the right mathematical
Organization of the Work at Harvard 210
treatment for a problem that had been nagging at me. It had seemed
for some time that using pulses for navigational aid, which required
only a very slow rate of transmission of information, was a very
inefficient use of the radio spectrum. Alan and I were able to show
that, at least at the low radio frequencies, a continuous train of
waves with a low modulation frequency could probably have its time
of arrival measured with about as much precision as the long pulses
of Low Frequency Loran; and would occupy far less of the spectrum.
The most important idea was that the "relative information
bandwidth" for a time-measuring aid to navigation is proportional to
the speed of the vehicle divided by the velocity of light. Even at
aircraft speed, a low-frequency signal would need a bandwidth of
only a few hundredths of a cycle per second. We knew that the
receiver bandwidth for a useful pulsed system, such as LF Loran,
should be 20,000 cycles per second or more; a million times greater
than the theoretically-needed bandwidth. We could not, in 1946,
conceive how to build a receiver with no more than the theoretical
bandwidth for our proposed signal, but it was easy to show that one
could be built with an effective bandwidth of no more than about
five cycles per second. Such a receiver would pass several thousand
times less noise energy than would a receiver for Low Frequency
Loran. This would mean that we could either work with smaller
required transmitter power or use signals at greater distances, or
both. With these ideas in hand, and supported by what I knew or
could find out about low-frequency propagation and the ambient noise
levels, I proposed a new kind of aid to navigation which I named
Radux. This would operate with several stations sharing time at a
common frequency; each one would transmit a burst of signal lasting
a large fraction of a second. Slight differences in the lengths of
the bursts would identify each of the stations. The navigational
information in each signal would reside in a train of modulation at
200 Hertz, with coherence maintained from burst to burst. Such a
signal could be radiated from a practical, though large, antenna at
a frequency as low as 40 or 50 kHz. I calculated that, under normal
noise conditions, a few kilowatts of power should provide signals
useful up to a distance of 3,000 nautical miles, and estimated that
the average errors might be no more than three miles, or about the
same as the usual errors of celestial navigation on shipboard.
Because one cycle in a long train of sinusoids is indistinguishable
from another, Radux readings would be ambiguous in units of 2,500
millionths of a second, or about 400 nautical miles or more in
position. It was to be expected that no navigator would ever be lost
by as much as 200 miles (especially with a continuously-running aid
to navigation), so this ambiguity was judged to be unimportant in an
operational sense.
These ideas were disclosed in a report that was published in 1947 in
classified form although, in principle, Harvard would not permit
Organization of the Work at Harvard 211
research to be done under conditions of military security. How I
managed this feat I do not really understand. One of the
inconveniences was that Professor Chaffee insisted upon sequestering
the manuscript and spare copies of the report in his own safe. The
difficulties in disseminating a classified idea from Harvard,
together with a wish to get on with our unrestricted research
program, resulted in my circulating the Radux report in military
circles and then paying no further attention to the idea for about
three years. At the end of that interval, the Navy had decided that
the idea should be tested and I came back into the navigation field,
as will be described later.
Just after World War II all ionospheric sounding, as distinct from
measurements of the strength of radio signals, was done at vertical
incidence. This means that signals, usually pulses, were sent upward
and the reflections from the ionized layers were received at a point
not far from the transmitter. This technique made it possible to
compare the times of emission of the signal and the reception of the
echoes and thus measure the effective height of the layers. The
effect on practical radio reception at a distance from the
transmitter (or at oblique incidence) were deduced from the
conditions measured overhead through theoretical considerations. We
thought that the conditions at actual reflection points were
presumably different from those over the transmitter or receiver,
and we had some doubts about the accuracy of the theoretical
deductions as it was not easy to account for effects due to the
curvature of the ionized layers, which are more or less concentric
with the earth. Such a calculation, we felt, was rather like trying
to compute the details of reflections from the distorting mirrors in
an amusement park.
Our techniques of fairly accurate timekeeping made it possible to
set up a series of actual experiments at long distances, which we
continued for several years. The backbone of these studies was a
path from North Carolina to Massachusetts. The transmitting site was
selected so that the center of the path to Cambridge was at the
ionospheric station then maintained by the National Bureau of
Standards near Washington. We could thus make direct comparisons
between what we observed at oblique incidence and the observations
of the Bureau made at the center of the path. These eventually
showed that our doubts about the accuracy of the theory were not too
well founded, as the random fluctuations at a reflection point were
usually nearly as large as the errors of the theory. It took us a
long time, however, to become fully convinced of this fact.
In the mean time, we extended the long baseline experiments with a
temporary transmitting station in New Mexico and some collaborative
Oblique Incidence Studies 212
experiments in which stable transmissions (that is, pulsed with
crystal-controlled timing) were made for us by experimenters in
Germany and at Slough in England. The pulse patterns received over
these long distances were remarkably complex. In the case of Lindau,
Hartz, at a distance of 6,000 kilometers, the experiments continued
for nearly a year before we could become fully confident that we had
even correctly identified the mode of propagation for each of the
several recorded pulses. Accurate prediction of the details of the
signals received at these trans-Atlantic distances proved to be
totally impossible, to our great disappointment.
Immediately after the war, Professor Mimno had managed to get
approval for the purchase of a permanent field station in Concord,
Massachusetts, to replace the borrowed locations we had used from
time to time before the war. This consisted of 130 acres of
abandoned pig-farm lying on the Concord-Acton town line, which he
bought for the modest price of $6,500, about a third of which
represented the surplus funds of the 1940 eclipse expedition. We
maintained this site for many year; setting up various experiments
in trailers left over from Harry's wartime work in radio direction
finding, or in decrepit buildings left over from the days of the
pigs. Unhappily, we were never able to promote funds for a permanent
building so all of our work there was done on a commuting basis. As
no one was in attendance at night, the installation was subject to a
great deal of vandalism and, over many years, we lost nearly
everything that was used or stored there. This problem gave us lots
of exercise in developing burglar alarms that were supposed to bring
the police in case anything was broken into, but most of the alarms
were false or else it took the police too long to get to our remote
site. So far as I know, no one was ever arrested. While this station
was active for automatic transmitting, Dave Davidson did some
excellent work in three dimensional recording of moving clouds of
ionization, using several receivers at distances of forty miles or
less in various parts of Massachusetts.
My reception of minor honors for the wartime work we had done began
in 1947. The new Institute of Navigation gave me its Thurlow award,
and the Institute of Radio Engineers made me a Fellow although I had
been a member only since 1945. These were followed in 1948 by the
receipt of a Presidential Certificate of Merit, which entitled me to
wear a little rosette in my buttonhole. Unfortunately, no one knows
what this represents, but I still wear it on rare occasions.
By the next year I was spending a fair amount of time on IRE
technical committees, defining terms and otherwise trying to bring
order into the studies of wave propagation and navigation. This led
to a few interesting months investigating the state of the country's
The Parmenter School Addition 213
studies for the federal Research and Development Board which needed
advice in the allocation of government research funds. In this
connection I was given a book of government transportation request
forms so that I could write my own tickets for any trips I felt I
needed to make. My official duties were to visit institutions
thought to be doing serious work in this field and to report on the
merits of their programs. It was never said, at least in writing,
that one of the desired ends of this study was to provide evidence
of the falsity of the idea, then strongly propounded by the Bureau
of Standards, that all worthwhile research of this kind was being
done at the Bureau's Central Radio Propagation Laboratory. After
visiting university and government institutions over much of the
country, I was able to demonstrate (I think) that not more than a
quarter or a third of the most promising research was being done at
the CRPL. This did not increase my popularity with the Bureau, but
it was work that needed to be done in the national interest.
As part of this work I made my first trip to California, primarily
to see the work at Stanford and at the Navy Electronics Laboratory
in San Diego, and had one of my finest small world experiences. For
some reason connected with scheduling, I flew to Los Angeles and
changed to a connecting flight to San Francisco. When I went out to
the Frisco plane I found an elderly woman who had been taken to the
steps to the plane in a wheelchair. I handed my briefcase to a young
woman who was with the elderly one and helped the latter up the
steps and into a seat. When I retrieved the briefcase the young
woman smiled sweetly and said, Thank you, Dr. Pierce. Because I was
a couple of thousand miles further west than I had been since I was
a baby, I was astonished. It turned out that the young woman was
a secretary (whom I had never noticed) at the IRE headquarters in
New York, who had seen me arrive for some of my many committee
meetings. This episode taught me that it was better never to rely
upon anonimity wherever I might be, a lesson that I believe to have
been useful.
Our long-baseline work at the laboratory required more and more
effort to achieve precision in our crystal oscillators. We had come
to realize that these, poor as they were by today's standards, could
perform surprisingly well if they were completely protected from
changes in the ambient temperature and in the various supply
voltages. This meant several years of work in gradually learning how
to make better enclosures and in building power supplies that were
unusually constant. Jack Williams finally designed for us several
power supplies that had no less than four stages of voltage
regulation of various kinds. His attention to detail is shown by the
use of the average of several voltage-reference tubes (to guard
against occasional small sporadic fluctuations in individual ones)
Care of Oscillators 214
that were themselves enclosed in a special temperature-controlled
oven. We were quite sure that the 135-volt output from these
supplies never varied more than a few thousandths of a volt, even
over years of operation.
We attained excellent constancy of the ambient temperature for our
oscillators by enclosing the top and front of an old transformer
vault in the Cruft basement with a very well insulated wall and
roof, and allowing the temperature of the space to be established by
that of the earth several feet below ground level. This gave us a
small room whose temperature did actually vary about six degrees
between winter and summer (which did not matter to us) but which
fluctuated only a hundredth of a degree or so between day and night
or from day to day. As this room was small, the presence of a single
person in it would raise the temperature by a degree or two in a few
minutes, so we took every precaution not to enter it except in cases
of emergency. Necessary readings on meters were made from the
outside by a laboratory telescope and a system of mirrors. As far as
possible, any components that might fail and which could stand minor
temperature variations were kept outside of the enclosure. These
precautions, and others related to them, worked so well that it
proved hard, after we had begun to publish some of our surprising
results, to convince people that the frequency stability we reported
had really been attained with the kind of oscillators we used. This
led to a few years in which our results were often not received at
their actual value.
Beginning in about 1948, our observations of signals at long
distances were supported by large volume of calculations. These, to
the extent that ionospheric constants could be assumed, were
intended to show how the time of propagation and the strength of a
received signal would vary with a number of variables such as
distance, radio frequency, and time. The majority of these
calculations were tedious, as they involved approximating one or
more ionospheric layers by 100 or more laminations of carefully
estimated density of ionization, and then tracing the path of a ray
leaving the earth at some chosen angle. The amount of refraction at
each interface and the time spent in traversing each lamination
could then be calculated, until ultimately the ray was found either
to penetrate the layer or be bent back so that it returned to earth
at a certain distance. Much the same calculation had to be repeated
again and again, with changes in the assumed angle of departure, of
frequency, or of the gradation of the ionospheric index of
refraction. I made most of these calculations, and they ultimately
filled a score or more of laboratory notebooks.
With many of the results of these computations in hand, it was easy
Endless Calculations 215
to show that the number of rays reaching a given receiving point
was, in general, proportional to the distance from the transmitter,
even under circumstances such that much of the energy of the
transmitter would penetrate the ionosphere and be lost in space. It
was equally easy to show that in the absence of absorption (or
losses that change the signal energy into heat) the intensity of
each ray would be inversely proportional to the square of the
distance travelled. With more difficulty, it could be proven that
the same relationship was generally true even when absorption was
included in the calculations. The final result was the rule that the
strength of a signal was (among other things) proportional to the
angular distance subtended by the transmission path. This result was
not surprising, as it was equivalent to saying that the energy of
the signal (or of the fraction of it not penetrating the ionosphere)
was uniformly distributed in passing through an annular region
having a radius equal to the sine of the angular distance and a
breadth equal to the height of the reflecting layer. In more simple
words, I had proved the obvious; that for distances large compared
with the layer height the transmitted energy spread out in two
dimensions, being trapped between the earth and the layer.
This kind of proof was somewhat defective because it took no account
of characteristic phase interference that might cause signals to be
louder (say) near the surface of the earth and less loud near the
reflecting layer. My work was received with some interest but for
only a few years as several mathematicians were then developing the
mode theory of wave propagation, which accounted for just such
phenomena and soon made my discoveries obsolete.
The most fascinating thing, in retrospect, about this study is that
it was almost the first time there had been any strong evidence that
anyone had accepted the concept of the two-dimensional spreading of
energy in radio communication. Early experiments in 1905 and 1906,
made at a few miles' distance, had shown an intensity decreasing as
the square of the distance, just as the intensity of light does and
for the same reasons. Even before these experiments, however, an
editor of the English magazine The Electrician in 1904 had stated
clearly that at distances large compared with the layer height a
radio signal should decrease inversely with the first power of the
distance. The fact that it did so was, as we can see today, the
reason why Marconi had been able to receive a signal across the
Atlantic Ocean, to the amazement of scholars who knew (as Hertz had
proved in the 1880s at distances of a few feet) that wireless waves
were exactly long light waves and travelled in straight lines. Again
in 1919, an eminent English mathematician had sketched the correct
law for the propagation of low-frequency wireless signals, but there
is little evidence to suggest that anyone had understood him or,
perhaps, had been interested.
In the mean time, beginning in 1909, the "classical" equations had
been written defining the intensity of radio signals as though they
always spread in three dimensions. These rules, with some
modifications in the absorption term and with (I am sure) the
accompaniment of many headaches, had been followed slavishly for
more than forty years. The headaches must have ensued from the
difficulty of fitting experimental data to an incorrect theory. I
took much pleasure, when my results were summarized in 1952, in
showing that, if this data-fitting were carried out honestly with
accurate experiments, the reconciliation would require in some cases
the assumption of negative losses in propagation. When the same data
were reexamined in the light of a correct theory, everything fell
easily into place and made excellent sense. But, as I have said, the
development of the mode theory made my work in this area obsolete
within a few years.
217
17.
In 1949 the long silence about Low Frequency Loran was broken.
Shortly after he had taken command of an Air Force development
laboratory in New Jersey, perhaps the former Watson Laboratory, I
found Colonel Haydon sitting beside my desk. He confirmed the news
that I had heard informally: that the three 625-foot lattice towers
originally ordered by the Radiation Laboratory had been erected in
Alaska, the Yukon and the Northwest Territories; and that the Air
Force had been flying with Loran around those areas and over the
Arotic Ocean, with very unsatisfactory results. The Colonel did not
find it hard to convince me that I should visit the stations in the
far north and try to learn why things were not working well. I was
especially glad to find that Dick Woodward, who had come to Harvard
from the Radiation Laboratory, and had now joined the firm of
Pickard and Burns (which still had a contract to advise the Air
Force in their Low Frequency Loran work) would be available to make
the trip with me.
It happened that my journey to the arctic began in July from our
summer home in New York State. It started with a flight from Albany
to Montreal. This short trip was broken into even shorter legs with
stops at Glens Falls and Burlington and, I think, one or more other
places. Because of the short legs, it was efficient to fly at very
low altitude. The result was the most beautiful flight I ever made.
We started an hour or more before sunset and flew along the Hudson
valley and the length of Lake Champlain, with the Adirondacks
stacked up above us on one side and the Green Mountains on the
other. We were so low that I could sometimes see fish jumping and,
on one occasion, a deer drinking.
I had a short stop in Winnipeg that allowed me a second visit to the
Hudson Bay Company's museum. The Company had, with the passage of
many years, become roughly the equivalent of Sears and Roebuck in
the United States, with tremendous stores selling mostly things of
popular quality. It had not, however, forgotten its beginnings in
the days of the voyageurs, and maintained at its headquarters in
Winnipeg a delightful small museum. It may have been there that I
first heard of the "canots de maitre" that had somehow escaped my
attention in a boyhood in Maine. These were huge canoes thirty feet
or more in length that were customarily paddled by fourteen men.
They were sufficiently capacious to carry several traders and two or
three tons of supplies or furs, and made the long trade routes
possible in the early days of Canada. I later found an excellent
description, by Harrison Gray Otis, of a factory full of these
218
canoes, and have occasionally seen a good picture of one of these
remarkable vehicles.
At Edmonton I met Dick and received from him and others details of
the sad story that I had heard in Cambridge. For some reason,
signals were simply not being received in the aircraft at distances
from the transmitters greater than about 400 miles. This seemed
absurd, because we had, in 1945, had reliable signals for at least
1,500 miles, and the low radio noise levels in the arctic ought to
have made even longer ranges possible. There seemed to be evidence
that the correct power was being transmitted and the receivers were
the same that we had used at lower latitudes, so suspicion was
directed to the aircraft antennas or to the coupling units that
connected the antennas to the receivers. The vague descriptions I
heard sounded as though these units had been redesigned by someone,
and I was immediately concerned as we had formerly used an effective
but unusual design that maintained the phase angle that the signal
had when coming from an electrically tiny antenna - tiny because no
structure on an aircraft could be as much as a hundredth of a
wavelength long. It was later determined that the coupling units had
been re-designed in an attempt to increase their efficiency. This
concept should not have been used because it involved altering the
phase angle by a large amount, with consequently heavy losses.
In any case, I found a chance, at the Air Force field laboratory in
Edmonton, to construct a rough equivalent of the old Radiation
Laboratory coupling unit, and took it along in my baggage as we flew
northward in an Air Force plane. The tales I had heard were soon
found to be true enough as the aircraft receiver we used had
detected no signals whatever before we reached Fairbanks. There I
installed the new coupling unit with the happy result that we heard
the proper signals on the ground at the Fairbanks airport and
thereafter throughout the trip.
From Fairbanks we flew to Point Barrow, a mildly nerveracking trip
for an occasional flier as the DC3 we were using was so heavily
loaded that it could not climb over the peaks of the Brooks Range,
while the passes were so full of clouds that we never saw the
mountains. The wide strip of tundra along the coast of the Arctic
Ocean seemed highly uninviting. For reasons I now forget we
travelled by water from Point Barrow to the site of the westernmost
Loran station at Skull Cliff. This trip took several hours in a
small landing craft in a long summer evening that is memorable as
the only occasion when I may have seen the midnight sun. The
uncertainty is one of definition because the sun did actually set
for thirty minutes or more, but did not disappear until five minutes
past midnight by my watch. Later calculations indicated that this
was an extremely sensitive condition. Twenty-four hours earlier the
sun would not have completely disappeared. The upper limb would also
have been visible had we been on the twenty or thirty-foot high
dunes that formed the coast line, instead of being at sea level in
the small boat.
At Skull Cliff we found everything in order with the transmitter
clearly working well. We had the last chance I ever accepted to
climb a six-hundred foot tower. Dick made it all the way, arousing
my envy, but about half way up I decided that the view could not
possibly be any better from the top. We found various odd pieces of
pipe sticking out of the ground in the region close to the tower
footings. These reminded me that I had heard seemingly silly rumors
about the Air Force having carried heavy refrigeration equipment to
the arctic to keep the permafrost from melting. This turned out to
have been exactly true, as the mush resulting when permafrost (or at
least the upper levels of it) is melted would not have safely
supported the tower. The point that had not occurred to me was that
the heat generated while the concrete footings were curing could
have melted the permafrost below and it might have taken a number of
years for the ground supporting the tower to refreeze solidly.
I found the balance between permafrost and the delicate vegetation
of the tundra to be very interesting. The ground in the neighborhood
of the Arctic Ocean was supposed to be frozen to a depth of two or
three thousand feet. In the summer the surface thawed, but only for
the top yard or less. The waterproof boundary at the top of the
permafrost allowed the surface water to collect so that the topsoil
was more nearly mud than earth. It was by no means as unstable as
quicksand and it did support a dense mattresslike vegetation a few
inches high. The surface, however, could be ruined very easily. We
were told that the tracks of all the caterpillar-treaded vehicles
that had ever traversed the tundra in the summer could still be
seen, and we did indeed see many of them from the air. The people
working near the Air Force stations had learned never to drive over
the unfrozen tundra twice in exactly the same path. Repeated use of
a path created a series of holes two or three feet deep that even
the tractors found it hard to escape from, as they were full of a
wet and soft mud much more slippery than the kind I had known in mud
season as a boy.
We went back to Point Barrow in a little Norseman aircraft operated
by a bush pilot who would fly anywhere and carry anything that would
earn him a few dollars. On the way down the coast we had seen from a
distance of a couple of hundred yards the memorial marker erected on
the dunes near the spot where Will Rogers and Wiley Post had been
killed in 1935. I told our pilot that I hoped I could get a
photograph of this as we flew north. He told me to go back into the
empty fuselage and open a window and he would do the rest. To my
surprise he took us down to a height of thirty feet or so and passed
the monument at a distance of twenty yards or a little more. The
pilot had waved to tell me when to be ready, but I was astonished
later to find that my snapshot showed the monument neatly centered
in the picture. Having brought us down to this low level with only,
as I recall, ten or fifteen more miles to go, our friend did not
bother to regain altitude. He flew along a hundred yards or less
from the coast and so low that he seemed to climb a little whenever
we passed over an Eskimo in a kayak.
At Point Barrow I enjoyed my finest shower bath at the naval
station. The bath house was extremely hot and the bath felt
wonderful after three or four days of working and sleeping in our
clothes.
* * *
From Point Barrow we flew east along the coast toward the other
operating station, stopping for lunch at Barter Island, a small
Eskimo village near Prudhoe Bay, although at that date we did not
hear that name.
Our signals were excellent and readings apparently accurate. This
prompted me to make a suggestion, perhaps a foolish one. Our program
was to fly over the Loran station at Kittigazuit, a little to the
east of the MacKenzie River delta, and then fly up that river as far
as Norman Wells, this latter part being, as well as I can remember,
a trip that required two or three hours. Although we had only two
Loran stations operating, and therefore no navigational fix, I hoped
that I could so guide the plane that we would sooner or later pass
near our destination. This was exactly the experiment I had tried in
the blimp many years before, but now it would be done at much
greater distance from the stations and with mixed sky and ground
waves of far less predictability, considering my state of ignorance
about radio propagation in the arctic. Although the area had been
charted for ground waves, at least the signal from Skull Cliff would
be dominated by the sky wave component. There was, of course, no
experience in the arctic to suggest how great an adjustment should
be made for this factor. An additional source of difficulty was that
the course of the MacKenzie River was at such an angle to the Skull
Cliff-Kittigazuit baseline that the error of position was about a
mile for each two microseconds of measurement error, or about six
times worse than the nominal best. Any considered judgment would
suggest that I had no great probability of coming within twenty
miles of my target.
Everything, however, went very favorably. Not even inquiring what
the wind might be, and knowing only that our general direction would
be southeast, I told the pilot to follow a course of 135 degrees and
settled down to watch my pulses. Whatever wind there was seemed to
be compensated by the error in my assumed heading, and we flew along
obviously near the right path. After a time I thought we were
drifting a little toward the east, so I asked for a course
correction of five degrees and held that for twenty minutes or more
before going back to the original heading. My difficulty was that I
had to guess at a sky-wave correction of perhaps forty microseconds
in the reading to be expected at Norman Wells. With no idea of the
exact correction, it seemed senseless to chase a number that might
or might not be right.
It happened that some sharp changes in the direction of the river
brought it under us twice at nearly right angles to our course. As
these crossings were half an hour or more apart I was able (simply
by glancing out of the window and at my watch) to give the pilot an
estimated time of arrival that turned out to be correct within a
minute, to my great credit, although of course this estimate had
nothing to do with Loran. After the one course adjustment I had made
we pounded along for an hour or more without my being able to decide
on another change.
The river at Norman Wells took a turn that broughtus there over a
range of hills near the town. The usual approach would have been to
turn aside and come along the valley to the airstrip. By the time we
got there, however, the pilot was interested in my experiment and
simply climbed a little to cross the range of hills. To my surprise
and delight we passed them to find the town a short distance away on
one side and the airstrip about equally near on the other. After
this experience I tried to be very careful about displaying my
navigational talents, as I was sure I could only reduce my average
accuracy.
This performance had a profound effect (for which I am very sorry)
upon Sid Colethorpe, the Air Force navigator of our plane. Poor Sid
had been fighting to make Loran work for a long time with no satis
faction whatever, and it obviously hurt him to have a rank amateur
do something he had been unable to do. He spent the rest of the trip
muttering things like, "You really can't send a Ph.D. with each one
of these things!" He seemed so depressed that I thought it kinder
not to tell him that I had no doctorate. From various sources I
learned later that Sid was one of the finest Arctic navigators, and
also that he continued to talk about this trip to Norman Wells as
long as he was assigned to the Loran project. He made it almost his
only subject of conversation when I met him at some convention years
later.
In spite of reasonably good success with improved antenna coupling
units, the Air Force lost interest in Low Frequency Loran after a
time, and the idea languished for nearly a decade until it was
revived under other auspices with the name Loran C. In this
implementation it had the benefit of greatly increased power in the
Homing to Norman Wells 222
transmitters and with a series of pulses from each station that also
helped to improve the effective signal strength and permit reliable
operation.
I have not explained how it happened that Dick Woodward had left
Harvard. After World War II the University had found it necessary to
formalize the up or out policy that had quietly obtained before the
war. As a result, the three of us from the Radiation Laboratory who
had corporation appointments were advised that our annual renewals
would no longer be given. We had plenty of notice of this action, or
lack of it, and Dick and Al Pote' presently found suitable positions
elsewhere.
In my own case, I found it hard to come to grips with the problem. I
felt that Harvard had given me great and undeserved opportunities,
and I hated the idea of leaving people who had become my dearest
friends. I did receive flattering offers of consideration, at least,
from Cornell and Johns Hopkins, and was sufficiently interested in
the former to visit the campus to investigate the faculty with which
I might become associated. A good friend at M.I.T., Jay Stratton,
had become President of that Institute and he expressed great
interest and confidence when he visited me - for unfortunately I was
the victim of a lingering illness during this period and spent
several months in bed. While Jay did not go so far as to suggest a
position at M.I.T., I think that he exerted some influence at
Harvard. Whether the reason was something of this sort, or simply
that Harvard had become used to seeing me around and perhaps had (in
spite of occasional indications to the contrary) a somewhat tender
spot in its corporate heart, the situation resolved itself before I
was required to make a decision. In June of 1950 I received from the
Secretary of the Corporation one of the comforting and coveted
announcements of an appointment without limit of time.
In October of that year, soon after the fall term had begun, I
received a request to call upon the Provost. This puzzled and
perhaps worried me as the Provost, Paul Buck, administered the
entire University while President Conant, so far as I could tell
from the little available evidence, devoted himself to such matters
as being High Commissioner to Germany or rarefied thinking about
educational policy.
I appeared in University Hall at the required time and soon found
myself engaged in an oral examination that, although conducted with
the greatest delicacy, was as comprehensive as any I ever heard a
doctoral candidate subjected to. The affair was, on the surface, a
friendly and wide-ranging conversation. I first recognized the game
when Mr. Buck was apparently afflicted by a slight and most
A Permanent Appointment and an Examination 223
uncharacter-istic mental block and allowed me to supply the name of
Frank Lloyd Wright during a discussion of Harvard architecture. A
few minutes later, after I had mentioned my interest in having seen,
in the Provost's outer office, the clock presented to the President
of Harvard by Simon Willard, I was allowed to show that I had been
able to understand the Latin inscription on the case. The
conversation roamed on like this for an hour and a half, touching
lightly (it seemed) on every field of learning except my own. After
this length of conversation I was beginning to wonder how my
inquisitor would manage to bring this pleasant chat to a close. Soon
the telephone rang, possibly by pre-arrangement, for the first time
since I had arrived. The Provost's end of the conversation indicated
that President Conant had a problem for him. Within twenty seconds
Mr. Buck was able to make his excuses to me and disappear in the
direction of Massachusetts Hall. He never spoke to me again. I can
only assume that he must have been overcome by curiosity about the
qualifications of this odd creature who had crept into his
university through the back door. This story reminds me that I
should tell about the only conversation I ever had with President
Conant. Soon after World War II I had become irritated by what
seemed to me baseless worries about the prostitution of learning
that might follow upon giving government grants or contracts to the
universities. To vent my feelings, I wrote a paper that I called The
Scientist's Dilemma. In this I maintained the position that the
ultimate responsibility lay, as it always had lain, with the
scientist himself. He could accept or reject any governmental
suggestion or request as freely as one from any other source. The
scientist had always shaped his research, to some degree, in a yay
that made it possible to attract money, whether it were from a
business firm, a learned society, or an interested individual. In
this respect, Federal money had no different effect than any other.
If the scientist chose to accept a grant, it would be because he
believed that it would do more good than rejecting it, whether for
himself or his college or his country or perhaps some other group.
He was, in any event, more fortunate than, many another, because his
university would not and could not force him to do research on a
distasteful subject. And so on and on.
It happened that this paper had justbeen finally typed so that I had
a carbon copy of it in my pocket when I went to La Flamme's barber-
shop for a haircut. During a wait, no less a dignitary than
President Conant came in and sat down on the bench beside me. The
sensation that this was meant seemed irresistible. Identifying
myself as I reached into my pocket with a hackneyed "I just happen
to have . . . " approach, I asked the President if he would be kind
enough to read my paper some time and let me know what he thought of
it. To my surprise, he started to read it immediately. After a few
minutes a barber called me. I thought momentarily of deferring to
Mr. Conant, but then decided not to interfere. From the far end of
President Conant's Haircut 224
the shop I could watch in a mirror. Mr. Conant read carefully for a
total of perhaps twenty minutes, occasionally referring back to an
earlier page and some times apparently pausing to think. During this
interval a barber would sometimes call him, but he paid no attention
to these distractions. When he had finished, he looked around to
find me and brought back the paper. He spoke of it in a fairly
complimentary way, but declared himself disappointed that I had not
come out more strongly in favor of the idea of a National Science
Foundation, which was then pending. After five minutes of
conversation, during which the barber, Charlie Ferrara (who had just
come out of the Army) stood back and waited almost at attention, Mr.
Conant returned to the front of the shop, found his hat, and left. I
never dared try to find out whether he forgot his haircut or had
simply used up his available time. After this incident, for as long
as President Conant lived, the barbers would from time to time
inquire for news of my friend, Mr. Conant. It speaks well for the La
Flamme shop, to one who dislikes unnecessary change, that now in
1985 Charlie still cuts my hair using the same chair where he was
stationed in 1946.
225
18.
As described above, in 1947 I had proposed, in a report that had to
be classified, a somewhat different aid to navigation that I called
Radux. After three years or more of consideration, the Navy decided
that this idea should be tested. This raised a series of problems
for me that lasted a dozen years or more. Harvard would, quite
properly, not consider doing research under a military security
classification, while the Navy insisted for several more years that
the work on navigational aids for the future had to be classified.
This difference in attitudes, with the seemingly-obvious fact that I
ought to contribute to these ideas in the national interest, led to
some curious situations. My precise instructions from Harvard came
later to insist that if I should receive an envelope that I thought
might contain classified matter that could be related in any way to
any Harvard contract I must not open it but send it to a vice-
president of the University. At the same time, Harvard provided me
with a large safe in which to keep my classified documents, as it
was recognized that I had a legitimate responsibility as an advisor
to the government through membership on various committees or
through occasional formal or informal appointments to federal
laboratories and departments.
The Navy, also, had its difficulties, because security clearance was
only granted following a request from one's employer and Harvard
would not make such a request. This dilemma was eventually resolved
with a genius worthy of the proverbial Philadelphia lawyer. The
Secretary of the Navy designated John A. Pierce, with an address in
my office at Harvard (cited merely as Cruft Laboratory, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, without mention of the University), as a facility
which was entitled to deal with classified matters. I was highly
amused when the same mail that brought a certificate from the
Secretary testifying to this fact also brought a second document
notifying me (as a facility) that I (as a person) had been cleared
to handle the appropriate classified material, and warning me that I
must under no circumstances tell myself anything about the status of
my security classification.
To start helping to plan an experimental program for the Radux
system, I took my second trip to San Diego and began making the
acquaintance of a research and development group there, with which I
was to be closely associated for fifteen years or so. For most of
this period I made four or five trips to the West Coast each year,
for it was far easier to confer in person than to deal with the
various problems in writing, especially with the classification
difficulty hanging over my heed. The Navy Electronics Laboratory
agreed to build and operate transmitters at San Diego and Hawaii,
where reasonably adequate low frequency antennas were available and
not in continuous use. I began making a receiver and one or two of
different types were to be made under contract by the Sperry
Corporation, where Winslow Palmer (who had worked in cooperation
with M.I.T. during the war, and who designed the first direct
reading Loran receiver) could guide the development. Win, Dick
Woodward, and I, with representatives of N.E.L., the Naval Research
Laboratory, and the Bureau of Ships were formed into a steering
committee that really worked remarkably well, chiefly because it met
frequently and directly with the people doing much of the design and
experimentation.
In this 1950-1952 era, we at Harvard made rather cumbersome
receiver-indicators of a radically new design, because the merits of
cross-correlation (as opposed to simple filtering) were just
becoming recognized, while the elegant techniques that later came
into existence had not yet been devised. An almost miraculous
property of cross-correlation (or the art of comparing an incoming
signal with a noise-free replica of it produced in the receiver) is
that it does not have to be done extremely well to produce nearly
perfect results. This unexpected factor came to my aid, so that at
Cambridge my first crude machine detected and measured the relative
phase of a signal from Hawaii, although we never expected the
reliable range of the system to be more than 3,000 miles. The proof
of this feat was somewhat amusing. My first attempt to measure the
phase difference between the signals from Hawaii and San Diego
resulted in a reading about 2,500 microseconds away from the
expected value. After tracking the signals for several hours and
becoming convinced that the results were real and not a statistical
accident,I telephoned to San Diego to inquire whether an explanation
of this result could be traced to the transmitter synchronizing
method. After studying for several hours, N.E.L. called back to say
that the modulation signal had accidentally been inverted at the
slave station with a resulting error of one-half period, or
precisely 2,500 microseconds. Because I had detected this difficulty
in Cambridge before it had been discovered in San Diego, everyone
involved in the program had to admit that I had really received the
proper signals, unexpected as that might have been.
An early experiment on Radux resulted in my going to Hawaii to
support (or perhaps just to watch) some trials with a new receiver
made by the Naval Research Laboratory. These observations were made
at Wahiawa, a village surrounded by pineapple plantations near the
center of Oahu, where the Navy had a small installation whose nature
I do not recall. The experiments were neither very successful nor
failures and left no great impression on my memory, but the trip to
Hawaii had one or two interesting features. Getting there was the
Radux Instrumentation 227
first, as I had not before encountered the Stratocruiser that the
United Air Lines had begun using between the mainland and Hawaii.
This was, for its day, a tremendous aircraft that looked rather like
a doublebellied whale with wings. Seeing one on the runway it was
hard to believe that it could fly, as it seemed as tall as a two
story house and about equally airworthy. Actually, I was told, it
was a very satisfactory aircraft. It was the only airplane I ever
encountered that had a half-dozen berths, any one of which, for some
reason I never understood, could be engaged for a price of $10
beyond the normal first-class fare. Even more surprising was the
fact that, just before boarding time, I was able to secure a berth.
As a result I was able to sleep serenely until a stewardess woke me
with morning coffee shortly before landing at Honolulu.
At Pearl Harbor I made duty calls on various officers who had only
the vaguest idea of why I should be wasting their time, and then was
driven to Wahiawa and installed in the Bachelor Officer's Quarters.
I found that the small group from N.R.L. had already set up its
equipment, so I really had little to do but watch the work proceed.
It happened that my stay extended through Aloha Week, a gala period
whose highlight was similar to the Rose Parade in California
although smaller. It also featured flower-decorated floats and was
extensive enough to last a couple of hours. For this occasion a
pretty WAVE lieutenant at Wahiawa agreed to drive me to Honolulu and
introduce me to the festivities. In honor of the time and place, she
dressed in semi-Hawaiian style. It is one of my happy memories to
have watched the Marine Corps guards at the station meticulously
saluting the good-looking babe in the muumuu as we drove out and in
again.
Of course I visited the Radux transmitting station at Haiku. This
was established in the remains of a volcanic crater, surrounded by a
horseshoe of mountains about 3,000 feet high except where the wall
had collapsed on the side toward the sea. The antennas were
stretched across the mile and a half width of the horseshoe, with
downleads from the centers of the various spans that dropped 1,500
feet to the station on the floor of the crater. There was a large
antenna, consisting of four long spans, that had served for Navy
very low frequency communications, and a shorter span that had been
used for communications in the 100 kilohertz region. This TCG
antenna had been loaned to the Radux project for which it was
admirably suited. The whole site was the most beautiful place I saw
on Oahu, as the surrounding mountains were steep and green and
folded in complex patterns. The view out to the sea a mile or so
away included the only islands that decorate the coast of Oahu. The
only defect from a radio point of view was that the semitropical
climate and heavy rainfall encouraged a luxurious growth of vines
which climbed over the counterpoise network of wires that had to be
A Trip to Hawaii 228
used instead of a normal ground system. Chopping away this growth
required frequent and unusual maintenance efforts to keep the
efficiency of the antenna system at a reasonable level.
Among other entertainments, a friend took me to dinner at the
Outrigger Canoe Club, which I recall chiefly as containing the most
spectacular collection of beautiful women I have ever seen. I still
have no idea whether this display was normal to Oahu or whether
Aloha Week had brought in specimens from other climes.
A bit of shopping and a trip around the island completed my only
visit to Oahu. To my surprise, I was again able at the last minute
to secure a berth for my return to California. This round trip was
the only occasion on which I have been able to sleep in comfort on
an aircraft.
In 1951 and 1952 I had a close view of some of the mechanism of
Harvard University. This experience reinforced my admiration of the
intellectual brilliance and, more importantly, of the sense of honor
and deep understanding of many of the University's officers of most
of them, I trust. It had happened that, in support of the Radux
program and for more general reasons, I felt the need of a survey of
the natural radio noise as a function of latitude. I borrowed a
number of noise-measuring calibrated receivers from the Navy and set
up a two-months' program, at the height of the noise season in
midsummer, so that all the receivers would be measuring at the same
frequencies on the same dates, with a schedule that covered the
needed frequencies again and again. The receivers were deployed at
sites along the backbone of North America, near 96 degrees west
longitude, ranging from Vera Cruz in southern Mexico to Resolute in
the Canadian islands in the Arctic Ocean.
Arrangements for operation at all of these sites were not completed
without difficulty, except inside the United States where we found
that the Navy had installations at the most improbably inland
locations. Even our good friends in Canada found enough reasons to
quibble to need two or three months of negotiations. Mexico we found
almost impossible to induce to cooperate even though we asked
nothing from them except permission to import and use the equipment.
In the end, all of Harvard's efforts failed except that it turned
out to be possible to get the Secretary of State, John Foster
Dulles, to exert his influence on the Mexican officials. The Navy
authorized several of its installations (that happened to have the
proper equipment) to cooperate with measurements made in the same
way on the same schedule, so that we finally had an excellent set of
measurements extending from the Panama Canal Zone to the State of
Washington and to eastern Canada, as well as from the pri
Noise Survey / Classification of Research 229
marystations mentioned above. I did not help with any of the
measurements myself but sat in the middle of the web answering
questions and trying to help clear up many problems with man-made
radio interference at the various sites. Happily Professor Mimno,
who was addicted to vacations in Mexico and had good command of the
Spanish language, offered to make the observations at Vera Cruz,
with some local help.
Before this project was ready, I had the foolish idea that it would
be advisable to do some classified work without having to leave
Harvard. This project was conceived as a support for the military
during the Korean conflict, which was agitating others besides me. I
started by writing a half-dozen page memorandum to my recent
acquaintance, the Provost. He did me the courtesy of taking the
matter seriously, although it would violate stated Harvard policy,
and presently called a meeting of about forty heads of scientific
departments and projects, to discuss it. I had exactly one friend in
this assembly and it should not have surprised me that the vote on
my proposal was rejected by a vote of forty to one. This result
really did not depress me greatly, as I could easily understand and
support the position of Harvard, and also because I realized that
the activity proposed would not be worldshaking.
The thing that fascinated me at the time, and, has seemed even more
improbable in retrospect, was that many of the same officials who
were strongly opposed to the idea of accepting secret work were
simultaneously doing all they possibly could to help me in the noise
survey. This appeared to me to be completely explained by their
acceptance of the fundamental idea that the holder of a permanent
appointment (minor though mine was) had to be recognized as the best
judge of what he should be doing. So long as my plans did not
"infringe" upon the work of others, the administrative officers
seemed to feel that their only duty was to support my efforts in any
possible way. On the other hand, when my plans threatened either
established policy or the privileges of others they would be fought
not with fury but with all strength and skill. It was, in this
example, inspiring to see how the dedicated officers could carry out
their dual functions without letting any emotional resonance to one
of them affect the performance of the other.
It remains unfortunate that the complete results of the noise survey
have not been published. There happened to be a naval officer in the
Bureau of Ships who insisted most vehemently that the data had to be
kept classified. This officer had essentially nothing to do with
either my research or the groups in the Navy and elsewhere that
needed the information, but he was powerful enough to intimidate me,
especially as I could not consider dragging Harvard into a
classification wrangle after it had been so helpful and courteous to
me. After many months during which several of us had worked hard to
reduce the data to, or at least toward, final form for publication,
I gave up and stored the original and reduced data in the drawers of
a large desk. There they were essentially abandoned as the intensity
of the research that I soon began gave me no time to complete the
data reduction for many years. Fortunately I had been able to convey
the most necessary information to the groups that needed it by
letter or graph, and by personal conference.
* * *
In 1952 I received one of my more satisfying recognitions when I was
elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. This
honorary society was founded largely through the efforts of John
Adams. For most of the two centuries since then it remained
primarily a local society satisfied with its Journal, monthly
meetings, and distribution of occasional awards. It has recently
become much more of a national organization. I take a foolish
satisfaction in the fact that the diploma attesting to my fellowship
was struck from the same engraver's plate as the one awarded to
Benjamin Franklin that used to hang on a wall in the house of the
Academy. I cannot refrain from quoting a few words from the charter
granted by the Great and General Court in 1780 where, after reciting
a number of good things that the new organization is entitled to do,
it concludes with the ringing exhortation: "and, in fine, to
cultivate every art and science which may tend to advance the
interest, honor, dignity and happiness of a free, independent and
virtuous people". Would that the current generation of Americans
(and especially the legislature of Massachusetts) felt as deep an
interest in these ends as did our forefathers.
Another award that gave me more than average satisfaction came in
1953 when the Institute of Radio Engineers gave me its Liebmann
Prize. This nominally marked the most important recent contribution
to radio. It was really given in response to my work on Radux
although that name was classified and could not be mentioned in the
citation. Soon after this award was given to me, its cash value was
increased. In 1953 the amount was enough to pay for the new dinner
jacket I had to buy so that I could attend the annual dinner at
which the award was given, with possibly enough left over to pay my
fare to New York for the presentation. This dinner was the last
occasion at which any lady said I was handsome, thus proving that
Brooks Brothers had done its duty. It baffles most people when I
tell them that this compliment came from the original Betty Crocker,
whose real name was Adelaide and who was married to an officer of
the Institute. The Liebmann Prize has increased in cash worth but
decreased in importance since 1953, because it is now only one of a
number of technical awards.
* * *
Noise / American Academy 231
The Radux work was carried on until at least 1958 but then subsided
in favor of a variant system that will presently be described. In
the interim there were many interesting happenings, few of them
truly technical. On one occasion when I spent a weekend in San
Diego, I joined Commander Lyle Read in a watercolor painting class
that was held in Torrey Pines Park. Lyle had done remarkable work in
getting the Naval air arm to accept Loran during the war and had
recently become Radux Program Officer at N.E.L. On this trip I
painted my only water color (that has been carefully kept from sight
ever since) and also caught a beautiful - if that is the right word
- horned toad that Catherine and I kept for a number of years. This
creature was named Radux Junior by the boys at N.E.L., and by
coincidence died at about the same time that the Radux project did.
After I had brought him to Arlington, we put him into an old
aquarium that had perhaps three quarters of an inch of sand in the
bottom. The next morning the lizard had disappeared, although a wire
cover over the, aquarium seemed not to have been moved. We hunted
the house over without finding him, but an hour or two later he was
discovered sitting peacefully on the sand. We deduced that he must
have dug into the sand although the surface had appeared
undisturbed. We then gave him more sand to make it easier for him to
go to bed. We also provided a light bulb overhead to simulate the
desert sun. It did not take long to find out that he usually dug
himself in about fifteen minutes after we turned the light out in
the evening. With patience we learned to recognize the body language
that indicated that he was about to disappear. He would rock from
side to side at an accelerating rate, finally lifting first one
front foot and then the other. After two or three minutes of this
preparation, he would suddenly dig madly with all four legs tossing
sand into the air. For a few seconds a cloud of flying sand would
have about the size and shape of the upper half of a horizontal
football. Then the lizard would suddenly stop digging and lie flat,
while the flying sand fell back and covered him. Instantly, it
seemed, both the creature and the flying sand had disappeared,
leaving the surface so smooth that it was impossible to tell which
part contained him. As he grew old, it seemed that he lost the
ability to keep quite enough sand in the air. Occasionally then the
final part of his disappearance was a sideways twitch that drew the
last half inch of tail under cover.
We also discovered that when we turned on his light the horned toad
would appear on the surface in ten minutes or so, presumably as soon
as the heat had penetrated into his bed. After thus learning his
habits we were usually able to make him perform for guests, because
it was easy to keep an unnoticed eye upon the aquarium and call the
attention of our friends just as he was ready.
Radux, Junior 232
A pastime indulged in from time to time by the Radux engineers was
an evening in Tijuana. I learned quickly that this city is really
neither Mexican nor American but has a kind of raucus charm
characteristic of the border. Two things were surprising: the low
prices of some things, such as a fairly good meal, and the small
number of people who spoke much English. A powerful drink of tequila
could be had in most of the many bars for fifteen cents, although it
cost twice as much in the places that called themselves night clubs
and featured raunchy entertainment. These saloons did not go so far
as to demand a cover charge, but they did not suffer from this
policy. I enjoyed learning to d rink tequila with the correct
formality, finding from painful experience that somehow the salt,
the tequila, and the lemon all had to be ingested nearly
simultaneously.
The chairman of the Radux Steering Committee was Charles Marshburn,
a North Carolina man who claimed that he had been raised to graze
his squirrels with a rifle bullet so that they were killed by
concussion without drawing blood. I gradually came near to believing
this claim, as Charlie could never pass a shooting gallery, either
in San Diego or Tijuana. It was particularly noticeable that the
greater the load of tequila he carried the more deadly his aim.
Charlie's favorite evening entertainment for a group of us in
Tijuana was to roam the streets until we identified the origin of
those old jungle drums that indicated that a strip-tease was in
progress. One of our favorite establishments, called in that era the
Stork Club, was used as a base by a bar girl and occasional
entertainer whom we called Belinda. This unfortunate child had lost
one eye but all her other components were conspicuously present. We
chose her name on the principle that she was as little like its
connotation as could be imagined.
One of my interests in Tijuana was based on the fact that few things
are as fascinating and educational as watching real professionals at
work. The saloons along Main Street (as the Avenida de la Revolucion
was always called) formed an excellent locale for this kind of
study. If, say, five of us entered a bar we would be joined by an
equal number of girls by the time we found ourselves ensconced at a
table little more than a yard in diameter. Within a minute five
tequilas and five glasses of similar appearing liquid would be on
the table, with a suitable apparatus of salt shakers and lemon
fragments. The bill, collected at once, would be three dollars. At
intervals of three to five minutes, a waiter would present himself
to take orders for refills. After two or three of these it could be
noticed, by one who paid attention to the mechanics of the
operation, that some girl would order another round if the customers
did not do so promptly enough. After half an hour some of the
Americans might find it discreet to pass when refills were ordered,
but this would make no difference in the price which would remain at
Tijuana 233
three dollars. Eventually a careful observer could note that even
when the only refreshments were glasses of colored water for the
girls, the cost per round remained at the level that had been
established at the beginning of the visit.
Another pleasant opportunity to watch the Tijuanans share their
fortune came one evening when Win Palmer talked the group into going
to Mexico so that he could shop for a half-sized guitar. Win sailed
a small boat and was bothered because his normal guitar took up too
much room. Inquiry at the first of a hundred or more possible shops
did not produce an instrument of the desired size and quality. The
word that a sucker was in town, however, spread faster than we could
walk. For the rest of the evening, no matter where we wandered, two
or three times in each block we would find a salesman with a small
guitar and an importunate manner on the sidewalk in front of his
shop.
On one occasion I thought for a short time that I was gaining some
ability as a trader. In one of the tourist traps I found a pretty
leather handbag that I thought Catherine might like. Earlier
observations had taught me that such a bag would cost fifty dollars
or more in Boston, so I was not surprised to find that the asking
price was $27.95, in American money of course. Having little else to
amuse me at the moment, I offered five dollars, and spent the next
half hour in offers and counterproposals, interspersed with
occasional feints at leaving.
In the end I bought the bag for eight dollars and left the shop
feeling greatly pleased with myself. Nothing would have been easier
than to forget the bag at the customs office, but I thought it might
be well to pay the duty and get the bag stamped in case Catherine
ever happened to cross a border with it. To my chagrin, the customs
officer glanced at the bag and charged me the duty on a value of
$6.50. At least I got the bag stamped and Catherine liked it, but my
opinion of my trading ability instantly went back to its former
level.
Having told of my very good luck in the flight up the Mackenzie
River, I should expose the other side of my small career as a
navigator. This episode came near the end of the Radux program,
before that effort evolved into the more interesting and fruitful
work at the very low radio frequencies. Radux had developed and been
tested to the point at which the Navy wanted independent trials of
the system. These were to be conducted by operating forces and were
not even to be observed by those who had developed the system. At
this date there were three transmitters, at Hawaii, San Diego, and
near Seattle, so that good crossings were available between the
Very Bad Navigation 234
lines from a rather long pair across the eastern Pacific and those
from a somewhat short pair along the coast. One of the proposed
exercises was to take advantage of the fact that the Radux signals
could be measured a few feet below the surface of the ocean. It was
planned that an aircraft and a submarine, both navigated by Radux,
should rendezvous off the California coast, when the plane was
supposed to fly over the submarine just as the latter came to the
surface.
I happened to be in San Diego shortly before these trials were to
begin, and had the opportunity to direct an aircraft in a make-
believe meeting with a fictitious submarine at a given time. I
decided that the most elegant way to do this was to fly out to sea
along a Radux line of position that would cross the line of the
other pair of stations which passed through the meeting point, and
then to follow that second line to arrive at the correct point at
the agreed time. It happened that we flew west crossing a strong
south wind, but I had plenty of time to measure the wind speed and
calculate how long it would take to go from our turning point to the
rendezvous. Having started in good time, I found that we reached the
place where we should turn south with ten minutes to spare. I then
thoughtlessly ordered the pilot to circle for a few minutes to use
up our surplus time and then relaxed, which I should never have
done. When I returned to paying attention to our position, I found
that the wind had carried us so far north during the circling that
we could not fly fast enough to reach the rendezvous point in time.
When we duly arrived at the right place three or four minutes late,
I was promptly and none too courteously advised that I should have
asked the pilot to drop a smoke flare so that we could circle a
fixed point. This suggestion was so simple and immediately obvious
that I stil feel the flush of shame as I write about it.
I assume, without proof, that the professionals who carried out the
official trials made no such foolish errors. At least their
conclusions were moderately complimentary. The truth was, however,
that no one really wanted an aid to navigation that was less
accurate than Loran, even if it did have greater range. This simple
fact had much to do with the success of later developments.
19.
Very Low Frequencies
In 1953 a happy circumstance began to turn my attention toward the
low and very low radio frequencies. This spectral region had seemed
a nevernever land for an aid to navigation because, at these
frequencies, it is not possible to radiate a short pulse or even a
tone of ordinary audible frequency without an antenna a large
fraction of a mile high and an extent of at least several miles. It
turned out that I was seriously undervaluing the measurement of the
phase of a steady radio-frequency signal, even though I had become
familiar with this idea in the work on Low Frequency Loran nearly a
decade earlier.
The fortunate event was a visit of Dr. Louis Essen to Harvard to
give a Physics Colloquium, very probably about his recent work in
measuring the velocity of light. Dr. Essen was a Principal
Scientific Officer at the National Physical Laboratory in England.
At the time I am sure I did not know of all three of his recent
successes, any one of which would have established a first-class
reputation. He had controlled the size and shape of a quartz cavity,
a few inches in dimensions, so accurately that in that small space
he made what was at the time the most accurate measurement of the
velocity of light. He had also made what remained for years the
world's most constant crystal clock, using a large and very
accurately machined toroid of quartz (the Essen Ring). And he was at
the time developing the first clock controlled by an atomic
resonance in cesium; a technique that has now reached a remarkably
advanced stage with clocks that approach a precision of a millionth
of a second per year.
After his lecture, Dr. Essen came to see our work in the long-
distance measurement of propagational factors, which depended upon
reasonably good frequency control at both ends of the radio circuit.
He promptly saw that this technique might easily be applied to the
measurement of a standard-frequency transmission that had been begun
from the great Post Office radio station at Rugby, England. As a
tool for research and commercial calibration within the British
Isles, the frequency of a small transmitter at 60 kilohertz had been
derived from an Essen Ring oscillator. This frequency was monitored
and corrected through observation at the National Physical
Laboratory as well as at the Greenwich Observatory and at the Post
Office headquarters in London. This signal was transmitted for only
an hour each day and at rather low power, but Dr. Essen thought our
techniques might be sensitive enough to permit good measurement of
the frequency at Harvard.
236
Almost as soon as Dr. Essen left us, we began the construction of a
special receiver for this 60 kHz signal. This became the first of a
long line of receivers for phase-stable transmissions. We gradually
perfected our technique for limiting the output level of a signal,
rather than using automatic gain control, and we learned to separate
the two functions of amplification and establishment of frequency
selectivity, so that the output phase became independent of the
strength of the signal or of the noise interference. Even this first
carrier-frequency receiver, however, performed what seemed to us to
be a miracle, considering the weakness of the input signal. The new
instrument produced an output so free of contamination that its
phase could be measured with a standard deviation of no more than
four or five degrees of arc, or a quarter of a microsecond in the
apparent time of arrival.
These observations opened a surprising set of possibilities. The
most immediately important was that during the one-hour transmission
of the MSF signal (as it was identified by its call letters, the SF
representing standard frequency) we could measure its frequency to
one part in ten billion, or to the equivalent of about ten
millionths of a second per day in the rate of our clock with respect
to Rugby.
To appreciate the importance of this observation, it is necessary to
review the possibilities that existed in 1953 for long-distance
intercomparisons of clocks. The standard of time was then, as it had
been throughout recorded history, the rotation of the earth. This
standard is not as constant as one might wish, because the rate is
slowed gradually by tidal friction and other factors, and because
the rotation is made irregular by the varied push or drag exerted by
the action of the winds and the currents in the ocean, and in all
probability by similar currents in the molten interior of the earth.
There is also an annual variation caused by the accumulation of snow
on the mountains in the northern winter, which slows the rotation
until melting returns some weight toward sea level in the
springtime. The total of these effects, and doubtless others, is to
make the time as established by the earth vary through a tenth of a
second or so during the year. There are also occasional sporadic
variations, possibly related to earthquakes, that help to make the
prediction of the rate of rotation of the earth difficult and
inaccurate.
Another limitation arises from the fact that time, defined in this
way, must ultimately be measured by the passage of stars across the
meridian and this, because of the slowness of the passage and of
ordinary errors of observation, cannot be determined with an error
less than about five milliseconds. At this level of error, the rate
of rotation of the earth can only be measured to about one part in
60-Kilohertz Frequency Comparisons 237
ten million from one day (or night) to the next. It is also
unfortunate that the sending of time signals from one part of the
world to another was, before the age of satellites, subject to
errors of at least the same magnitude. For transmission at low
frequencies, as said above, one cannot produce a short pulse that
could be measured with precision. The same limitation applies for
transmission by telephone or telegraph wire, except in the case of
the coaxial cable which is not yet available except between a
limited number of terminals. For high frequency propagation, except
at very short distances, irregularities are caused by fluctuations
in the height of the ionized layers that reflect the signals. In
short, errors in frequency measurement (which is not the same as
time measurement but is at least closely related to it) were not
often, at long distances, smaller than a few parts in one hundred
million. Thus, surprisingly, we found ourselves with an apparently
reliable radio method of intercomparing frequencies from distant
places with an accuracy between a hundred and a thousand times that
which was known before.
It was immediately obvious that there would be a great increase in
the average accuracy of frequency measurement if the signal from NSF
could be tracked continuously from one day to the next. It is an
inconvenient fact that the phase of a simple sinusoidal signal is
highly ambiguous, as has been noted earlier. With a signal at 60
kHz, these ambiguities were separated by only 16-2/3 microseconds,
while the apparent precision of a part in ten billion corresponded
to a probable drift of more than half that amount in a period of
twenty-four hours. Thus the straight line in frequency, determined
in one hour, could be projected forward to the succeeding day with a
chance, but no certainty, of identifying the correct cycle on the
second day. The reliability of such an estimate would depend almost
entirely upon the question of whether the oscillators (or clocks) at
both ends of the radio circuit could be relied upon to maintain
constant rates during the many hours when they were not being
compared. With the limited knowledge of precision oscillators
available in 1953, a long silent period seemed to make the
measurement too uncertain to be worth considering.
My first step toward better day-to-day precision was, of course, to
communicate with Dr. Essen and presently with Mr. H. T. Mitchell,
the Post Office executive most concerned with control of frequency,
to see whether the NSF transmissions could be extended in time. It
was ultimately possible to get occasional 24-hour transmissions, but
so rarely. were they available that determination of the reliability
of a continuous measurement was not attainable.
When I was sure that this effort was not becoming very productive, I
began a more serious campaign. Rugby was famous (aside from
football) not for the weak MSF transmission but for the 16 kHz
Problems in Intercomparison of Time 238
signal whose call letters were GBR. This transmitter was maintained
and operated by the Post Office but used to a great extent for Naval
communications on a nearly worldwide basis. The power radiated was
many times greater than that used by MSF, and the frequency was
better adapted to long-range communication. This station,
incidentally, was so well known that it was one of the few places I
had visited during my first stop in England in 1936.
My first attempts to induce the Post Office to derive the frequency
of GBR from the same source used for MSF met with no success. It did
not appear to be difficult to provide the necessary equipment for
this change, but the Post Office realized quite clearly that, for
their limited purpose of supplying a standard frequency useful in
the British Isles, the MSF signal was better than that of GBR would
be, because for a given accuracy the higher frequency could allow
faster measurements.
When these attempts showed no indication that they would ever be
successful, I attacked the problem through Mr. J. A. Ratcliffe, whom
I had met as far back as my 1936 visit and who had become the
director of the Radio Research Board's experimental station at
Slough. My chief argument was that there was to be a total eclipse
of the sun in 1954 whose track would cross the path of the signal
from England to New England. I made the suggestion, with or without
serious belief, that the behavior of the phase of the GBR signal at
such a low frequency might cast new light upon the structure of the
ionosphere. To my complete surprise and pleasure, Mr. Ratcliffe's
resulting pressure on the Post Office was completely successful, as
the necessary frequency-synthesizing equipment was soon prepared and
installed. I am sorry to have to admit that the eclipse effect,
although I duly observed it, was so minor that it proved nothing in
particular. The GBR frequency-deriving equipment, however, since it
had been officially made and installed by the Post Office, remained
in existence and provided a very useful service until the present
day, I believe, or certainly at least until my retirement.
At this lower frequency and with transmission that was continuous
except for an hour or two each day, there was no longer a question
of cycle-slipping or ambiguity. It quickly became clear that,
although there was a change of more than 30 microseconds in the time
taken by the propagation between day and night, at any chosen hour
of the day the phase of the received signal repeated from day to day
with excellent accuracy. This was the first of many observations
that showed a propagational stability greater than that usually
attained by our oscillators. This aspect of the newly-discovered
precision of frequency measurement made many people doubtful that I
could be attaining the results I claimed. As I have suggested above,
extremely careful control of the temperature of our oscillators and
of the voltages applied to them were an important part of the
The First VLF Phase Measurements 239
program. Another was the fact that I was not required to judge the
stability of propagation from continuous data. I could select
periods of a few days, or occasionally a fortnight or so, during
which there was no evidence of anomalies in the operation of our
oscillators. At these selected times, the day-to-day repeatability
of the transmission time seemed to be in the neighborhood of two
microseconds in time. This estimate turned out to be approximately
correct, but it was to be several years before I could demonstrate
this fact by an unambiguous experiment.
In the interim, my carefully selected data seemed to show that there
was no characteristic average variation of the time of arrival of
the GBR signal throughout either the daytime or the night-time
hours. The distinctly different transmission times at these periods
were connected by nearly straight lines during the sunrise and
sunset periods, which naturally lasted for five hours or so; the
length of time it takes a sunrise or sunset to cross the Atlantic
Ocean. The result was a somewhat trapezoidal pattern with sunrise
and sunset slopes that varied during the year, as the angle changed
between the sunrise or sunset line and the great circle representing
the transmission path. It later turned out that the nearly uniform
time of transmission during the hours of full daylight was an
unusual condition peculiar to the GBR frequency and the length and
location of the transmission path. It is much more characteristic of
low-frequency propagation in general that the daytime level (of the
time of arrival) is depressed to some degree as the sun gradually
moves higher in the sky, so that there is a broad minimum near the
time when it is noon at the middle of the transmission path.
It did not take long to discover that the sharpest corner of the GBR
diurnal trapezoid when sunrise impinged upon the eastern end of the
transmission path, occurred about 30 minutes before ground-level
sunrise at the point below the nominal first reflection point 500
miles or so away from the eastern end of the path. The other three
corners were less sharp, especially the one at the end of the sunset
period when the effect of recombination made the return to a full
night-time level somewhat slow. The variation of these observations
as the date changed led to some interesting conclusions about the
detachment and reattachment of free electrons from and to neutral
ions, but these theoretical deductions were perhaps less important
than the fact that, with a little experience, the diurnal variations
in the time of transmission across the Atlantic could be predicted
to within a few microseconds.
These observations and conclusions led me in 1955 to write two
papers that were to be of future importance. One was a general
announcement of the new technique. It surveyed the background and
the results of observation, and gave something of a list of uses to
which this mechanism might become helpful. Emphasis was placed upon
The Beginning of Radux-Omega 240
the new possibilities for intercomparison of clocks at widely-
separated locations. Applications to radio aids to navigation were
reasonably obvious, at least to me, but were only casually mentioned
in the paper because the whole subject of navigation aids was still
held under military security. I did not choose to violate the spirit
of this decision (with which I violently disagreed) even though such
a newly recognized mechanism could not, of course, be classified in
advance of discovery.
The second paper took the form of a letter report, that could be
classified by the recipient, to the Chief of Naval Research. This
study, called "An Improved Radio Aid to Navigation", reviewed the
work on Radux to that date and called attention to the weaknesses of
that system: especially the limited distance range that could be
served and the magnitude of the typical errors that were already
being recognized as rather larger than would be likely to be
accepted by maritime navigators. The report proposed the addition of
very-low-frequency signals to be radiated by the same antennas.
These signals at, say 10 kHz would be compared in a receiver that
also accepted the Radux signals at 40 or 50 kHz. This composite
system would exhibit the sensitivity and reliability of the 10 kHz
signals, while the increased ambiguity (because the proposed
carrier-frequency period was fifty times smaller than at the Radux
measurement frequency of 200 Hertz) would, it was hoped, be resolved
by the Radux signals. The net result should, I believed, be an
increase of perhaps five times in the accuracy of navigational
measurements.
These suggestions were quickly endorsed by the Navy and some efforts
to this end were soon added to the Radux program at the Navy
Electronics Laboratory and elsewhere. These developments envisaged a
composite system called Radux-Omega. The Omega part was a name I
chose by way of implying that it occupied the furthest end of the
radio wavelength spectrum. More recent naval attempts to improve
communication with submerged submarines may have made this
connotation invalid, although the communication studies have been
concealed by security classification and bedeviled by political
considerations (including, of all things, concern about the health
of earthworms) until it is hard to tell how successful they may be.
Now, if I am asked for a reason for the name, I am more likely to
suggest that it indicates Pierce's absolutely last effort in radio
aids to navigation. I don't suppose I have ever protested much at
the idea that the name connotes the last word, although I realize as
well as anyone that a permanent solution to the navigation problem,
if there ever is one, will probably come from artificial satellites,
if and when costs decrease to make that kind of solution generally
available.
One of the early pre-Omega attempts at Harvard was the reception of
Pre-Omega Studies 241
a signal from San Diego at a frequency of ten thousand cycles per
second. This frequency is clearly audible to the human ear, as was
shown by an early cartoon sketched by one of the men at San Diego,
labelled Omega Receiver, Mark I, Mod. I, which showed a circuit
diagram consisting of a pair of headphones connected between an
antenna and ground. My reception was done satisfactorily, using the
new cross-correlation technique, although it was possible to radiate
only thirty watts from the small antenna supported by three 625-foot
antenna towers at Chollas Heights. In fact, I was delighted to find
that, with lengthy integration, I could measure the field strength
to a decibel and the relative time of arrival to a microsecond after
the radiated power had been reduced to one watt. Of course no one
seriously proposed a useful system that did not have thousands of
times this power level, but the success of the experiment showed
clearly the great advantages of the very low frequency in range and
reliability.
At the time of these studies, we were still recording the time of
arrival of the pulse transmitted once per second from the standard-
frequency station WWV, as part of our continuing study of high
frequency propagation. WWV had not then moved from the Washington,
D.C., area to its later home at Fort Collins, Colorado. Because of
the short path from the transmitter to Cambridge, we were able to
record a good first-hop E layer signal at five megahertz in the
daytime hours. This signal, like the Loran ones of the preceding
decade, was far more stable when reflected from the E layer than
from the higher F layer. As a result, we could measure the relative
time of arrival to about five microseconds; a much greater error
than that at 60 kHz. Even so, measurement of the drift over 24
hours gave us a standard deviation of the day's average frequency of
about one part in ten billion.
We thus suddenly found ourselves in the position of being able to
intercompare the British and American versions of standard frequency
with an accuracy about a thousand times greater than had been
possible before. Unfortunately, explanation of this fact and its
importance will require a little digression into the methods of
determination of time and frequency that were available in 1955.
The distinction between time and frequency can be made clear by
thinking of an ordinary tall clock. If it is so regulated that its
pendulum beats exactly 86,400 times in a mean solar day, its
frequency is correct. In horological terms it is usual to say that
its rate is right. This exact adjustment of frequency, or period,
has however nothing to do with the time indicated by the hands of
the clock, except that this indication will drift slowly if the rate
is only a little in error. The hands must be set, separately from
Measurement of Time 242
adjustment of the rate, so that the clock indicates substantial
agreement with some external standard such as a time signal.
Alternatively, it is possible to leave the hands alone and to
account for the clock error by saying, for example, that it has been
gaining 1.3 seconds a day since it was correct on the 23rd of
September. In either case, a means of establishing the correct time
is needed. This intercomparison must be repeated at intervals that
depend upon the stability of the clock and, of course, upon the
required precision of the time measurement. It will be remembered,
for example, that in the early days of Loran it was necessary for
the slave station to readjust the hands of its clock as often as
once or twice a minute in order to maintain the required precision
to a millionth of a second of the clock time with respect to that at
the master station.
It is thus seen that frequency can be measured relative to some
standard without requiring the measurement of the error in the
indication of time. In many cases that need only frequency or rate,
an instrument may have no mechanism for indicating time. A clock,
however, must have such a mechanism. It is therefore technically
incorrect to call an oscillator a clock, although it is often done.
For the thousands of years when the rotation of the earth was the
standard, an instant of time had to be determined by the apparent
motion of some heavenly body, usually the sun or a star. Until a few
centuries ago, the sundial was the most usual measuring device. As
clocks developed and became more accurate, a more precise
measurement was required to set them correctly. This soon took the
form of a transit instrument, eventually using a telescope with
illuminated cross-hairs, to determine the instant at which any one
of a number of standard time stars crossed the meridian of the
observer. When corrected for the known positions of the stars in the
sky and the observer on the earth, this method gave siderial time,
which the astronomers define as the hour angle of the vernal
equinox. This time can be converted into the ordinary mean solar
time by noting that, because the earth completes an orbit around the
sun in exactly one year, the solar or sun time that we customarily,
use loses two hours in the average month, or a little less than four
minutes per day as compared with siderial time.
This digression is important because, even with today's best
instruments, it is impossible to measure the transits of stars in a
single night with a standard deviation less than about five
milliseconds. This permits a daily measurement of the rate of a
clock with a standard deviation of about one or two parts in ten
million. It is only a coincidence that the error in the transmission
of a telegraphic time signal, or one sent by radio, is of about the
same order.
Measurement of Time 243
These considerations make it easy to see that for generations the
whole concept of time implied that it could not be standardized with
an accuracy greater than about one part in ten million. This usually
did not worry scientists much because the other fundamental physical
properties of mass, length, and electrical charge could scarcely be
measured with even that relative accuracy.
There was thus a strong feeling that nothing could be measured more
accurately than a part in a few million. This made it hard for the
specialists in time to accept the idea of a large increase in the
precision with which relative frequency could be distributed. In
fact it was two years or more before I could convince the director
of the time service at the Naval Observatory that my measurement of
phase was not something having no relation to his measurement of
time. As soon as the first people in one or two time-standard
laboratories were convinced, however, I found myself operating a
frequency comparison service. This took the form of daily
comparisons of standard-frequency stations (beginning with GBR and
MSF in England and WWV in the United States) that were reported
weekly or monthly to the National Physical Laboratory in England and
to the Bureau of Standards in the United States. As time went on and
the method became more widely appreciated, others were added to the
list of stations and more organizations to the list of recipients.
It was 1964 before there were enough others using my method, or
other new ones, so that I could discontinue this routine service
with a very noticeable sense of relief.
Reports like the one shown on the following page were, before the
end of my efforts, sent to the following authorities:
and also to several interested universities, here and abroad.
245
SEPTEMBER, 1963 NB: Minus sign omitted from all the readings below:
Frequencies in parts in 10^10 with respect to (S203 - 25.64/10^10)
Signal GBR WWVL NBA NPM NAA NLK CYZ40 LoranC WWVB
Frequency, kHz:16.0 20.0 18.0 19.8 18.6 24.0 80.0 100.0 60.0
Mean Epoch,GMT:0300 0600 0500 0800 0500 0600 0500 0500 0600
Date Julian _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____ _____
Sep. Day
1 |
274 |
129.6 |
129.8 |
129.7 |
129.8 |
NR |
129.1 |
NR |
129.5 |
129.9 |
2 |
275 |
129.4 |
129.9 |
129.8 |
129.7 |
NR |
128.5 |
NR |
129.4 |
129.8 |
3 |
276 |
129.9 |
129.7 |
129.6 |
129.5 |
NR |
128.7 |
NR |
129.4 |
129.8 |
4 |
277 |
129.8 |
129.6 |
129.6 |
NR |
128.8 |
129.0 |
128.0 |
129.2 |
129.6 |
5 |
278 |
131.6 |
130.2 |
129.1 |
129.4 |
NR |
128.1 |
128.4 |
129.6 |
130.1 |
6 |
279 |
130.8 |
NR |
129.1 |
129.6 |
129.3 |
129.7 |
127.8 |
129.4 |
130.0 |
7 |
280 |
131.1 |
NR |
129.2 |
129.5 |
129.3 |
130.1 |
127.8 |
129.7 |
130.3 |
8 |
281 |
130.6 |
NR |
129.5 |
129.8 |
128.4 |
129.9 |
128.2 |
129.7 |
130.2 |
9 |
282 |
130.8 |
NR |
129.5 |
130.1 |
129.9 |
130.2 |
129.7 |
129.7 |
130.3 |
10 |
283 |
130.6 |
NR |
129.3 |
130.7 |
129.5 |
130.2 |
128.6 |
129.5 |
130.0 |
11 |
284 |
130.2 |
NR |
129.0 |
NR |
128.5 |
131.2 |
127.8 |
129.3 |
129.9 |
12 |
285 |
130.0 |
130.0 |
129.2 |
129.2 |
130.4 |
129.6 |
NR |
129.6 |
130.0 |
13 |
286 |
129.7 |
130.2 |
130.1 |
129.1 |
130.1 |
130.5 |
NR |
129.6 |
130.1 |
14 |
287 |
129.2 |
129.9 |
129.5 |
129.1 |
128.2 |
129.9 |
127.5 |
129.2 |
129.9 |
15 |
288 |
128.6 |
130.0 |
129.7 |
NR |
NR |
128.0 |
127.4 |
129.3 |
129.9 |
16 |
289 |
128.9 |
NR |
131.0 |
NR |
NR |
128.4 |
127.4 |
NR |
129.9 |
17 |
290 |
130.5 |
NR |
130.2 |
NR |
129.4 |
130.5 |
127.6 |
NR |
129.9 |
18 |
291 |
130.7 |
NR |
130.0 |
NR |
128.9 |
130.4 |
NR |
129.6 |
129.5 |
19 |
292 |
130.6 |
130.0 |
129.9 |
128.5 |
129.3 |
128.3 |
NR |
129.5 |
129.6 |
20 |
293 |
129.8 |
129.5 |
129.9 |
129.3 |
129.1 |
129.2 |
127.9 |
NR |
129.9 |
21 |
294 |
129.6 |
129.9 |
129.7 |
128.9 |
128.9 |
129.7 |
128.0 |
129.7 |
129.7 |
22 |
295 |
129.9 |
129.7 |
129.8 |
128.9 |
128.3 |
129.8 |
128.4 |
129.6 |
129.7 |
23 |
296 |
NB |
129.5 |
129.6 |
128.8 |
129.0 |
129.9 |
NR |
129.3 |
129.4 |
24 |
297 |
130.1 |
129.5 |
129.6 |
128.8 |
129.8 |
130.2 |
NR |
129.5 |
129.6 |
25 |
298 |
129.0 |
129.9 |
129.8 |
129.9 |
130.0 |
130.7 |
129.2 |
129.5 |
129.7 |
26 |
299 |
129.5 |
129.6 |
129.6 |
129.7 |
130.0 |
129.7 |
129.1 |
129.5 |
129.7 |
27 |
300 |
129.2 |
129.7 |
129.7 |
128.9 |
129.9 |
129.7 |
128.5 |
129.5 |
129.8 |
28 |
301 |
128.4 |
129.6 |
129.7 |
128.3 |
128.8 |
129.7 |
128.6 |
129.7 |
129.6 |
29 |
302 |
128.9 |
130.0 |
130.0 |
128.9 |
130.1 |
129.6 |
128.4 |
129.8 |
130.0 |
30 |
303 |
129.3 |
129.6 |
129.5 |
128.8 |
129.4 |
129.6 |
128.1 |
129.5 |
129.5 |
J.A.Pierce Harvard University, October 1, 1963
Explanation of the Table on the Preceding Page 246
The notation (S203 + 74.36/(10^10)) in the table identifies our
standard oscillator, controlled by an early form of Cesium resonance
and with its rate corrected to agree with what was believed to be
Ephemeris Time.
[NB: Minus sign omitted from all the table values to fit an A4 page]
Ephemeris Time is a time scale which agrees with the movemanta of
the planets and the moons in their orbits, as they are defined in
standard rules developed over long ages of observation. This time
scale is presumed to vary far less than does the rotation of the
earth.
The column headings identify the radio stations observed, as
follows:
All the measurements are in the region near -130 parts in ten
billion because that was then the difference between a crude
measurement of Ephemeris Time and the frequency of the signals that
were maintained sensibly in agreement with the rotation of the
earth. This distinction will, I hope, be made clearer later on.
Transatlantic Cesium Clock' Comparisons
247
The earliest and most responsive customer for my observations of
frequency was, naturally, Dr. Essen. The third of his recent
triumphs, that I mentioned above, was the development of a cesium
beam resonator in terms of which he could calibrate the frequency of
oge of his ring oscillators. Dr. Essen used this device for a
passive resonator. So far as I know, Dr. Zacharius at M.I.T. was the
first to use such a resonator with a servomechanism to control the
frequency of a crystal oscillator. This device was, for a time, put
on the market under the trade name "Atomichron". It must be regarded
as the first of the modern atomic clocks. By late 1956, one of these
was in operation at a station in central New York State that was
operated by the Air Force for testing a proposed radio aid to
navigation called Navaglobe that operated at a carrier frequency of
95 kHz.
The existence of this station gave me an opportunity to collaborate
with Dr. Essen in the first international intercomparison of cesium-
controlled oscillators of two kinds of construction. The measurement
network was a little complicated. The MSF signal from Rugby was
received at Teddington and had its frequency measured by Dr. Essen.
The same signal reached Cambridge, Massachusetts, and was measured
against my crystal oscillator. At more or less the same time, my
crystal was rated against the signal from Camden, New York, which
was also measured there in terms of the Atomichron. By
intercomparison of all these measurements it was possible, in
principle, to subtract out all factors except the difference in
frequency between the two cesium devices. Comparisons of this kind
were made on a half a dozen or a dozen days a month on which all the
necessary measurements had been successfully made. The average of
all of these measurements in six months indicated a difference of 4
parts in 10^10 between the Atomichron and Dr. Essen's resonator,
with a standard deviation also equal to 4/10^10. Dr. Essen was
quite pleased with this demonstration of the good agreement between
the frequencies of the two devices because it was about as close as
his estimate of their absolute accuracy. I was, however, very
disappointed in the magnitude of the standard deviation as I had
published an estimate of 2/10^11 for the available precision of the
daily transatlantic intercomparison, and I hated to announce a
standard deviation 20 times larger than I felt it should be. It was
reasonably obvious that the source of the trouble, if trouble there
were, was because of the unfortunate necessity for making many of
the intercomparisons at different hours of the day. Because this
could not be avoided there was every possibility that the crystal
oscillators were varying diurnally, and that these variations, with
the normal errors of the many measurements, were dominant over the
propagational errors that I had believed I had estimated. I was, of
course, unable to prove this assumption and was left with the
unhappy possibility that I had made an unjustifiable guess.
Transatlantic Cesium Clock' Comparisons 248
In spite of my disappointment with our results I joined Dr. Essen
and his assistant in writing a short paper for "Nature" to report
our results. I then began to try to find a way to perform the same
comparison under circumstances that would clearly prove the true
stability of the propagation. As I should have expected, the British
Post Office showed no interest in the idea of acquiring an
Atomichron (necessary because there was as yet no British
equivalent) and using such an untried device to control the
frequencies of their tranmissions.
By 1959 the situation had changed considerably. The Signal Corps of
the U.S. Army had kindly provided us with an Atomichron on loan and
was ready to take another pair to England. With the cooperation of
the Post Office, these were installed at Banbury, within easy
groundwave range of Rugby. Recording equipment that I had provided
then made records using one of the Atomichrons at Banbury that were
identical to mine at Cambridge except for the use of a different
Atomichron and for the long propagation path across the Atlantic.
The results were delightful. Daily values of phase were analysed for
frequency differences. Studied for about a month in September and
October, these showed an average difference of -4.0/10^11 , with a
standard deviation of 2.6/10^11. Simultaneous intercomparisons
between the "operating" and "standby" Atomichrons at Banbury showed
a difference of +6.O/10^11 with a standard deviation of 1.7/10^11.
It thus seemed that not even all of the transatlantic errors ought
to be charged to the propagation link. I was greatly relieved, as
the propagational stability that I had been reporting for four or
five years could no longer be doubted.
My studies of frequency comparisons later had a most curious effect,
possibly at the suggestion of Dr. Essen. At about the time that my
routine reports ended, I was surprised to be notified that I had
been appointed by the International Bureau of Weights and Measures
to a membership on the Consultative Committee for the Definition of
the Second. This appointment was certainly inappropriate. In the
previous years I had learned some useful things about the
distribution of accurate standard frequency, and perhaps even time,
but I had no qualifications that fitted me to judge how the standard
of time should be defined.
On the other hand, membership in the Committee provided such a
pretty feather for my cap that I could not bear to decline the
appointment. The other members were senior officers of standards
laboratories of a dozen nations, about the same number of
representatives of astronomical observatories with a responsibility
for time, such as Greenwich and Neuchatel and three gentlemen from
Innsbruck, Zagreb, and Milan who, like me, were known as "Membres
Nominativement Designes."
The Three-Atomichron Experiment
249I had already learned that the most recent revision of the standard
of time represented a total change of philosophy as compared with
the old standard that had, in effect, obtained ever since the clock
had become a more useful timekeeper than a sundial. This change, in
1956, certified final official recognition of the fact that the
rotation of the earth is a poor standard. As noted above, it varies
by a tenth of a second or so with seasonal variables and it also has
sporadic changes of unknown origin. It is an inconvenience, although
one that can be compensated, that the elliptical form of the earth's
orbit makes noon, or the moment when the sun is highest in the sky,
vary as much as plus or minus 16 minutes with respect to the
imaginary mean Sun that is supposed to move uniformly in average
agreement with the true sun throughout a year. The old definition of
a second was 1/86,400th of a mean solar day. This became awkward as
soon as new kinds of clocks began to have a consistency exceeding
that of the earth. The ability to measure a frequency had become
more exact than the stability of the standard.
The people trying to provide for measurement of time and frequency
have always had to serve two masters. On one hand the astronomers
and navigators, always wanted to determine the phase of the earth's
rotation in space. This knowledge permitted the astronomer to
correctly point a telescope at a desired object, or the navigator to
more or less exactly determine longitude. The laboratory scientist,
On the other hand, seldom cared for great accuracy in determining
the time of day but wished for a clock that would measure time
intervals and frequencies with as great accuracy as possible. So
long as neither user had a measuring device as stable as the
rotation of the earth there could be no conflict. Soon after World
War II, however, the physicist's frequency-measuring instruments had
developed accuracy so great that astronomical methods could no
longer measure short time intervals with similar precision. This
brought the problem of the definition of a new time standard to the
fore.
It would be incorrect to say that the laboratory physicists won a
battle, because the astronomers themselves were good physicists and
understood the nature of the problem. In 1956 this was "solved", in
a way, by the definition of the second as the fraction
1/31,556,925.9747 of the length of the tropical year 1900. The long
number is merely the length of the tropical year in seconds, equal
to 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, and almost 46 seconds. The
tropical year is the interval from one vernal equinox to the next.
Because this is just an expression of the direction of the line
connecting the centers of the earth and the sun amongst the star;
the instant of the vernal equinox is independent of the phase of the
Definition of the Second / Ephemeris Time 250
earth's rotation on its axis and depends only on the earth's place
in its orbit around the sun. This new definition, therefore, simply
recognised that the unit of time interval (the length of the second)
is independent of the current rate of rotation of the earth.
Of course it was and has remained impossible to go back to measure
precisely the length of the year 1900. That year, incidentally, was
chosen for the definition because it is customary in astronomical
circles to tabulate the place of a star in the sky for the latest,
of the even hundreds of years, and to keep track of any small
subsequent changes in apparent position by appended notes about the
speed and direction of the motion. The 1956 definition was not
realizable; meaning that no other interval could be accurately
compared with it. It did, however, establish the fact that the
definition of the second was henceforth to be a constant, no matter
what changes there might be in the rate of rotation of the earth.
The time scale defined in 1956 is called "Ephemeris Time"; that is,
the time scale at which the motions of the planets and their
satellites fit the "laws" established by observation over long
periods of time. Ephemeris Time and Mean Solar Time would be
identical if all measurements over hundreds of years had had perfect
accuracy, and if the rate of rotation of the earth had not changed
slightly from time to time. Unfortunately, neither of these
desiderata has been fulfilled.
At the time my frequency comparisons began, the British and American
systems of time signals were operated in different ways. This
feature added a great deal of interest and amusement to my work. The
Greenwich Observatory tried to define a frequency that would agree
with the rotation of the earth averaged over an entire year. This,
in principle, ought to be constant, but the errors of measurement as
veil as inaccurate estimates of the future speeding up or slowing
down of the earth forced frequent readjustments in an effort to keep
this Greenwich standard in step with the earth on an annual basis.
At times fluctuations were overcorrected and had to be retracted
more or less suddenly. At other times, needed corrections apparently
were not made until too late, when they seemed to became entangled
with other corrections.
The Bureau of Standards in the United States, which broadcast
standard radio frequencies as contrasted to time signals, followed
the Naval Observatory in the opposite philosophy. They tried to
transmit a frequency that stayed in step with the day-to-day
variations in the rotation rate of the earth. This attempt ran afoul
of the limited accuracy with which astronomical time determinations
could be made. It was, in practice, not often that a fairly accurate
Problems in Maintaining Frequency Standards 251
correction could be made more frequently than once in a week or two.
This method seemed to run wild at times and apparently had greater
excursions in frequency than did the British method.
Neither of these technique was really satisfactory. It is
interesting to notice that the Greenwich Observatory was trying to
serve the physicists while the Naval Observatory clung to the
traditional astronomical understanding of time, although I doubt
that either organization would have expressed its philosophy in
those terms. As a result of these varying philosophies, the
difference between the two time systems was often as much as 20 or
30 parts in a billion and occasionally twice that value, at times
when errors accumulated in one or both sources.
These frequency differences were so large that we had to develop
equipment for "offsetting" the frequency of our comparison
oscillator so that we could accurately measure frequencies in both
systems. Such a device, in those predigital days, consisted of an
electronic phase-shifter rotated at a carefully-selected rate by a
synchronous motor. With change gears or some other mechanism a
frequency-changer could be adjusted to any desired rate. An
oscillator could, say, be operated nearly in synchronism with the
GBR signal so that a precise measurement could be made over a
relatively long interval. The output of the same oscillator could be
shifted by an exact amount to produce coherence with a second
signal, say from WWV. If and when desired, a phase-locked loop could
be established so that the oscillator tuning would automatically be
kept in agreement with one signal or another, It was, however,
usually much more satisfactory to leave the oscillator entirely
alone, except to correct for its variations manually on infrequent
occasions, if at all.
It is obvious that my reports could not be sent to Washington and to
England for very long without stimulating a desire to make the
standard-frequency signals more coherent. The major change came when
the Naval Observatory and the Bureau of Standards adopted the
annual-mean-frequency concept. For a year or two thereafter,
although no one would admit it, I am sure that the frequency
adjustments at WWV were made largely in response to the errors shown
in my reports. The evidence for this opinion was a noticeable
tendency for a large reported discrepancy to be followed by a
corresponding correction; and this was at a time when (so far as I
know) there were no other observations than mine that could yield
equal precision so promptly. A year or two later some of the
standards laboratories had adopted my method of comparison of
carrier phase and my reports became only one of several available
kinds of evidence for needed changes. In any case, by the early
1960s the more general availability of the first cesium-controlled
"clocks" made the problem far simpler. These devices had a
The Consultative Committee 252
stability, even in those early days, some hundred or more times that
of the best crystal oscillators. This made intercomparisons feasible
over longer intervals with a corresponding improvement in precision.
With further development these "atomic clocks" have become so
improved that now a group of several of them will keep time with an
error as small as a millionth of a second per year -- a timing
precision as exact over a year as my best sources could maintain for
a day.
* * *
After these lengthy digressions, I should return to the Consultative
Committee. As intimated before, I did not decline the appointment.
I had, however, a sufficiently keen appreciation of how little I
could contribute so that I did not try to get anyone to pay for a
trip to Paris. Such a trip would have been useless, in any case,
because the problem facing the committee soon turned out to be a
little intricate. As a result, after only one meeting following my
appointment it was decided to continue the discussions, or
arguments, by correspondence. My contributions thereafter were in
the form of talks with the Naval Observatory and Bureau of Standards
experts, and with academic and commercial specialists who could
speak with authority about the characteristics of at least two kinds
of atomic clocks.
The choice between these, the cesium-beam resonator and the hydrogen
maser, took some little time but was not really a difficult decision
to make. The cesium resonator had the characteristic that two of
them of different form and size had, within reasonable limits, a
strong tendency to operate at equal frequencies. The hydrogen maser,
an even newer device, could maintain a uniform frequency more
accurately but its frequency was sensitive to the size of its
resonant cavity. It could be adjusted to agree, for example, with
some other reference such as a cesium clock. In spite of the greater
stability of the maser, it was obviously less appropriate for a
standard. It also seemed inadvisable to wait for an indefinite
period to see whether the maser might ultimately achieve better
absolute accuracy.
A much more difficult and interesting series of questions arose from
the fact that the precision of clocks had now reached the level at
which time was noticeably affected by relativity. The more ordinary
concepts of relative speed were obviously not a concern of the
committee, but the problem of gravitational potential caused a good
deal of discussion. The rate of any clock is affected by what may
crudely be called the force of gravity upon it. It follows that the
rate of a clock depends upon the place on earth (or in space) in
which it is operated. In principle, the rate should be the same at
all points on the surface of the geoid, which is the figure the
The Moon Camera 253
earth would have if it were completely homogenous and plastic. In
practice, no one really knows how far a real point on the surface of
the earth may be above or below the surface of the geoid. Thus a
definition that included the effect of gravitational potential would
have to specify the second as a particular interval measured by a
particular clock when operated at a particular point on earth. Such
a definition is clearly untenable because the rate of the "standard"
clock would change when it was moved from place to place. The
committee was, after much discussion and correspondence, forced to
escape the problem of relativity by not mentioning it, at least in
the definition, and leaving it to the user of every fine clock to
determine for himself the effects of relativity upon his own
measurements.
It remained to define the second itself. It was relatively easy to
intercompare the frequency of the chosen cesium resonance with the
ordinary men solar second, but, almost by definition, this second
would no longer suffice even for purposes of calibration. The length
of the solar second was, as a matter of fact, changing by about five
parts in a billion per year in the 1955-1958 period. It happened
that Dr. William Markowitz at the U. S. Naval Observatory had
developed a "moon camera" that was really a complete technique for
photographing the moon in a field of stars, and then measuring the
negative to give the position of the moon with remarkable precision.
His method amounted to a clever optical technique for taking a
"snap-shot" photograph of the moon against a background made with a
long time exposure. Thus the moon's image could be seen without
overexposure among a considerable number of faint stars. On the
glass-plate negative, an approximate center of the moon's image was
marked. From this point a dividing engine measured the distance to
each star, noting the distance to the edge of the moon along the
way. Subsequent calculation removed any error in marking the center
of the moon's image and yielded the position of the moon in the
ordinary celestial coordinates. Dr. Markowitz's measurements were so
good that the position of the moon was determined with a standard
deviation of no more than 1/4 second of time; a remarkable
achievement when one considers the stately rate of progression of
the moon among the stars. It amounted to measuring the position
within a ten-thousandth of the apparent diameter of the moon.
I said above that Ephemeris Time has to be measured in terms of the
motion of bodies of the solar system in their orbits. In theory this
is fine; in practice the "hands" of these clocks move very slowly.
For example, Mars, the "speediest" planet that seems to travel
completely around the heavens, would have to have its period
measured to about six milliseconds of time to achieve an accuracy of
one part in ten billion. Clearly this cannot be done without
measuring over hundreds of periods, which means even more hundreds
of years. Fortunately, the moon moves across the sky about 25 times
The Moon Camera 254
as rapidly, so that there is hope of reaching a precision of a part
in ten billion in the measurement of Ephemeris Time within a few
decades.
Dr. Markowitz's excellent measurements were carried on and
intercompared with Dr. Essen's cesium frequency standard from June,
1955, to March, 1958. At that date these gentlemen announced an
average value of 9,192,631,770 Hz (cycles per second) for the
frequency of the cesium resonance in terms of Ephemeris Time. This
value is tentative, as the uncertainty figure of plus or minus 20
cycles per second is far larger than one would desire. Up to the
time when the Committee for the Definition of the Second was
deliberating, this estimate had not been amended. It was then
necessarily adopted by the Committee and, in October, 1967, by the
Bureau International des Poids et Mesures. The new definition is:
"The second is the duration of 9 192 631 770 periods of the
radiation corresponding to the transition between the two hyperfine
levels of the ground state of the atom of cesium 133" [translation
from the French by JAP]. It will undoubtedly remain the standard for
some decades although ultimately it will be advisable to refine it
or change it.
The only real inconvenience in having a time standard that is
inaccurately defined is this. It is advisable, for obvious reasons,
to transmit the time signals used for all ordinary purposes in terms
of Universal (or mean solar) time. One second is being added to the
time signals at the beginning of each year.
Occasionally a correction of 1 second is made at the end of June
rather than at the end of December. The interval between corrections
can thus be made in some multiple of six utonths, in an effort to
keep the time signals within a half second of Mean Solar Time.
The effect is that the minute before midnight Greenwich Time on
December 31st seems to have 61 seconds in it, if one judges by
listening to the time signals. This adjustment is to be made only
when necessary to keep the two kinds of time close together. The
decision is made by the Bureau International de l'Heure and the
change is made simultaneously in the time signals of all nations.
Most time signals indicate by a number of double ticks, or some such
audible signal transmitted at chosen intervals, how many tenths of
seconds should be added to or subtracted from the atomic time to get
a somewhat better approximation to Mean Solar Time.
Under this system any people desiring Ephemeris Time accurately must
fend for themselves; but as that standard can not be accurately
known for a long time, this creates no great inconvenience.
I should beg forgiveness for running on in so much detail about a
matter for which I had no great responsibility. My only excuse is
that the subject interests me; but then, that is my only excuse for
the whole of these memoirs.
256
20.
In 1956 the American Academy of Arts and Sciences gave itself a
concert that was both technically interesting and musically
delightful. It was planned and arranged to celebrate Franklin's
250th anniversary and Mozart's 200th, and had been in preparation
for at least two or three years. Two important members of the
committee that planned and prepared the concert were, I am sure, the
originators of the original idea. They were the curiously matched
team of Barlow Shapley, the astronomer, and E. Power Biggs, the
organist.
It seems that in that decade there was an idea current among some
musicians that there must once have been Glass Armonicas that were
played from keyboards. This idea, I gathered, arose from
contemplation of the technical character of some music written for
the Armonica; a concept I am unable to discuss and one that I think
must now have been abandoned.
The Glass Armonica was one of Benjamin Franklin's minor but happy
inventions. He had observed the playing of musical glasses by
rubbing wettened fingers along their rims and had been, like many
another, charmed by their etherial tones. Being Franklin, he also
noticed that they were played in an awkward and impractical way. He
therefore had a series of glass bowls made in such shapes that they
could be nested closely together, bored holes in their centers, and
mounted them on an axle to form a sort of tapered cylinder. The
bowls were blown or ground so that they resonated at the frequencies
of the notes in the musical scale. This assembly was mounted
horizontally in a case with a mechanism (like that later used for
the treadle-operated sewing machine) that would keep the assembly of
bowls rotating. The edges of the bowls were thus exposed with
spacings about like those of the keys of a harpsichord. A tray of
water was provided along the front of the instrument so that the
fingers of the musician could be made wetter whenever required. The
new instrument could thus be played almost as though it had a
keyboard,. but with one important difference. It is characteristic
of a series of resonators that emit very pure tones that accidental
variations may make the various notes either easy or hard to excite.
With Franklin's Glass Armonica any of these differences between
various notes of the scale could be accomodated by adjusting the
contact of the finger on the edge of each bowl or, to express it
crudely, by pressing harder until the note came out clearly.
There was a period, chiefly in the latter part of the eighteenth
century, when Franklin's Armonica was very popular, as indeed it
deserved to be, although this interest, we may be sure, arose in
part from the fame and popularity of Franklin himself. Music for
this instrument was written by many of the composers of that era,
and Mozart left a considerable repertoire of music for it. It later
fell into disuse, probably because of its fragility and the need for
a talented and devoted artisan to produce glass bowls of good
quality and accurate tuning. I am told that in this century there
are the remains of Glass Armonicas in several museums but that there
is now no evidence of any that might have been played from a
keyboard.
Apparently the musical opinion that there must have been such an
instrument was strong enough to generate a proposal to build one.
This idea was adopted by the Academy and the development of the
instrument led to the concert in 1956.
The American Academy of Arts and Sciences has a happy characteristic
of doing everything well. I remember a time when it went through a
considerable effort to amend its constitution because someone had
discovered a more apt preposition to use at one place in the
document. The decision to have a modern Glass Armonica built was
carried out in this spirit, although it was also characteristic of
the Academy to have the work financially supported by a large Boston
bank. It was decided that the Steuben Glass factory at Corning, New
York, would blow the crystal bowls which would be ground to the
correct pitches using the most modern electronic measurement
techniques. The machine would be assembled and cased by Herman
Schlicker, a famous organ builder in Buffalo. A keyboard mechanism
was devised that would bring rosined pads of leather gently against
the edges of the bowls when keys were pressed, and it was hoped that
enough sensitivity to increasing pressure would remain to let the
bowls speak properly.
For the year or two before the concert, one of the more interesting
reports at each monthly meeting of the Academy was a statement about
the status of the Armonica. It was to be expected that a few glass
bowls would speak so vigorously as to shatter under a small
stimulus, as indeed often happened. The set was to consist of
thirty-seven bowls, each responding to a separate key. A typical
report might be that thirty or more had been working well but that
three had shattered in the course of the month. The count would work
its way gradually upward, but with some disappointing reverses.
Opinion in the Academy was sharply divided on the question of
whether an entire set of satisfactory bowls would ever be in
existence at the same time, to say nothing of being right on the day
of the concert. I do not recall any report being made in which the
count of successful bowls did not lack two or three. Steuben Glass
must have become weary of this project.
The New Glass Armonica 258
I can think of little that would have prevented Catherine and me
from attending on the night of the concert. Because exact details of
the program had not been announced in advance, we realized that the
Glass Armonica had not been entirely successful only when we found
that that instrument had been demoted from a major attraction to a
kind of entr'acte. The remainder of the concert, however, left no
room for complaint. A fine string quartet had been drawn from
members of the Boston Symphony, primarily to play Mozart. Roland
Hayes, whom I recalled had been one of Mother's favorite tenors, had
been persuaded to leave his retirement to sing a number of songs for
which Franklin had written the words.
Mr. Biggs gave an interesting discussion of the musical glasses and
of the development of the Armonica. He played skillfully on the old
fashioned glasses and then gave us two or three short selections on
the Armonica, which was a beautiful instrument. Mr. Biggs had to be
apologetic about the success of the project as a small number of
notes were missing from the scale. This was presumably the reason
for choosing only short and carefully selected bits that could be
played without needing the missing tones. Even under this small
amount of use, two bowls were heard to break during the performance,
but Mr. Biggs, being an expert musician, was able to change key or
otherwise avoid having to use the missing notes again, so that his
selections were completed without further obvious defects. The tone
quality of the instrument was, as expected, a true delight, although
it had to be admitted that the experiment as a whole was not
successful.
To us, and probably to many of the audience, the most fascinating
part of the concert was the playing by the quartet of a piece for
strings actually composed by Franklin. His genius was such that it
had to modify even the way of playing chamber music by a quartet.
Franklin had obviously felt that the conventional way of playing
stringed instruments was too complicated for ordinary practical
people. He had therefore caused the instruments to be retuned so
that one player or another had every note that would be required on
an open string. The violinists and the viola player therefore had
nothing to do with their left hands except to hold up the necks of
their instruments. It was especially amusing to watch Alfred
Zighers, the cellist, bowing away with his left hand resting on his
thigh and a broad grin on his face. It is a curious and unexpected
fact that, to us at least, there was nothing whatever wrong with the
simple music. It seemed to be perfectly standard eighteenth century
chamber music with no smell of the artisan about it.
This concert could not fail to satisfy a selected audience having an
interest in academic matters. Most of the members certainly
remembered with sentimental affection the unbounded delight with
which Roland Hayes had accepted this introduction as a new Fellow of
the Academy a year or two before, If on that occasion he had felt as
much gratitude to the Fellows of the Academy as he seemed to show,
in 1956 he repaid the favor in overflowing measure. I doubt that he
ever sang acre beautifully. Although he must have had greater
technical control in his younger days, he could not have conveyed
more meaning and beauty to an audience. The rapport between the
quartet and the audience was distinctly marked and I suspect that I
have never heard chamber music better played. And the Franklinian
components of the concert were so characteristic of the man that
they brought his memory into our hearts with even more respect and
affection than it had received before.
* * *
We had attended an equally memorable and more formal concert in
1955. This one celebrated the eightieth birthday of Pierre Monteux,
who had been the conductor of the Boston Symphony Orchestra after
World War I and an honored guest conductor from time to time ever
since. It was reported that someone had asked him what he would like
for a birthday present, to which he had replied that he would like
to conduct the Boston Symphony and play Beethoven. It happened that
the date was one on which the Pension Fund concert could be held, so
everything was arranged according to M. Monteux's desire.
His presence of course guaranteed a hall crowded with his well-
wishers, a group that obviously included the musicians. M. Monteux
conducted an all'Beethoven concert of surpassing beauty. The
sentiments of the players and the audience were deeply involved. The
orchestra played magnificently and an audience never seeped more
appreciative.
At the end of the concert proper, the President of the Trustees made
the appropriate speech of thanks and appreciation and presented M.
Monteux with a bound volume of testimonies that seemed to be at
least four inches thick. To conclude the evening the music director
of the Symphony, Charles Munch, appeared to conduct two pieces
composed especially for the occasion. The first was by Darius
Milhaud and seemed a bit too modern to appeal greatly to Catherine
and me. The final composition of the evening, by Igor Stravinsky,
was introduced under the impressive title, Commemorative Ode for the
Eightieth Birthday of Pierre Monteux. M. Munch staged this
performance extremely well. He posed rigidly with both arms extended
upward and well apart until the silence of the audience had changed
to tension. He then suddenly began a complex and violent series of
motions that invoked a remarkable noise that seemed to roll across
the orchestra from right to left, lasting perhaps fifteen seconds.
As silence fell, M. Munch resumed his pose and again produced a
strange sequence of chords and disohords with a somewhat different
modulation. Silence fell once more and the effect, revised and
The 80th Birthday of Pierre Monteux 260
perhaps improved, was repeated for the third time.
This was all so cleverly done that it was only during the third
variation that any significant portion of the audience realized that
these cacophonous sounds were simply Stravinsky burlesquing
Stravinsky, and that the melody that had been so deeply buried was
nothing more than Happy Birthday to You. The audience burst into
shouts of laughter and applause, and the evening ended on a note of
high approval that I have never heard equalled. The effect persisted
for some time as, while walking along Westland Avenue to reach our
car, our expressions of delight were frequently interrupted by
outbursts of laughter from groups ahead of or behind us, or even
from the opposite side of the street. All in all, this was the
happiest occasion with about the finest music that we have heard in
Symphony Hall.
261
21.
Having followed the fortunes of frequency measurement for about a
decade, I must go back in time to describe my first efforts to
devise a practical aid to navigation using the very low radio
frequencies.
It may have been as early as the days in the Radiation Laboratory
when I began to talk about what I then called the phaseless phase
navigation method. Discussion of this topic was purely as a tutorial
device, because it seemed clearly impossible that such a method
could exist in the real world; The idea was a development from a
possibility that later became known as "rho-rho", or distance
measurement. This earlier "impossible" concept suggested that a
vehicle should carry a perfect oscillator against which it could
observe a signal derived from an equally perfect oscillator and
transmitted from a known position. Changes in distance from the
transmitter would then be measured by changes in the observed phase
of the signal, and integration of these phase changes would (if the
velocity of propagation were accurately known) always indicate the
distance of the vessel from the transmitter, provided that an
initial phase had been measured at a known starting point. Without
this calibration at a known place, the method would show little, and
it was obviously necessary that the signal should be tracked
continuously after this definition of the starting point. It was
clearly impossible in the 1940s that such a rho-rho system could be
successful, as the best oscillators, even when operated under
carefully controlled conditions in the laboratory, would surely have
errors corresponding to a fictitious rate of at least a mile an
hour, while it would obviously be prohibitively expensive, even if
possible, to attain such accuracy in a moving vehicle.
The phaseless phase concept suggested a way of eliminating
oscillator drift as a problem. It proposed that two transmitters
(controlled by good oscillators that were kept coherent by frequent
or continuous monitoring) should radiate two different frequencies
whose only limitation was that it should not be too complex a
problem accurately to derive both frequencies from the same
oscillator. A vehicle would then carry separate receivers and phase
trackers for these two frequencies. Each of these phase change
summations could then be multiplied by an appropriate factor to
reduce the measurement to that which would have been observed at
some convenient reference frequency. The measurement would then be
one of the total change in the difference of the distances from the
two transmitters, This line of position could, like that in any
other hyperbolic system, be crossed by one or more other lines
262
produced by observation of other stations. Like the rho-rho idea,
the phaseless-phase mechanism would not yield absolute position, but
only the distance and direction travelled since, the navigator had
been at a known place.
A little thought reveals the fact that this kind of mechanism is
nothing but a form of dead-reckoning tracker, with the peculiar and
important property that the errors with which position is carried
forward are limited to those of measurement and propagation. In
conventional dead reckoning, on the other hand, the errors can grow
without limit, more or less in proportion to the length of time
since the position was determined. This difference is of
philosophical interest, and it justified some discussion of this
method even when there was no known mechanism for reducing it to
practice.
After the unexpected discovery of the great predictability of the
very-low-frequency propagation velocity, the phaseless-phase idea
suddenly seemed capable of implementation. One of the powerful
arguments for this system stemmed from the fact that there were a
number of wireless telegraph stations operating in the region from
15 to 25 or 30 kilohertz. Some of these had quite high power and all
of them, in those days, used on-and-off keying in morse code. It was
clear that if some of these stations could be taught to keep their
signals flowing even if they had nothing to say (and if their
operating, frequencies could be made coherent, that is, in exact
mathematical ratio) one or more ready-made navigational pairs could
be set up without great expense. This we set out to do.
In promoting such an idea, it was obviously necessary to have a name
for the system. For this I chose Draco because, as I have always
believed, if a name has as yet no denotation it should at least have
some connotation. In my mind, at least, the two first letters
symbolized the dead-reckoning tracker that I recognized the system
to be, while the word draco (Latin for dragon or serpent) suggested
the train of sine waves that was the output waveform of each
station. Now that I come to write about it, I realize that it is
possible that I never before explained this origin.
The circumstances for this experiment were auspicious. We knew that
GBR operated about 23 hours per day and, except for a maintenance
period, seldom fell silent for more than a few seconds at a time. It
would certainly provide a useful signal over long distances. With
this as a master station, it only remained to build the machinery
that would use the Rugby signal to lock a good oscillator from which
the operating frequency of some other station could be derived. Thus
an experiment could be performed using Rugby as a master station.
Its operators would need to take no action, although it would
certainly be a courtesy to advise them of what would be going on.
Draco Philosophy 263
By the time we had decided to test this idea, the discouraging news
was received that the Rugby station, or at least the 16 kilohertz
transmitter, would fall silent for several months or more to permit
reconstruction of its antenna. This was a complex structure of wire
cables and insulators supported by a dozen or more 820-foot towers.
During the long silent interval, the important communication
function would be transferred to a standby station at Criggion,
Wales. This station would transmit at much the same schedule but at
a slightly less favorable frequency and with only one-sixth of the
radiated power of Rugby.
I did not feel that this change could be allowed to delay our
experiment, so construction of equipment to receive and use the new
frequency was begun. The most convenient station to make a slave was
at a place called Jim Creek in the town of Arlington, not near
Washington, D.C., but somewhat north of Seattle, Washington, in the
foothills of the Cascade Mountains. This was, at the time, the
Navy's most powerful VLF transmitter. Its acceptance trials had
shown a radiated power of 330 kilowatts, but it had been found more
satisfactory to run the station at the 200-kilowatt level, as this
allowed less frequent interruptions and replacement of components.
The great circle path from Criggion to Jim Creek is a little less
than 5,000 miles in length, but it arcs northward to cross the
Greenland ice-cap and then traverse a thousand miles or more of the
permafrost region of Canada, north and west of Hudson's Bay. Both
kinds of frozen terrain were believed (and later proved) to cause
great attenuation of low frequency signals. We had, however,
confidence in our improving techniques for signal integration and we
felt that we could deal with extremely weak radio signals.
There were two major problems to be faced in the design of our
equipment. One was to assure maximum stability in the many necessary
selective circuits, so that changes in temperature or in the
characteristics of vacuum tubes would not cause phase shifts that
would vary with time. This was required as there was no definable
reference phase. It was therefore necessary to arrange things so
that, whatever relation an output phase had with respect to an
incoming signal, it could be expected to remain constant, at least
over the length of time, it would take a navigator to go from one
known place to another.
This requirement was met, as far as possible, by designing
frequency-adding or frequency-dividing circuits that required a
minimum of filtering to produce the necessary purity of tone. This
work had three parts planning, so that a needed frequency was
removed as far as possible from all unwanted by-products;
development of circuits that added or subtracted to produce the
Plans for a Draco Pair of Stations 264
desired sum or difference frequency at a power level much higher
than that of any other frequency present; and use of lattice filters
with bandwidths as broad as circumstances permitted rather than
sharply-tuned selective circuits that would be more sensitive to
changes in the temperature of components. The final equipment, which
filled a large relay rack, was certainly the most carefully designed
and built that we ever made.
The second major problem was really a series, all of which stemmed
from the tremendous local signal that would be received on the
station premises from the Jim Creek transmitter itself, as compared
with an extremely weak signal to be expected from Criggion. Before
going to the Seattle area, we had no idea how weak this signal might
be, so we prepared for the worst and made the equipment as sensitive
as we possibly could. It was well that we did so, for the signal
turned out to be only about a microvolt per meter, which may be
compared with the hundred or more microvolts per meter commonly
required for a useful morse code signal, The Jim Creek signal was at
least as big an obstacle as expectad. It was found to be about
4,000 volts per meter at the best location we could find on the
station property. There was thus a voltage difference of about four
billion to one in favor of the unwanted signal in our receiver. The
ratio of the power inputs was even more fantastic, being over a
quintillion times greater for the unwanted signal. In technical
terms, it would be necessary to provide enough frequency selectivity
to reduce the unwanted signal by more than 200 decibels, because
that signal would have to be reduced to negligibility with respect
to the wanted one. Some idea of the meaning of this ratio can be
gained by realizing that it is more than twice the logarithmic
difference between the loudest noise the ear can tolerate and the
most delicate sound that can be heard at all.
The problem of attaining adequate selectivity was made somewhat more
difficult for the signal from Criggion, as that frequency was closer
to that of Jim Creek than was the Rugby signal's. Criggion operated
at 19.6 khz and Jim Creek at 18.6 khz. There was thus a difference
of only 1,000 cycles per second between the wanted and unwanted
signals in the receiver. It is perhaps more appropriate to say that
the ratio of the two frequencies was almost the equivalent of one
semitone in the musical scale.
To attain the great degree of selectivity that was required, it
would be necessary to use, at least in the first tuned circuits,
coils having a figure of merit (called Q) of at least 250 or 300. At
least in 1956, the best available Q in physically small inductors
was of the order of 200 or more, but was attained by the use of
windings on toroidal iron cores. It would be impossible to use such
inductors in the earlier tuned circuits in our receiver because they
became non-linear when the iron was magnetically saturated by too
great a current in the coil. This would lead to a change in
inductance and a phase shift in the tuned circuit. This possibility
was not tolerable because it would mean that the receiver output
would have a different phase when the Jim Creek key was down than
when it was up. In other words, the phase of the observed Criggion
signal would vary, depending upon the duty'cycle of Jim Creek; or,
crudely, upon whether it was transmitting mostly dots or mostly
dashes at a given time.
The solution for this problem was to construct air-cored inductors
that had adequate Q without iron. By using Litz (or Litzendraht)
wire composed of dozens or hundreds of fine wires, the
radio-frequency resistance could be kept low, while making the coils
larger increased the figure of merit. After some experimentation, we
learned to make multilayer solenoids that were six or more inches
long and about four inches in diameter. To protect these inductors
from outside, possibly nonlinear, influences, each of the coils was
installed in the middle of a copper box containing something more
than a cubic foot of air. These shielding boxes were provided with
electric heaters and thermostats and were thermally insulated from
the environment, so that temperature changes and consequent phase
shifts could be minimized. By making the first two tuned circuits in
the receiver with these cumbersome components, it was possible to
reduce the local signal to the point where it could then be dealt
with by more conventional methods.
Another difficulty lay in the necessity, or at least the
advisability, for compensating the diurnal phase shifts on the long
path from Wales to the State of Washington. It was obviously more
desirable to let the Jim Creek signal have a constant timing in
agreement with Criggion in an absolute sense, rather than to allow
it to follow the diurnal fluctuations of the signal from Criggion as
received at Jim Creek. This meant that corrections should be applied
to the observed Criggion phase to make it simulate a signal that
would have been observed if there were no diurnal variation in the
time of propagation. This problem had two parts: computation of the
phase changes to be expected, and design of a device that would
correct the observed phase by the expected amount.
The second part was achieved by building a mechanism that would
drive a phase shifter at one of two adjustable rates. This was
actuated by two alarm clocks that could be set to the minute, and
there was an adjustable limit to the rotation of the phase shifter.
At the predicted time of sunrise in Wales, the phase shifter would
start rotating at a selected rate, so that at the time of sunrise at
Jim Creek the phase of the local comparison signal would have
decreased by the expected amount, which was intended to exactly
balance the phase change in the incoming signal during the sunrise
interva At the time of sunset in Wales the reverse process would
begin, the only difference being in the rate of change established
by a second adjustable speed changer. This sunset variation would
continue until the original night-time phase level had been
restored. It was, of course, necessary to arrange for conditions,
mach as midsummer on the long east-west path, when there was no
complete night over the whole transmission path. Under these
circumstances, the diurnal correction pattern would be triangular,
rather than trapezoidal, and one of the stable levels would never be
reached.
It would be necessary to change the starting times, the rates, and
the total day-to-night variation each two or three days because of
the changing length of daylight. I did my best to pre-compute all of
these variables, and give Jim Creek a table of what all the settings
should be for various dates. Fortunately, with care and study these
calculations could be corrected, because a continuous record of the
observed phase track at Jim Creek would show the result of errors in
the assumptions by its departure from linearity. In principle,
therefore, the tables could gradually be made more exact.
I felt that one other complication ought to be built into the
equipment we made. It was clear that any navigation aid that
concentrated its service near the United States would have its best
accuracy in or near that area. It could therefore be more useful to
an enemy than would an equivalent system operated from his part of
the world. With a passive system, like Draco, any number of
navigators could use its service at the simple cost of building
appropriate receivers. The best defense I could think of to counter
this possible threat was to conceal the fact that such a system was
in operation.
To do this, at least for a time, we made a phase shifter that was
driven by a synchronous motor through change gears that permitted
selection of any of a large number of rates. These were adjusted so
that they could be varied in tiny steps up to a frequency difference
of about 3 parts in 10^8, or enough to guarantee an error of fifteen
or twenty miles an hour. One of these was used at the slave
transmitter and a similar device was used to provide a compensating
offset in the frequency of the oscillator used in each navigator's
receiver.
The total effect was as follows. After much effort a signal from
Criggion would be used to stabilize the frequency from which the Jim
Creek transmitting frequency would be derived. The transmitter
frequency would then be set off from the nominal frequency by an
amount that in ordinary terms was very small, but that corresponded
to a large error in the coherence of the two signals when considered
as an aid to navigation. At the navigator's receiver an opposite
offset would permit operation exactly as if the offsets did not
Concealment of the Draco System 267
exist, because the frequency differences inserted were
mathematically exact. Any desired pre-planned code could be used to
schedule the frequency offsets. These might be changed a number of
times a day so that an untutored observer who intercompared the
signals would only discover that they seemed to be derived from
crystal oscillators that aged at independent rates, as all
oscillators did. An error, for example, could be arranged to
increase gradually and then be brought back suddenly, to simulate
the occasional correction of a frequency in terms of some standard.
For our experiment it was not necessary to use complex coding
tables. As I have described above, in this era there was a
considerable difference between the standard frequepoy signals of
Great Britain and American, as they were adjusted according to
differing philosophies. It was easy therefore to operate the
oscillator at Jim Creek in coherence with the Criggion signal, and
then set off the Jim Creek frequency by an amount that brought it
into approximate agreement with the American standard. It was not
necessary to do this with frequent changes, as the two standards
differed chiefly with the season of the year, and because no station
kept to its assigned frequency very exactly in those days.
When the equipment for all these things had been completed, it was
the summer of 1956. All of the gear, with measuring instruments,
spare oscillators and small parts, was loaded into a panel truck and
driven to Seattle by a pair of technicians, while I flew to San
Diego for a more or less routine meeting and thence to Seattle.
On arrival at Jim Creek we found that the Navy's permission for us
to work there must have been unusually wholehearted, for the first
activity was to show us the coffee mess and invite us to use it as
our own. The man in technical charge was the civilian chief
engineer, Lou Riley, who had been a Chief Petty Officer in the Navy
when sent there to help with the installation of the transmitter.
Lou loved the Cascades and presently retired from the Navy to come
back as civilian so that he could not be ordered to go anywhere
else. One of his favorite pastimes was taking groups of Boy Scouts
on camping trips in the mountains. He always kept fishing gear in
his car and usually stopped at every stream he passed to see if he
could quickly catch a trout. Lou was the heart and soul of the
station, and I used to wonder whether it could be kept in operation
without him. Later I heard that he was offered a corresponding
position at the really super-powered station at Cutler, Maine, but
he declined this plum so that he could stay in the Cascades.
The size of the station was a revelation to me. The antenna
consisted of ten copperweld cables 8,000 feet long strung across a
narrow valley between two ridges 3,000 feet high. The centers of
these strands were connected to downleads that were brought together
Concealment of the Draco System 268
into a sort of transmission line that carried them back to the
transmitter building. The antenna was actually separated into two
halves, each excited by its own transmitter, so that in case of
accident or the need for maintenance the station could operate at
half-power for a time. The transmitter building was a concrete box a
hundred feet or so square without windows and with access to the
area of the transmitter itself only by elevator from below. As
befitted a station with a transmitter whose component sections were
mostly of the order of cubes ten feet on a side, the elevator was so
big that we simply drove our truck into it for the ride up to the
operating level.
We spent two or three days setting up our equipment and erecting a
whip antenna for receiving the signal from Criggion. As the
transmitter building was the only possible site for our gear in the
immediate vicinity, the whip was installed on the roof about fifty
feet from the lead-in which carried about 700 amperes of radio-
frequency current. It was in setting up this antenna that we
discovered the falsity of the common statement that r.f. does not
shock; it simply produces surface burns. This may be the truth for
small quantities as high-frequency currents tend to flow only on the
surface of a conductor, but it fails by a wide margin to explain the
behavior of large currents at such a low frequency as Jim Creek's.
Our rough calibration of the field strength near the transmitter
lead-in was as follows: a bit of metal up to five or six inches long
(such as a screwdriver or a pair of pliers) stings like a nettle;
rubber gloves are a necessity for handling metal objects a foot or
two long; and touching a conductor five or six feet long can knock
one down.
The minor pain we encountered in setting up this antenna was wasted,
as we never detected a signal from Criggion at that site. Two or
three days passed while we searched for the signal. This was a slow
process as the only indication of its presence would be the tracking
behavior of our servos over a half-hour or more. The search was
complicated by the fact that our oscillators had completely lost
calibration in the trip across the country, while the signal from
WWV which we had expected to use to find the correct frequency was
received so poorly as to be essentially useless. At that date, the
only real access to precise frequency was through the signals
transmitted for the purpose by WWV from near Washington, D.C., and
also from WWVH in Hawaii. Neither of these signals was received well
enough for the very accurate calibration we had to make. It
therefore was a painful and erratic search, moving our oscillator in
small steps through what we hoped was an adequate frequency range,
and watching the servo record for symptoms of proper tracking.
Frequently random behavior would look real for a few minutes and
lead us to erroneous corrections because our patience was under such
strain.
Trying to Find the Criggion Signal 269
In the end we gave up trying to operate at the transmitter site. In
the search for an alternate we found that there was a little
microwave hut at the top of one of the mountains that supported the
large antenna. This hut received signals, from Seattle I suppose,
and relayed them down to the station in a telephone cable. The hut
was not much more than a mile in a direct line from the transmitter,
but was reached by seven miles of mountain road. The hut was near
the southwestern-most stub tower that supported one of the strands
of the big antenna. This tower was about 200 feet high and made an
ideal point to which to tie a fairly long wire receiving antenna. At
this site we set up our gear in an odd corner and, without too much
difficulty, detected the Criggion signal. Without any proof, I still
believe that our failure down below was due to the weakness of the
Criggion signal at the bottom of the narrow valley the signal was
none too strong at the top of the mountain. We estimated the one
microvolt per meter that I mentioned above from the degree of
sluggishness of our servos. In other words, if the signal had been
stronger the tracking would have been faster or better.
At this stage, excitement took over. We had, at the top of the
mountain, a frequency equal to that assigned to Jim Creek and locked
to the British standard of frequency with a precision of about a
part in ten billion. Down in the valley was the station operating at
the same frequency but perhaps in error by a part in ten thousand.
And between the two was a telephone cable with pairs to spare. With
only a quick look with an oscilloscope to see that the local signal
accidentally induced in the cable was not too formidable, and not
waiting to provide proper balancing and segregation for our circuit,
we connected our output to the line and telephoned down to Lou to
try our new signal source on the transmitter. To our delight, it
took over the frequency control without a quiver, although a
terrible oscillation might have ensued with a megawatt of power
trying to feed back into our telephone line. The Criggion-Jim Creek
Draco pair was instantly in full operation.
Within a day or two the people in Cambridge reported that the
stabilized pair was operating about as expected. Little was left to
do except to continue operation for a while to assure ourselves that
the long-term statistics were reasonably satisfactory.
Like all high-powered stations, Jim Creek had elaborate arrange
ments for shutting down the transmitter quickly, in case of
accidents of various kinds. A part of these precautions is spoken of
as dumping, because as the high-voltage power supply is shut off the
large capacitors that smooth the rectified voltages are short-
circuited by heavy bars as a precaution against melting down of
components or possible electrocution of personnel. Such a dump is
momentarily violent, as tremendous voltages and currents are
Draco Lives! 270
suddenly discharged, and there is often a considerable reaction on
the power supply for the station. I had the misfortune to be, I
suppose, perhaps the only person who ever dumped a super-power
transmitter by tripping over an extension cord and pulling it out of
a 120-volt wall outlet. This statement is amusing but not quite
accurate. When I stumbled over the power cord for our equipment in
the microwave hut, the transmitter simply fell dead for a moment.
Without stopping to think, I plugged the cord in again and the
transient in our own equipment activated the safety mechanisms and
produced the dump. I realized what I had done as the lights failed
momentarily, but by then it was too late for anything but apologies.
Fortunately, no one belonging, to the station made any appreciable
fuss over this incident, but my face was very red when next we went
down to the transmitter building.
At about this time the Navy's frequency monitoring station in San
Francisco sent Jim Creek a notice that it was two or three cycles
off from its assigned frequency. Actually the station had never
since its construction been so accurately controlled. In fact, it
must have been, at this date, except for WWV, the American station
with the highest frequency stability ever known. We spent a little
time in checking that everything was operating correctly, and even
more time in trying to decide how to explain the situation in a
message to San Francisco. Before this problem could be solved, a
second message arrived from the monitoring station admitting that
the first one had been sent in error. Lou Riley relieved his
feelings and delighted me by sending back a message saying, "The
next time you think our frequency is wrong, don't call us call WWV!"
Fortunately we had almost finished our extensive work at the top of
the mountain before we learned the whole story about the habits of
the trucks loaded with big logs that often passed through the
station grounds. It appeared that the Navy owned a piece of property
several miles square, which indeed it required, and was having a
commercial company cut the timber on a part of the area. The trees
were good-sized Douglas firs, and we were used to seeing trucks
heavily loaded with three or four logs each several feet in
diameter. We learned that the trucks were equipped with large
reservoirs so that water could be poured over the brake drums to
take away the heat developed in them on downward trips. In the
lumbermen's forests, the trails were cut at a pitch steep enough to
make it possible that a truck could not be stopped on the way down,
although it could usually be kept under sufficient control to stay
in the road. In the Naval station, the main road up the mountain had
been one of these truck trails. Although it had been paved and
widened a little, it was still not a highway in which one would wish
to pass a big truck, and we were fortunate in never having this
experience as we went up and down the mountain. The factor that
would have frightened us badly, had we known it sooner, was a high
degree of ambiguity. In the forests, the truck drivers followed a
simple rule: on meeting a car, the truck would take the side of the
road next the mountain; if any space was left on the side of the
precipice, the other vehicle was welcome to it.
In the Naval station, on the other hand, the rule was to keep to the
right under all circumstances. After learning of this uncertainty,
we never approached a blind corner without wondering whether it
concealed a big truck, and, if so, which rule it would follow.
We were told that when a loaded truck went off the road winches and
cables were brought to the site and the logs were carefully dragged
back up to the road. After such a fall, the truck was ruined, but
the logs were still worth several thousands of dollars.
* * **
After this trip I had no further written communication with Jim
Creek. The commander of the Naval Station at Seattle was obsessed by
fear that communists were watching his every move. He instructed me,
on my duty call, that I was to have no communication with Jim Creek
until he had set up a security system that would make it safe. In my
view, nothing was required. I was deeply concerned about security
and was never likely to speak carelessly or without adequate
camouflage. As it happened, Leo the Lion, the commander in question,
never did anything further in the matter. I therefore kept my
communications to a minimum, chiefly in the form of answering phone
calls from Lou when he needed a little technical advice. I have
therefore very little written evidence of this whole experimental
program.
We continued to observe the stabilized signals for a year or more.
The results were generally satisfactory with errors not often larger
than a mile or two in the line of position through Cambridge. We
gradually improved the prediction methods that were required for the
production of charts and tables. In the meantime, the Navy had
contracted with Pickard and Burns, the company that Dick Woodward
had joined, to produce two sets of synchronizing equipment for
transmitting stations and a few receivers for testing purposes.
These instruments were built with much more professional finish than
our experimental gear, but I doubt that they could have worked
better. One set of transmitter equipment was used to replace ours at
Jim Creek (although that station kept our gear there for several
years for standby and checking purposes) and a second set was
installed at a naval station at Annapolis, Maryland, after GBR had
resumed operation at Rugby, England. This was a convenient but
perhaps unfortunate choice because, as seen from Annapolis, the
directions to the Rugby-Jim Creek pair of stations subtended less
than 120 degrees. It followed that (neglecting a few hundred miles
near Annapolis, within which distance propagationial behavior might
be uncertain) the triplet of stations could be expected to give
magnificent service in Hudson's Bay and the Arctic Ocean. On the
other hand, operation south of Annapolis would be characterized,
because of unfavorable geometrical factors, by large errors in
latitude. The measurements would be good in longitude because in
that coordinate the result would depend almost entirely upon the
long pair, between Rugby and Jim Creek. The Navy had, of course, no
intention of experimenting with Draco in the arctic. From this time
onward, tests were carried out entirely within the Navy, although
outlines of most, if not all, of the data were sent to me for my own
interpretation.
At the time of these experiments, the Navy operated a vessel, the
Compass Island, entirely for the testing of various aids, to
navigation. She carried many conventional navigation devices,
including the inertial, and also had a computer room which attempted
to deduce the most probable position at all times, and to assign
apparent errors to the devices under test. The ship made two trips
for which the data were of interest to me. On the first, she
proceeded south from New York to a point near the Bahamas and then
made a series of runs east and west at separations of two or three
miles, followed by a similar series north and south. I never heard
what the purpose of these runs may have been, but they provided an
ideal testing pattern as the ship spent quite a lot of time moving
in an area about forty miles square.
On the passage south, the Compass Island passed a point where
Annapolis and Jim Creek had the same bearing from the ship. Because
of this, and because of the short distance from Annapolis, no useful
information could be had except from the long pair. Happily, this
part of the course was within a few miles or being exactly south. I
therefore assumed the ship's reported latitude to be correct and
solved the observed readings for longitude only. These points, for
two and a half days, could conveniently be plotted in a single
diagram that showed not more than one or two points in a hundred to
be more than a mile east or west of the ship's reported position.
Near the Bahamas, it was possible to use both pairs but, as said
above, with much larger errors In the north-south direction. As a
result the east-west runs looked terrible on my graph, as the random
variations made the tracks fluctuate so much that they frequently
overlapped for a few miles. Conversely, the north-south runs looked
beautiful on my map as the east-west scatter was quite small. When I
took the trouble to plot the errors of Draco in their distance and
direction from the center of a diagram there was, of course, no
noticeable difference between the diagrams for the two sets of runs.
In both cases the probable ellipses that included almost all of the
observed points showed maximum errors of a little less than a mile
in longitude but errors four times larger in latitude. At least, the
shape and orientation of the ellipses agreed with the theory,
indicating that with suitably located stations the standard
deviation of a fix should be only about a nautical mile.
The other passage that interested me was when the Compass Island
came through the western end of the Mediterranean Sea and across the
Atlantic Ocean. In this case, the position determined by Draco after
the ship left the Gates of Hercules diverged more and more from the
supposed position for many hour; until suddenly the computer room
report moved sideways about fifteen miles in a fifteen minute
interval and came to rest within a mile of the Draco position. There
was nothing included with the data that gave a clue to explain why
this happened. I therefore wrote the ship's navigating officer to
ask if he could explain this peculiarity. After searching the
records he produced an answer. At the time of the sudden anomaly,
the ship had come within sight of Madeira!
In the neighborhood of Bermuda there was another instance when, to
my prejudiced eye, Draco seemed to have performed more consistently
than had whatever the Compass Island used for its primary
navigational information. I cannot cite this so exactly, as the
evidence was less clear and, to tell the truth, I have forgotten the
precise details. Because all of this effort was under military
security classification, I no longer have any of the documents in
the case.
As a result of these experiments, there was some small Naval
interest in Draco. Unfortunately, however, the only serious office
was the one planning navigational methods for the Polaris
submarines. Their interest was little less than silly because, as
explained above, Draco could tell nothing unless the tracking was
continuous. Although signals at the Draco frequencies could be
received to some small depth under water, it was impossible to hear
them at the depths where the submarines would wish to spend most of
their time. This meant that when the submarine was not near the
surface it would be necessary to switch to artificial signals from a
stable oscillator and advance the position by dead reckoning in
terms of the ship's heading and speed (both of which were quite
accurately known in the Polaris vessels) so that the real signal
would be found near the estimated phase when the submarine again
came near the surface. The Polaris ships were to have good
oscillators and computers that could carry out this procedure, but
there was (or should have been) grave doubt about how long such a
period without signals could be.
There was an interval when the new Polaris submarines had space
reserved for a Draco receiver, but elementary common sense
ultimately prevailed and the idea was finally abandoned. During the
More Draco Results 274
period of uncertainty I was to be found in the curious position of
arguing against the use of my own idea but on this subject there is
no evidence that the Navy paid any attention to me.
The Draco technique came to life again about 1970. By that time, the
U. S. Navy had installed cesium-controlled oscillators in all of its
very-low-frequency stations, so that they transmitted what were in
effect standard ftequencies. These are now very exact and are
monitored by the Naval Observatory and occasionally corrected when
necessary. These stations and a few in other countries now provide
the kind of service we had between Criggion and Jim Creek, without
the need for any special equipment in the transmitting stations.
There is, of course, no attempt at concealment and this service is
useful to anyone.
This new form of Draco, usually called simply lip navigation, has
been promoted energetically by the Global Navigation Company of
California. Receivers are relatively inexpensive and are favored by
the owners of small aircraft as the method gives very fine results
for flight durations of only a few hours, during which diurnal
variations in propagation need not be compensated. Some
manufacturers are now offering this same lip service as an adjunct
to automatic Omega receivers, but this subject brings me too far
ahead of my story.
275
22.
In 1958, Catherine and I decided that the children, then 13 and 11,
were old enough to benefit from an automobile trip as far west as
Colorado and Montana. In August I had a meeting at Boulder, so we
spent three or four weeks getting there and back. We started with
visits to Catherine's kin in New York State and then made calls on
my elder daughter, Marty, and her husband who was a young teacher of
poetry at Antioch College. They had collaborated in the production
of my first two grand-daughters in the last four years. This visit
was somewhat painful as I had felt (and still feel) that I should
stay out of Marty's life for her own peace of mind, as her
sympathies after the divorce could only have been with her mother.
We had actually only met the young people once or twice when they
had called in Arlington on their way to visit friends in Maine.
When Ohio was behind us, we went westward with tourist stops to
examine Lincoln memorabilia in Springfield, Illinois, and those of
Mark Twain in Hannibal, Missouri. The season and the temperature
made it advisable to do a good bit of traveling at early hours in
the morning. I still recall my pride, one day in Kansas, at getting
Catherine up early enough to put 175 miles behind us before stopping
for breakfast.
I cannot remember what Catherine and the children must have done
while I was busy with my meetings. The clearest recollection in
Boulder is of the difficulty in getting the children to eat anywhere
except at Fred's Columbine Cafe. The attraction in this
establishment was a Monsterburger, consisting of a pound or so of
excellent beef in a sandwich made from a six-inch section of a large
loaf of French bread. In those days the children's father had no
difficulty in demolishing his own monsterburger, hard as that is to
understand thirty years later.
From Boulder we drove north and west through Colorado and Wyoming.
We stopped chiefly to buy western hats for the children in Laramie,
and to get a fossil fish as a souvenir at a lonely shop run by a man
who enjoyed asking tourists to guess where he came from, as he was a
transplanted Eskimo. We searched for and located Sacajawea's grave
in a very interesting cemetery in the Shoshone reservation at Wind
River, Wyoming, where many of the markers were actually the white
headboards of enamelled iron beds. We intended to spend only a night
in the Jackson Lake Lodge, but found it so attractive and convenient
that we stayed there several days and commuted daily to Yellowstone
Park. There we believe we saw everything there was to see from Old
Faithful to the smallest mud-pot, and from the bears and elks to the
Western Trip 276
chipmunks. We also started a long family difference of opinion.
Catherine firmly believes that the famous pond on the continental
divide really does have two outlets, one to the Pacific Ocean and
one to the Gulf of Mexico. I, on the other hand, noticed that there
were distinct indications of shovel work apparently intended to keep
one end of the pond open. Also, I have seen so much evidence of the
power of water to carve out its preferred channel that it is hard to
believe in a pond that can not decide in which direction to find its
outlet.
After finally leaving the Park in a northerly direction, we saw a
large bird sitting in the road ahead of us. To our astonishment,
when the car came close enough to scare the bird into flight, it
turned out to be a pelican. We had all felt that the pelican
occurred only in Florida and similar clime; so that it was only
after we got home that we found that actually pelicans have a fresh
water breeding range which includes the Yellowstone River.
In Montana we located the home of a friend of Catherine who had
married a rancher and now helped conduct a riding camp for boys.
After we had investigated the house and nearby buildings, as nothing
was locked, we deduced that they were all out on a ride and had
moved along. After we had turned toward home we stopped to examine
the Fort Peck dam, which was then finished, although the lake it was
supposed to form was not yet filled. My current atlas shows a lake
now almost a hundred miles long and probably averaging six or eight
miles wide. Judging by the height of the earthen dam we saw, the
lake must also be fairly deep. The Missouri River is surely no
longer, what it once must have been.
After a call on some of Catherine's Taylor cousins in northern
Wisconsin, we went around the upper end of Lake Michigan and were
astonished to find more neon lights in St. Ignace than either of us
remembered seeing in Times Square. We also found it almost
impossible to find lodging in a place so full of summer visitors. We
crossed the beautiful bridge at the Straits of Mackinac and drove
directly to Port Huron and crossed into the Province of Ontario.
In Brantford we had two surprises. One was a small museum dedicated
to Alexander Graham Bell, Brantford in some way claimed that that
was where the telephone had been invented. The evidence,
inconclusive to us, was in the form of a letter or two that could be
construed to suggest that the idea might have come to Bell while he
was visiting there. In any case, the excuse was sufficient to have
brought together a good collection of early telephone equipment,
which was of interest to me, at least.
The second surprise began a considerable modification of our ideas
of the history of the American Revolution in New York State.
Western Trip 277
Catherine grew up only a few miles west of the Unadilla River which
was, until after the Revolution, the boundary between the settlers
and the Indians. We were therefore used to seeing small monuments
marking the sites of farms and hamlets destroyed by Joseph Brant,
who was a chief of the Mohawks and is still recalled locally as a
fiend incarnate. In Brantford we discovered that Joseph was a
loyalist hero of the revolutionary period and actually a full
colonel in the British army. Later reading disclosed that he had
been a student at Eleaser Wheelock's school at Lebanon, Connecticut,
before it was moved to Dartmouth, New Hampshire. Joseph Brant had
been presented at Court in London, had become a companion of Boswell
and of the Prince of Wales, and had had his portrait painted by
Romney. In later years he fought courageously but. unsuccessfully to
unite all the Indian tribes as the only hope for stopping the white
advance into the middle west. The fiend incarnate had indeed another
side to his character, as is fittingly commemorated in the name of
the city and county in Ontario.
After our only extended visit to Niagara Falls we stopped in Geneva
and ended eur trip in Brookfield. In 1985 it is interesting to note
that on our eight thousand mile trip it cost an average of less than
ten dollars a night for motels for the four of us; and operating
costs for the car (including some repairs) were almost precisely
three cents a mile. Throughout the trip it had seemed to us that the
children had paid little attention to anything outside the car. I
suppose that this must be a common illusion, as later remarks
indicate that they did notice and remember quite a surprising
amount.
I recall two moderately amusing incidents. While we did find
tumbleweed tumbling on schedule as we crossed from Kansas into
Colorado, we had to wait a long time before seeing any cowboys in
action. When we finally did, it violated all tradition. In a
reservation somewhere we watched a number of mounted cowboys herding
cattle toward and into cattle cars but the Cowboys were Indians!
A device we had adopted to help keep the children quiet was to give
each of them a sketchbook and pencils. At some point in the trip Joy
announced that she was about to draw a picture of me, and I
instructed her to be sure to capture my bold, hawklike expression.
She worked quietly for some time in the rear seat of the car and
produced a creditable picture of the back of my head with, I hope, a
somewhat exaggerated representation of my thinning hair. There was
even a faint observable influence of my instructions; she had
entitled the sketch the Bald Eagle.
This anecdote reminds me that, although it may violate chronological
Western Trips / Anecdotes 278
sequence, I must not forget an incident soon after Bob had begun to
study Latin and Joy French. We were in Brookfield where the children
bad rooms in opposite ends of the house. For some reason I do not
remember, Catherine had had to be much more severe than was
customary in expressing disapproval of some prank they had both
engaged in. The kids then retired into a huddle with cardboard and
colored paints for an hour or more. When we discovered the results
there were two handsomely drawn and decorated signs. The door to
Joy's room bore the label Chez Chien, and Bob's door was marked,
Domus Canis.
* * *
When Bob was two years old his speech was at times indistinct, but
one phrase he had mastered was horse hide robe. This came about
because we still have a number of such carriage robes that on
Catherine's grandfather's farm were always made up whenever a
favorite horse had to be destroyed. Bob enjoyed feeling their
texture and practiced the name again and again. Unfortunately, this
happened at Christmas time, when Al and his wife came to call,
largely, I fancy, to let Anne show off her new mink coat. Bob
toddled across the room to Anne and stroked the fur happily while
clearly pronouncing his new phrase. I suspect that Anne had seldom
been so shocked nor Catherine so embarrassed.
23.
Catherine
All in all, I believe I am entitled to be dissatisfied with the
performance of the medical world in Catherine's case. I am still, at
the end of January, receiving reports of payments of medical,
insurance. These have considerably exceeded $30,000, with payments
to a dozen or two of consultants, or analysts of innumerable tests.
So far as I can tell, nothing useful was ever done for Catherine
except to feed her through one kind of tube or another and, no
doubt, to wash her from time to time. Her long hair, certainly, was
never washed or brushed out enough to remove the cement-like
substance left from the brain-wave measurements. It was never easy
to get any information from anyone, and I saw no evidence of
sympathy except from a small minority of the nurses. I have
instructed my children never, under any circumstances, to let me be
taken to the second of the hospitals that cared for Catherine.
We buried Catherine in Brookfield, as we had long planned, and where
I trust that I may join her presently; preferably after I get these
memoirs finished. In Arlington, we contented ourselves with a
memorial service, and I was especially happy to have eight people
from our old World War II group come to it. I was also much pleased
by one detail. The minister knew about her claim that she read
Ivanhoe annually, and I had told him about my reading to her just
before she died. The death of one of our very favorite authors, H.
B. White, had been reported the day before the service. This gave
the minister the opportumity for a very graceful reference to his
mental picture of Catherine, with a copy of Ivanhoe and of one of
John Gould's books under her arm, waiting to greet E. B. White when
he arrived.
24.
A trip to England
In the autumn of 1957 my ideas about using very low radio
frequencies for an aid to navigation were beginning to be
circulated. Somehow a rumor of this must have reached the Royal
Navy, for the U. S. Navy began to ask me to go to England to confer
with the Admiralty Signals Establishment at Portsmouth. I arranged
the trip to include visits to some places where I myself wished to
go. These included, of course, the National Physical Laboratory at
Teddington to see Dr. Essen; the Radio Research Board's experimental
station at Slough; the Royal Air Force station at Farnborough, with
which we were to have some collaboration five or ten years later;
the experimental station of the Marconi Company in London; and,
naturally, two or three offices in or near Whitehall. As I had been
in England in November, I should have known enough to postpone the
trip, but I did have a pleasant and interesting time in spite of the
usual early winter weather.
At that date most of the American ideas about improved navigational
aids were supposed to be classified. I tried in every way I could
conceive, both in person and by telephone, to get some guidance
about what I should tell the British, with no success whatever. I
was thus forced to utilize my own judgment and did, in fact, tell
one or two groups quite a little.
I think I spent about three weeks in England, with the accom
paniment of the standard winter cold in the head, but in this case
at least without influenza. The trip started with a fine example of
military delay. In that period workers under military contracts were
supposed to fly in Air Force transport planes. I was told to report
to an airfield in the wilds of New Jersey at 10 A.M. By rising early
I caught a plane to Newark and then found a bus connection to the
airport that got me there at the appointed time. Then I waited. The
aircraft was finally ready in the late afternoon and I had the
memorable experience of flying directly over our home at 6:30 in the
evening, about thirteen hours after I had left it. I saw a little of
Gander, Newfoundland, in the middle of the night and was dumped out
somewhere in the Midlands in the morning. From then on, fortunately,
I was able to use the excellent British trains and busses and could
schedule my arrivals better.
The Office of Naval Research branch in London found me a modest
hotel somewhere in Earls' Gate, which didn't look to me as if it had
ever seen an Earl. The details of my various visits are no longer
clear to me, partly because the activities are mixed up in my mind
with things that happened on other trips, and are not very exciting
281
anyway. I remember that I gave relatively formal lectures two or
three times. In London I enjoyed a dinner with the Council of the
Institute of Navigation, which did not achieve the adjective Royal
until later. The meal was strictly masculine and largely
characterized by the telling of smutty jokes, a field in which I did
not distinguish myself.
After a session at the Admiralty Signals Establishment, an
acquaintance took me a few miles east of Portsmouth for a drink at a
pub that delighted me as it had a fireplace bounded by two pillars
that had been found in a local Roman ruin. We went on to have dinner
in another town that I fancy may have been Bognor Regis. After the
meal I was taken to see a remarkable sight. There was a sort of man-
made bay on the waterfront, bounded by a long pier with what was
possibly a dance hall at the further end, with some corresponding
structure at the other side of the small bay. The few acres between
were illuminated by stray light from many neon signs and covered
with what seemed to be thousands of swans. There must have been
quite an admixture of red in the lights as the swans seemed to be a
lovely shade of shell pink. They were so tightly packed that they
apparently had little room in which to swim, yet they did move
continuously but slowly, rather like pairs of dancers on a crowded
floor. I was told that most of the swans in England come (or came)
to this little bay to spend the winter, but I have read since that
many English swans winter in other parts of Europe. Whatever the
case, there were many more swans than I have ever seen before or
since, even in total, and they made a most beautiful and
unforgettable sight in the winter night.
There were two other memorable incidents in Portsmouth. One was a
visit to HMS Victory. This was perhaps unusually thorough, being
made under a naval escort. I admired the old ship and gazed politely
at the inset plaque marking the spot on the deck where Nelson fell,
but I did not greatly care for the waxwork group below decks that
showed Captain Hardy holding Nelson in his arms as the Admiral died.
I thought that I would much rather have encountered this tableau at
Madame Tussaud's. The Victory is far larger than our Old Ironsides,
and also older, but I thought that having her bedded in concrete
took a little of the fun out of the experience.
The other happening was much more amusing. Just before teatime one
day I was escorted almost ceremoniously to the men's room and prac
tically bowed into the urinal used by General Eisenhower on D-Day
morning. The story is that after listening to all the arguments pro
and con about the weather on that day, the general went to this room
and used the fixture while making up his mind. He is reported to
have come back to the conference room and said no more than We go. I
gathered that I was supposed to feel flattered to have been allowed
to use the same plumbing.
Swans and Other Attractions at Portsmouth 282
My lecture at Slough was relatively stuffy and formal, perhaps
because my audience did not entirely believe what I was trying to
tell them about the remarkable stability of very low frequency radio
wave propagation. I do not recall that I greatly enjoyed myself
there although my treatment was certainly correct, although not
effusive.
My old acquaintance from 1936, Mr. J. A. Ratcliff, was then at the
famous Cavendish Laboratory at Cambridge University, which is in
some way associated with Sidney Sussex College. I had the pleasure
of spending the night there in a very cold suite of rooms, but with
elegant attention from a scout (or is that what the college servant
is called at Oxford?). This visit included my only experience in
dining in Hall. After a very long preparation over drinks in the
Fellows' Common Room, the Dons and I marched in to surround the High
Table and found the undergraduates standing awaiting our arrival,
and also the most swift recitation of a Latin grace I ever heard.
Possibly as a courtesy, I found myself having to converse almost
entirely with the Master who, it seemed, was a classical scholar
with no interest at all in anything I knew much about. After a long
session over the port and a more general conversation over more
drinks back in the Commons, I was finally allowed to return to my
cold quarters and get, myself to bed as rapidly as possible. The
dinner, however, had been extremely good and, I thought, far
superior to what was served to the undergraduates, who were allowed
to retire long before the Dons finished.
* * *
I had a very pleasant time when I visited the Marconi Company, with
which the old gentleman who gave me such a hard time in discussion
of my speech about Loran in 1945 had long keen connected. The Soviet
Sputnik had gone up just a month before my visit, and I found the
Marconi people doing a splendid job of recording the changes caused
by the doppler effect on the frequency of the radio signals received
from that first artificial satellite. The frequency at each passage
was automatically plotted as a long curve, ranging downward from
near an upper asymptote as the sputnik approached London to near a
lower asymptote after the satellite had passed beyond the receiver.
The curve was plotted by very clever instrumentation with an
accuracy that surprised me, and excellent deductions were already
being made. The plotted curve was almost perfectly anti-symmetrical.
The frequency difference between the asymptotes gave an excellent
measure of the speed of the satellite. The steepness of the curve at
its center of symmetry was reciprocally related to the distance from
the receiver to the satellite at the point where the orbit was
closest to London. After a few passes, which were of course at quite
different distances, these data had been reduced to an excellent
Tracking the First Satellite 283
determination of the orbit. The degradation of the orbit as time
passed was already being measured and conclusions were being drawn
about the density and temperature of the atmosphere at the orbital
height. That all of this was being done so soon after the sputnik
had been sent up, and was being done so accurately without any
cooperation from the Russians, was a surprise and a delight to me.
These observations were the inverse of the measurements made later
with the U. S. Navy's Transit satellite navigation system. Those
satellites are tracked accurately from known locations and their
exact orbital constants are transmitted up to the satellites and
then retransmitted by the satellites themselves, as a part of the
signals observed by the navigators. This device was set up quite
early in the Space Age and has given excellent service ever since.
As an aid to navigation the method suffers from only two defects:
that a determination of position is available only when a satellite
is nearest to the navigator, which limits observations to once in an
hour, or less, and the unpleasant fact that the errors depend
critically upon precise knowledge of the speed and direction of the
vehicle. Transit is, however, a good and useful system, and it
pleases me to have seen that its principles were understood so well
at such an early date in the age of artificial satellites.
* * *
My happiest period on this trip to England was when I visited Dr.
Essen at Teddington. We had entertained him at our home in America
several times and he and Mrs. Essen were apparently happy to let me
stay with them for a few days. At the laboratory I had the pleasure
of seeing the first cesium resonator that Dr. Essen had developed.
This was a passive device; meaning that an oscillator with
adjustable frequency could be tuned until a maximum response was
obtained, at which point the oscillator frequency was proved to have
an accurately known value. Dr. Essen believed that he could judge
this frequency to a part in ten billion (American billion). I was
allowed to try it myself and felt that one part in a billion was
about all I could feel confident of, but I would never think of
doubting Dr. Essen. I have told above of the cooperative
measurements we made that proved the accuracy he claimed and even
much more as the years went by. It was, however, quite a thrill to
operate this first device that introduced a new order of precision
to the world.
Doctor and Mrs. Essen had four daughters. My Catherine often spoke
affectionately of the time in Arlington when Dr. Essen had told us
that when the third one arrived and was twins, it was a bit much! In
1957 the two elder daughters were among the young people who had
Change Ringing 284
brought new life to the ancient art of ringing changes. All bell
ringing had been suspended during the war as the church bells were
ordered reserved for a warning of invasion or some other emergency.
Many people had felt that change ringing would become a lost art
because many or most of the ringers were old men. To the surprise of
these pessimists, ringing became a very popular pastime among the
young, who frequently formed parties to drive around England on
weekends, stopping to ring the bells for a half-hour or so at as
many churches as possible.
Ever since first reading Dorothy Sayers' novel The Nine Tailors, I
have been fascinated by the idea of ringing changes, which is the
art of altering the sequence of strokes on a group of bells, not to
play a tune, but in response to some mathematical pattern based
fundamentally upon interchanging the positions of next neighbors in
a sequence. When followed to the limit, each bell will occupy in
turn every possible position among those of its neighbors until
finally the order of ringing returns to its original form, which is
ringing in turn from the highest to the lowest pitch. With only four
bells this full peal requires only 24 changes (a change comprises
one stroke on every bell), but ringing on 12 bells would need no
less than 479,001,600 changes, or a lifetime of ringing. Peals can
be rung on any number of bells a church may have, and bobs (or
planned irregularities in the sequence) may be inserted to delay the
recurrence of the original sequence when the number of bells is
small. It is customary to regard the rate of ringing as about 24
changes per minute or, in most cases, from two to four strokes per
second. These statements, I must make clear, are true only to the
extent of my understanding of what I am writing about, which is
severely limited on this subject.
When several thousand changes are required, it is clear that the
human mind cannot remember the sequence, even for only one of the
bells. I have been told, however, that it is possible to memorize
the pattern which controls the pattern. At this point my
understanding fails to deal with the problem. It is clear,
nevertheless, that people do ring changes.
The bells for change ringing are not stationary and struck by
hammers, as in a carillon, but are suspended on an axle and rung by
pulling a rope attached to a wheel on the axle. Before a peal the
bells are rung up, or swung until each goes just over the top where
it is checked and held upside down until its right moment in the
sequence. The hardest thing for me to understand is how a ringer
learns to time his pull, which must depend in part upon the size and
weight of the bell he is to follow. This is apparently done, not by
listening to the preceding bell (whose sound arrives too late), but
by watching the man (or girl) who pulls the corresponding rope. And
which rope to watch must change after nearly every sequence!
I had never heard change ringing, to say nothing of watching it,
before I discovered that on the Sunday that I spent with the Essens
the local group was going to ring a quarter peal, or about 45
minutes of changes, before the evening service. I begged for and was
granted the opportunity to watch the ringing and was politely
accompanied by Dr. Essen who, to my surprise, had never watched it
himself. It was a fascinating evening. The leader occasionally made
a cryptic remark, presumably to forestall or correct an error, but
verbal silence prevailed in the ringing chamber for the most part.
The actual energy required was not forbiddingly large, as after each
stroke the bell was checked again in the inverted position. The only
force required (after the original ringing up) was the little needed
to start the bell into its swing, and perhaps a little to check the
bell when it had again reached the top. Ringing for several hours
must be, nevertheless, a wearing experience although the exercise of
so much mental skill is sure to keep it interesting.
Doctor and Mrs. Essen's daughters Judith and Margaret were so kind
as to send me a Ringer's Notebook and Diary for the following
Christmas. This little book contains a calendar mentioning the dates
on which various famous methods (there must be a hundred or more
differing formulae) were first rung; and also the dates of certain
famous peals. The longest that I find mentioned was a full peal of
Bob Major (140,320 changes on eight bells) rung by fourteen men at
Leeds, Kent, in 1761. Such a number of changes would nominally
require about 28 hours. Fortunately, on the average, each man would
need to ring only for sixteen hours out of the twenty'eight! Most of
the recorded ringing records were limited to 12,000 or 13,000
changes, or about nine hours. There is one mention of 17,824 changes
of Oxford T. B. Major that were rung at Heptonstall in 1927. Any of
these records must be considered a triumph.
I must not forget to record that Dr. Essen also took me to spend a
very pleasant afternoon at Hampton Court, where I tried to lose
myself in the maze and greatly admired everything, especially the
sheer size of the Palace.
I am sure that it was after returning by train from Teddington that
I accidentally watched a moving occasion. For some reason I took the
underground to Leicester Square. I came up into the rain to find the
square crowded with people who, I learned, were prepared to wait two
or three hours to see the Queen arrive at one of the theaters for a
Command Performance. There would obviously be a long wait, so I went
somewhere for dinner and, still finding the time not ripe, stopped
in at a newsreel theater for an hour or so. When the moment came I
had found an excellent vantage point, not much over fifty yards from
the theater marquee, although the crowd was still continuing to
increase and filled the large square pretty tightly. When the
The Queen 286
procession of limousines arrived, the Queen thoughtfully posed under
the protecting roof for a minute or more, so that the crowd could
cheer her. She was dressed in white and every woman in the crowd
cried out, "Oh! She's wearing her emeralds!" I could believe that
she was wearing all of them because, to me, her costume seemed about
half white and half scintillating green. Notwithstanding this
distant view of a few million pounds' worth of emeralds, I was most
pleased, and actually deeply moved, by the patience and devotion of
the admiring crowd.
* * *
As I remember no details of the return trip from England, I feel
sure that it must have been more expeditious than the outward
flight. I think that it may even have landed in Boston, although I
am by no means sure. In any event, I can be confident that I was
delighted to be at home with my family again, and warm enough!
287
25.
The Polaris Project Office in the U. S. Navy was the administrative
organization that planned the creation of the first generation of
submarines armed with ballistic missiles. It was probably in 1957,
well before the first such submarine was launched, that I was
appointed to the Polaris Command Communications Committee. This
surprised me somewhat as I felt that I had some qualifications with
respect to navigation, while my knowledge of advanced communication
techniques was quite ordinary. The appointment perhaps should not
have surprised me, as the navigation for the Polaris ships was
already in a strong position. It was based upon very advanced
inertial devices and, for updating the inertial, automatic sextants
that were controlled by a computer and saw the stars through a
periscope. Inertial navigation, or automatic tracking of direction
and integration of all changes in speed, was especially good on a
submarine because when deeply submerged there is little or no random
motion of the kind so conspicuous on a surface ship or an aircraft.
The celestial updating was nearly as completely automatic. The
navigator would name a star to the computer. The machine then would
consider the time, the geographic position of the submarine, and the
direction in which the ship was headed and so point the sextant that
the observer would find the star near the middle of the field of
view of the instrument. Slight adjustment of the altitude and
azimuth controls would then bring the star to the cross-hairs in the
center of the field. After this adjustment had been made, the push
of a button would send the necessary adjustments to the computer to
correct the former error of the sighting. This process could be
repeated for as many stars as desired, and the computer would
immediately display the latitude and longitude, or the distance and
direction to a desired point, or the ship's course and speed, or
whatever other information might be desired.
A problem with both these devices was that the data could not be
carried forward indefinitely long when the submarine was far below
the surface. The inertial navigation, while very accurate, had
errors that increased more or less in proportion to the time since
the vessel had last been at a known position. Depending upon
circumstances, such as the distance from a potential danger, the
inertial navigation alone might be accurate enough for many hours
but not for several days; and by no means adequate for the Polaris
submarines that were supposed to lie hidden in the depths of the
oceans for tours of three months at a time. It was obvious that the
correction by celestial observations (called updating) could not be
done unless the submarine came to within periscope depth of the
288
surface, in which case it was vulnerable to discovery from the air
if not by the radars of surface ships.
The communication aspects of the Polaris effort were faced by
similar problems. It was apparently inviolable doctrine that an
order was not complete until an acknowledgment had been received.
This meant that even though a very-low-frequency radio signal could
be received at a distance of several thousand miles when a few tens
of feet below the surface of the ocean, an order to fire could not
be carried out until it had been acknowledged. This appeared to
force the submarine to come to the surface so that it could confirm
the order by high-frequency radio. This seemed an unfortunate thing
to require at such a critical time. Even worse, one could foresee a
more or less extended series of signals which could be expressed in
the vernacular as: "I thought I heard you say fire. Did you mean
it?" "Yes, I said fire!" " Well, give me the countersign so that I
know that you are really you." And so on.
Bringing an offensive weapon-carrying submarine to the surface for
such an interchange, even if compressed into a series of code
signals (which might of course be vulnerable to espionage) seemed to
cast a certain doubt upon the basic concept of an undetectable
threat.
It was obvious that orders for the Polaris submarines were expected
to be sent by VLF radio (about which I now realize I was beginning
to be a minor expert), because the Navy was adding to its existing
network of such stations two much more powerful ones in Australia
and in Maine. In fact, a lot of Polaris money was added to other
funds to expedite the work already going on in Maine. It was one of
my pleasures in this connection to visit the site of the Maine
station at least every year or so while it was being completed. As a
matter of fact, I had earlier participated with my old friend Dick
Woodward, of the Pickard and Burns research firm, in studies of
several places in Maine in an effort to advise the Navy about the
best location. It of course transpired that our recommendation was
disregarded because the Navy had already bought a suitable site.
I must pause here to offer a parenthetical discussion of the costs
of preparing this site; a story that has always amused me. The place
is a rocky peninsula roughly two and a half miles wide and five
miles long. It was originally very rough and sparsely covered with
earth and a scraggly growth of juniper and spruce. The Navy decided
to forestall a lot of haggling with various owners and offered a
flat price of $25.00 per acre. There was local criticism, I was
told, about the spendthrift ways of the Navy in paying so much more
than the land was worth, in those days at least. Having bought it,
it was necessary to clear the land of trees, then remove what soil
there was, blast away the granite to make at least half of the total
Limitations on Communications / Cost or the Transmitting Site 289
area somewhat smooth, and finally to restore the soil so that some
2,200 miles of heavy copper wire could be properly buried to form
the necessary ground system. In addition to the original twenty-five
dollars, the Navy spent $375 per acre to clear the land and then
$3,000 per acre to grade it!
I approached my duties on the Communication Committee with the
possibly silly idea that the response equivalent to "Aye, Aye, Sir"
ought not to be necessary in the case of the Polaris submarines. The
substitute, in my opinion, could only be a mechanism so completely
reliable that the mere making (naval for sending) a signal would
assure its reception. To achieve such a system would require two
parts. One was to have a transmitter that could not be interdicted
by enemy action or by accident. The second problem would be to
propagate the signals under water to any depth to which the
submarine might need to go.
By the time of the second meeting of the committee, I had prepared a
memorandum of which I was quite proud. The first part was the
description of a diffuse transmitter for VLF signals. This proposal
drew upon my studies of the phase stability of signals in that
frequency region. I visualized a group of 50 to 100 relatively low-
powered transmitters, each of which would drive an antenna
consisting of a thousand-foot television tower with long top-loading
cables to increase its capacitance. These units would be spaced at
least fifteen or twenty miles apart in an area two hundred miles or
more in each dimension. This separation was supposed to be enough so
that an atomic bomb would not destroy more than one of the units.
The signals emitted by these ten-kilowatt stations would be combined
by computer in any of several ways, with intercommunication through
land lines, or VHF radio, or both, in any of several ways. An
antenna in the center of the group might begin. A precise number of
microseconds later its signal would be joined by those from the
nearer towers, and so on, so that the signals,would be added in
phase to produce an omnidirectional signal equivalent to that of a
single station of far greater power. Or a signal could be started in
a given direction by the station at the greatest distance from the
desired objective, with the signals from the other units
contributing their shares as the first signal passed by. This would
add their amplitudes in a way to provide a directional signal with
any desired angular width and a signal strength that could not be
approached by a single transmitter of any achievable power. Or some
fraction of the units could be combined for either of these
purposes, or some other, at the same time. I also believed that this
entire network of low-power elements could be built for less than
the cost of the Cutler station.
The signal from such an indestructable transmitter would not be
noticeably affected by the loss of one or a few elements. Thus, in
my estimate, all maintenance could be performed element by element;
and the destruction of the entire diffuse transmitter by an enemy
would require a disproportionate amount of effort. The signal,
therefore, should always be available.
The second part of my problem I regarded as impossible to solve by
radio, as the attenuation of the signals in salt water would make
them useless at a hundred feet or so below the surface. I therefore
proposed a change to underwater sound transmission. This would
require a large number of relatively simple buoys each containing a
radio receiver and a low-powered sonic sounder. These would
translate the radio signals into acoustic ones that could be heard
at any depth, at a distance of a several miles. These buoys would be
anchored with the radio antennas at a depth of twenty or thirty
feet, and the sonic transmitters might be at any point along the
anchor cable that fitted the depth of the water and its temperature
gradient. These buoys would be sown liberally over a large area in
such numbers that there would be little correlation between the
detection of a sound signal and the presence of a Polaris submarine.
I was, as I have said, quite proud of this proposal. The Navy
considered it to the point of contracting with the General Electric
Company to study it, under the name of Arrow. This name, in a
conceit sometimes used in those days, was meant to indicate the
Pierce project, as all the people involved were old enough to
remember the Pierce-Arrow automobile. Incidentally, the neatest use
of this principle I knew of, was when my friend and former
collaborator, Ted Hunt, devised a system for flooding an area with
underwater sound so that the presence and positions of vessels could
be determined. This was, at that time, called the Artemis project,
as Artemis was the goddess of the hunt.
The GE Company produced a classified report on Arrow, in several
volumes that must have weighed a total of six or eight pounds, but
thereafter I do not believe that I heard of it again. My underwater
sound outlets did not achieve even that amount of attention. It is
possible that my work (or that of GE) may have had, some influence
on the development of the idea of using radio, transmission at low
audible frequencies for communication with submarines deep in the
ocean. This work has been hidden under military security
classification for a quarter of a century or more, except that the
subject has leaked out into newspapers from time to time. I have
never managed to have much confidence in this concept, but time and
improving techniques may prove me wrong.
Despite the lack of action on my initial ideas, I continued to try
to be useful, both on the committee and in my own experimentation,
for several years. Somewhere along the way, probably in 1960 when
the first Polaris submarine was commissioned, I believe the entire
A Very Minor Award / Cutler 291
membership of the committee received certificates of commendation
from the Secretary of the Navy. This was the only award I ever
received without any trace of fanfare. The certificate simply turned
up in the mail and was never mentioned at a committee meeting.
Watching the VLF transmitter grow at Cutler, Maine was very
interesting. Everything about it was of unprecendented size. The
antenna consisted of two halves each a mile and a half or so in
diameter. Metal cables extended from a thousand-foot tower in the
center somewhat fanwise to cover the spaces between six slightly
lower towers half way to the outer edge, and then continued to come
toward points at six more towers some eight hundred feet high at the
edge itself. Thus each of the two antennae consisted of six
diamond-shaped panels of cables. All were insulated from the towers
by trains of porcelain insulators about thirty feet long. At each
supporting point at a tower, there was a counterweight weighing, I
believe I remember, 110,000 pounds, that permitted the antenna to
sag somewhat if it were under unusual strain from wind or ice
loading. I have mentioned above the 2,200 miles of wire buried under
the antennae (and extending into the Gulf of Maine on both sides) to
provide the earth connection.
I was especially interested in the two loading coils required to
resonate with the capacitance of the antennae at the operating
frequency. Each of these was housed in a shielding helix house of
aluminum in the form of a cube about a hundred feet on a side. In
the center, the coil itself was a helix of a dozen or more turns
about twenty feet in diameter and much the same in length. These
were wound of the largest Litzendraht wire I ever expect to see.
Each strand consisted of a few thousand fine wires braided around
the surface of a rope half an inch in diameter. A large number of
these strands were then formed upon the surface of another rope
about three inches in diameter. This sort of construction was
necessary because at radio frequencies the current in a wire is
insistent on traveling only in a thin layer at the surface. By
making each individual wire as thin as this surface layer a vast
amount of copper can be saved; but then it must follow that hundreds
or (in the case of Cutler) tens of thousands of individual wires had
to be used to achieve the low resistance that is vital in the final
coil.
I have been told that, when in operation, the heat losses in these
loading coils are adequate to maintain a pleasant temperature in the
shielded helix house. On the only occasion when I was in one of
these hundred-foot cubes, the station was not yet operating. The
date was in March and it was a sunny but windy day. I was amazed at
the way this big aluminum cube sucked the heat out of my body, my
winter clothing notwithstanding. It was certainly far less
comfortable inside than outdoors, even on a windy day.
These twin antennae at Cutler are driven by currents of 14,000
amperes or so at about a quarter of a million volts. The two,
operated together as is usual, have an input of two megawatts and
radiate about half as much power. This represents a phenomenal
efficiency for a radio station operating at such a low frequency. It
is achieved only by extreme care in controlling the losses in every
part of the antenna, loading coil, and grounding system.
* * *
I came to be a great admirer of a Captain Burke, the naval officer
in charge of the construction at the site. He was working under
great pressure to hurry the work along, and under the handicap of
having to deal with more than forty unions. I never fully understood
how he managed to assign duties so that the various crews kept
completely out of each other's way, while no one was ever noticeably
idle. The work was even finished about a year ahead of the original
schedule.
* * *
The part of studying communications for Polaris that most interested
and amused me was our own development of a method of slow-speed
communication. Our work in precise frequency and timing, and
especially our experiments in cross correlation, had given us the
tools to make good use of almost any degree of reduction of
bandwidth at, of course, the cost of lost speed of signalling.
I have mentioned above the surprising sensitivity of some of our
detection methods, at times when speed was not a problem. We had
also made many measurements of signal strengths and of the ambient
noise levels at low and very low frequencies. We had, therefore, all
the data in hand to permit the design of a communication system
that, I deduced, ought to have at all times completely world-wide
range if used with any of the existing VLF communication stations.
This would be done at the cost of much speed, but it seemed to me
that there was a place for a method that offered immense
reliability, even if slow. It was obvious that the letter A, for
example, might be made to convey a great many differing messages
dependent upon whether it was sent at two P.M., at five minutes past
two, or at midnight, to cite a trivial example.
After some study of expected signal strengths and noise levels, I
decided to try a communication circuit at about three-tenths of a
word per minute or, more exactly, one letter each thirty-five
seconds. Our system was to be fully synchronous, meaning that the
receiver could always know exactly the time at the transmitter,
adjusted for the length of time it took the signal to traverse the
distance between the two places. The plan was to use phase
modulation, where the information resided in the phase of a carrier
frequency rather than in its amplitude, as is done with ordinary
on/off keying. A little study indicated that a severe voltage
transient would be produced if the phase of the carrier should be
suddenly reversed. This ought to be avoided because all properly
designed VLF antennae operated at their voltage limit, or the
voltage just less than that at which coronal discharge would be
created; a discharge that would waste a great deal of radiated
power. We calculated that a relatively rapid change of phase of only
ninety degrees, however, would produce a transient not notably
different from that produced by on/off keying. We thus decided on a
phase pattern using four positions separated by exactly ninety
degrees.
Calculation of various possibilities led us to what seemed a useful
arrangement. We made up a code using one of four phases in each of
six time intervals. We established two rules that seemed satisfacto
ry to us: that there would never be a phase shift that was not
exactly ninety degrees; and that a character would always consist of
an equal number of phases taken positively and negatively from a
zero reference phase. There would thus be a constant mean phase,
whatever the character transmitted, so that an averaging circuit
could permit continuous locking to the transmitted frequency.
With these limitations on changes it was clear that in six active
time segments (that started after one segment that was always at
zero phase) there could be only either one or two positive
excursions matched with an equal number of negative ones. The 180
degree phase became impossible because it would take two steps to
get to it and two to return; there would not be time to have an
equal excursion in the opposite phase.
In summary, these restrictions permitted only 32 useful combinations
of phase patterns out of 4^6 or 4096 combinations. Very roughly, a
signal received in error could be recognized as wrong more than 99
percent of the time. This is not entirely right as there was a small
possibility that a positive phase error might be balanced by a
negative one to make up an actual character that could not be
recognized as wrong.
A more precise analysis shows that if the signal-to-noise ratio were
high enough so that one recognized error would be made in each 50
letters transmitted, or once in thirty minutes at our proposed rate
of speed, an undetected error should happen only once in 6,000
characters, or once in two and a half days.
The important thing about the thirty-two legitimate signals was that
this is the number of characters in a common teletype machine. In
the teletype the five bits that identify the 32 characters are sent
Translating the Phase Code 294
and received simultaneously (or in parallel), whereas our system
would transmit them in series, or one at a time. Our device made the
necessary translation by using a family of relays with many
contacts. As each of the six signal elements was identified a relay
indicating that phase and that time element was locked up. At the
end of the six elements, five circuits through the various contacts
were connected to the teletype so that it would print the required
letter. Any teletype character could be used to indicate a character
that had not been correctly received. In our case, we planned to
experiment using English text, so we simply arranged that the
teletype would print a space if the letter did not come through
unambiguously.
A phase detector is a device that produces an output voltage
proportional to the sine of the phase difference between an incoming
signal and a local reference having exactly the same frequency. For
plus or minus 90 degree shifts, a phase detector would simply have a
plus or minus voltage output of a standard size. By using two phase
detectors with their local reference phases in quadrature (or 90
degrees apart), we had two different voltages that might be either
positive or negative. Besides applying these voltages to our relays,
we exhibited them as deflections on an oscilloscope so that, say,
zero degrees was straight up, 90 degrees was to the right, minus 90
degrees, to the left, and 180 degrees straight down.
Timing circuits in our receiver detected that one of each seven
segments which was always at zero phase, and measured off five
second intervals from this zero of time. The next six five-second
intervals contained the six phase elements of our code. The phase
detector outputs were summed up in integrating capacitors. At the
end of each segment the capacitors were discharged. Thus in each
five'second interval the voltages built up more or less steadily in
the capacitors, positively or negatively as required by the two
phase detectors. Nothing mattered to the teletype except the values
held at the end of each five'second interval.
It is perhaps time that I mentioned the characteristics of noise,
particularly in the low radio frequencies. The major source of
natural noise is flashes of lightning, which occur somewhere on
earth about a hundred times a second, on the average. The natural
signals are subject to much the same attenuation as man-made
signals, and attenuation rates in the VLF region are so low that it
is, at times, possible to hear almost all of the lightning flashes.
Fortunately, most of the energy in each flash is expended in a few
hundred microseconds, although a low level of noise is produced for
several milliseconds. When one uses a hard limiting receiver in
which circuit devices prevent more than a certain level of output no
matter how loud the input, a noise pulse cannot cause more output
than can any signal that is strong enough to reach the limiting
Translating the Phase Code 295
level. This signal level may be very low as it depends primarily
upon the amount of amplification available in the receiver, and this
may be quite large.
Now it is characteristic of noise that the signal it produces in a
receiver has a phase that is, in the long run, perfectly random. For
a moment, or for any short period, the noise phase may have any
value but, as time passes, other noise impulses sooner or later will
have, all possible phases. In an integrating circuit, like the cap
aci' tors in the outputs of our phase detectors, the effect of
random noise will be zero if the integration time constant is
infinitely long. The important question is how much of the
integration time is filled by noise pulses that mask the desired
signal. In our five second integration time, it seemed that having
even as little as five or ten percent of the time free of noise
bursts made it very likely that the correct phase would be measured.
The only limit to detection of the phase' modulated signal is when
noise impulses block out all of the time during which we are
listening for a signal. This is like saying that the signal is so
weak that it never rises above the minimum level of the noise. With
modern precision of frequency controls, the integration time may be
made very large indeed, and the improvement in the ratio of the
power of the received signal to that of the ambient noise is always
proportional to this time constant. There is a practical limit,
however, to the integration that can be used, as we surely may not
wish to wait for minutes or hours before we can tell that a signal
is being received.
This process of integration could be watched on the oscilloscope
used with our receiver. I have said above that the deflection of a
spot on the screen should be straight up in the case of a signal
segment having zero phase. In our case the deflection would
ordinarily be about 1-1/2 inches above the center of the screen. A
noise-free signal segment would begin with the spot at the center.
It would then grow linearly upward with time until the end of the
five-second period, when the integrating capacitors would be
discharged and the spot would return instantly to the center. If
there were no signal at all the spot would also start at the center,
but then it would move, randomly, wandering slowly in any direction,
or several directions, and seldom getting more than a half inch or
an inch from the rest position before being returned to the center
at the end of each five-second interval.
When one watched the spot with an ordinary mixture of signal and
noise, it might start in any direction but then would tend upward
with random hesitations or fluctuationq to the right or left. (I am
still speaking of the case of zero phase). The only question asked
of the machine was whether the spot were nearer the vertical or the
horizontal axis at the instant before the capacitors were
More about Slow Speed Instrumentation 296
discharged. The allowed range of plus or minus forty-five degrees
was usually adequate so that the signal component would be correctly
deciphered. If the signal-to-noise ratio were extremely poor, it
could get quite exciting to watch the spot "struggling" to get into
the proper quadrant before the end of each five-second period.
I am speaking here as if we received signals before having arranged
for transmission in the right code. This was essentially the inverse
of the receiving problem, but easier because the transmitter always
knew what code element would be wanted next. We constructed a
circuit that would change the phase of a signal of the proper
frequency in accordance with instructions received from a standard
5-hole paper tape that was passed slowly through a tape reader, and
provided the proper timing signals for the various phases, including
the reference phase segment that was always at zero phase.
We played with the transmitting and receiving instruments in the
lab, using natural noise with a tiny signal from a local
transmitter, until we were satisfied with the reliability of the
mechanism. It happened that the Radux transmissions in Hawaii had
been discontinued, and the experimental navigational work was being
done at VLF using the large antenna at Haiku. This made the small
TCG antenna available for our experiment, as the staff from the Navy
Electronics Laboratory could easily administer the slow-speed
transmissions without interfering at all with the navigational work.
We therefore sent the transmitting signal generator to Hawaii for an
experiment that consisted entirely of allowing the NEL people to
punch any messages they pleased on the paper tape and then see if we
could read the signals at Cambridge.
We had chosen a frequency of 17.2 kHz for this experiment because it
was near the center of the region most used for VLF communications,
and because the Navy had an allocation for the use of that
frequency. The small antenna at Haiku was extremely inefficient at
such a low frequency. It was possible to radiate only about thirty
watts, or a thousandth or less of the power used by all serious code
transmitters used in that frequency region at that time. I have
already described the pleasure we had in watching the receiver
identify the phase of each segment of the code we used. We had begun
our experiment in early August, when the natural noise is at its
peak, at least in Cambridge, and we were thrilled to find that the
system did work somewhat better than in the example I cited above.
We found that, in the most noisy afternoon hour the machine failed
to identify a letter about once an hour, and incorrectly identified
one somewhat less than once a week.
Unfortunately, just as we were settling into a routine of measuring
the noise levels and comparing them with the error rate of the
machine, the small antenna at Haiku fell down! This brought the
experiment to an abrupt halt. The interruption turned out to be
permanent, as the Navy seemed to have no money for repairing an
antenna that was not immediately needed for its own purposes. The
experiment was never resumed elsewhere, as it took a long time
before our gear was returned from Hawaii, and because I believed
that we had already demonstrated the real success of the idea. We
had shown the Polaris authorities how much reliability could be
increased at the expense of speed of transmission. I still hope that
this lesson has been of use.
* * *
In the Polaris Committee I learned an amusing story about the way
the Navy sometimes attacks a problem. This tendency is not unique to
the Navy, but it is often seen at its best in a military
environment. When the first Polaris submarine, the SSBN Washington,
had been launched and sent on its first trans-Atlantic cruise, the
big new Cutler station (that had been re-assigned the Navy's first
famous call letters, NAA) was in full operation. It operated at a
frequency of 14 kilohertz, or very nearly that which should give it
the maximum reliable range of service. It was a great surprise to
the Navy (and to the Committee) when it was reported that when no
more than half way across the Atlantic Ocean the signal from Cutler
completely disappeared as soon as the submarine's antenna was
submerged to any degree at all. The signals were strong when the
ship was on the surface, but useless when it was submerged.
Investigation revealed that the trouble was simply a bad case of
local interference. The Polaris vessels had many kilowatts of
precisely-controlled four hundred cycle power for computers, and the
antenna leads had been thoughtlessly run through the same conduits
as the power lines. With so much 400 cycle power, the 35th harmonic
coupled into the antenna leads was far stronger than the weak signal
received from Cutler when submerged. The Navy solved the problem in
its own way, because giving the antenna leads their own shielded
conduits was too much trouble. They simply changed the operating
frequency of Cutler to 1 4,700 Hertz, so that no harmonic of the
power frequency would be able to jam the signals. It is to be hoped
that a better solution has been achieved in the intervening years.
One of the delights of the Communications Committee was an
opportunity to become better acquainted with Harold Beverage. He had
become a graduate of the University of Maine in 1915, and in the
early twenties had developed the "wave antenna", a powerful
directional receiving antenna for low frequency waves. He did this
so well and reported it in the scientific literature so completely
that, so far as I know, no one has needed to improve or extend his
Harold Beverage 298
work. We had used this kind of antenna for Loran when conditions
required too long a baseline, and I had often referred students to
Beverage's paper about the antenna as an excellent example of a
scientific report.
At the time of the Polaris work, Dr. Beverage was one of the grand
old men of radio. I had met him a few times, but did not know him
well. His contributions to the Committee were mostly in the nature
of steadying advice, which I needed as much as anyone, and we became
quite friendly.
As Cutler was nearing completion, Harold and I decided to visit the
station together. This resulted in a few days of delightful
traveling. Harold and his wife Patricia flew to Bangor while
Catherine and I drove to Maine. We called on friends of one couple
or the other at various places, spent two days admiring the Cutler
Station and cementing relations with Captain Burke, and then went
back to Orono to visit the University again. Harold had seldom been
there since his graduation but my more frequent visits, and a few
old friends still living in Orono, made our stay there pleasant and
memorable. Some years later Catherine and I were able to revisit
Orono when the University gave Harold an award as one of its most
distinguished Alumni.
* * *
A little later my experiments with phase coding of signals brought
me to an interesting luncheon. Professor Chaffee, my chief at
Harvard after the war, until he retired in the fifties, had for
years been an expert advisor to John Hayes Hammond, Junior. Mr.
Hammond had made something of a name for himself by developing a
radio control mechanism for boats at the time of World War I. He was
a rich man and enjoyed playing with electronic devices at his home
in Gloucester, Massachusetts. This home was an artificial castle of
fair size which still serves Gloucester as a tourist attraction. In
it Mr. Hammond assembled and, from time to time, kept adding to a
large pipe organ that was often used for concerts in the Great Hall
of the castle. He also had an assistant Ed Purinton, who was reputed
to be responsible for anything that Mr. Hammond achieved in
electronics.
Shortly after my work on the slow-speed signalling device, Mr.
Hammond and Professor Chaffee began bothering the Navy about a
similar system they had devised and constructed with the assistance
of Mr. Purinton. Their attempts to interest the Navy were difficult
to disregard as Dr. Chaffee's reputation stood high as that of the
greatest expert on high-powered vacuum tubes, while Mr. Hammond was
a Director of the Radio Corporation of America. A Naval captain, who
knew of my similar work, begged me to visit Gloucester and report on
Harold Beverage 299
whether the Chaffee-Hammond device was something the Navy ought to
try. Accordingly, I made an appointment through Professor Chaffee
and went to Gloucester one morning to see what had been done.
The Gloucester experimenters had devised a perfectly good method for
transmitting dots and dashes by phase-shift keying. They had,
however, apparently given no thought to the effects of noise
interference that had been my primary consideration. Their device
gave, in the absence of noise, a beautiful clear signal but, of
course, one could do much the same thing with a tin whistle. The
experimenters seemed not to have thought of using the hard-limiting
methods so important in making frequency modulation relatively
noise-free, and had devoted no attention to the various
considerations of bandwidth and time constants that were, and are,
of primary importance in modern communications.
The various demonstrations set up to impress me were interrupted by
a luncheon that really did so, as it was conducted with a maximum of
formality. The four of us mentioned above were ushered into a
circular room some twenty-five feet or more in diameter. The room
was at the back of the castle and looked out directly at the reef of
Norman's Woe, made so famous in Longfellow's poem "The Wreck of the
Hesperus". The four diners were seated at ninety degree intervals on
a circular raised platform with backs against the wall and a table
in front of each. The central part of the room was devoted to a
number of servants in livery, who brought in food and presented it
to us, each at his own table. Conversation had to be conducted in
rather loud voices, but it was not really necessary to shout. The
food was excellent, although I no longer have any recollection of
what we ate.
After a day of tedious salesmanship, varied by this interesting
meal, I found no difficulty in reporting to the Navy that, if they
wished to pursue this matter any further, they should at least
demand some serious attention to the effects of noise on the system;
and that, so far as I could see, any official demonstration would
need to be preceded by a considerable amount of further development.
I was pleased to hear no more of this project, as I had been
somewhat concerned that my relations with Professor Chaffee might
suffer. Perhaps the experimenters found that learning the more
modern techniques of communication demanded rather too much time and
attention to be worth pursuing.
26.
Omega
This aid to navigation was mentioned above in the hyphenated form
Radux-Omega. That was an early idea of a possible way to take
advantage of the precision of measurements of unmodulated signals at
very low radio frequencies. It was hoped that Radux signals sharing
time and radiated from the same antennas would serve to identify the
carrier cycles being measured. This concept failed to develop
because the VLF component turned out to be useful over far greater
distances than could be reached by the Radux part of the combined
method.
The discussion of Draco above has given some impression of the value
of carrier-frequency measurement. This idea by itself, of which
Omega is one implementation, could not be seriously proposed in
earlier days because of possible losses of the continuity of phase
measurement. In the years after World War II, the reliability of
frequency-deriving circuits and the precision of navigational dead
reckoning were both improving rapidly. These factors made the
potential loss of phase continuity less to be feared, and made the
re-establishment of position more accurate in case continuity should
be lost. The use of very low frequencies could in itself make an
important contribution because phase ambiguities would be separated
by distances of a few miles, making the re-establishment of position
by dead reckoning more feasible.
In the years since something like Omega was first proposed these
worrisome problems have nearly vanished. Today there is almost no
doubt that the frequency of the crystal in a uartz watch will be
divided down to count the hours in a day with absolute reliability.
And the precision of dead reckoning has, through the techniques of
inertial navigation, been brought to a very high level, reaching the
order of a mile an hour, or better, even in an aircraft, where
unexpected changes of wind make estimation of course and speed very
difficult.
In the decade of the 1950s, however, it was necessary to approach
the concept of a "pure" carrier-frequency aid to navigation very
cautiously. The early experiments were conducted at single
frequencies below 14 kilohertz, which was the practical lower limit
of the band occupied for long-distance telegraphic communication. It
was possible to borrow the use of large unused, or underused, Naval
transmitting antennas in Hawaii, the Panama Canal Zone, and
elsewhere. And, for a time, the "spare" station of the British Post
Office at Criggion, Wales, also made transmissions for us.
301
By 1958 there was a synchronized pair, operating at 12,500 cycles
per second, between Hawaii and San Diego, but we had at that time no
very accurate idea of the velocity of propagation of radio waves of
such a frequency. As part of an attack on this problem, Commander
Lyle Read, who was the Radux Program Officer at the Navy Electronics
Laboratory, took an early model of a receiver on a voyage from
Hawaii to California. This was primarily to count the number of
cycles in the interference pattern between the signals from the
opposite ends of the path between the stations. This would define
the velocity of propagation, at least for that frequency and time of
day and date. Fortunately the ship got a little ahead of schedule,
and Lyle was able to induce the captain to make a 360-degree turn
somewhere in midpassage. The integrated difference between the
phases of the two signals was being traced by a pen recorder and, of
course, showed a more or less uniform slope proportional to the
speed of the ship. The turn in a circle added a single period of a
sinusoidal modulation to this linear progression. Lyle measured the
amplitude of this sine wave on the record and reported to the
captain, "She seems to turn in 1300 yards". He later told us that
the skipper looked a little dubious and then got out the ship's
book. After studying the reports of the vessel's trials, years
before, he answered, "No, she turns in 1260".
To me, and to many others at NEL and elsewhere, this single incident
gave us our first confidence in the ultimate utility of what came to
be known as Omega. So much sensitivity to the position of a ship in
midpassage in the eastern Pacific Ocean seemed to be such an
important quality that it would justify the immense amount of work
necessary to solve all of the problems of building an effective
system.
It was, of course, recognized that additional transmissions at other
frequencies might be used to solve the cyclic ambiguity. In
principle, transmission at a second frequency ten percent different
from the first would, if the propagational uncertainties in
transmission should be small enough, serve to eliminate nine out of
each ten cycles of ambiguity. Early experiments quickly showed us
that the uncertainties were too large to permit this result. It was,
however, ultimately possible to show that a ratio of four to three
in frequency would usually identify the correct one in each three
cycles. At the lowest frequency ultimately chosen for Omega, 10.2
kflz, the ambiguities are separated by eight nautical miles or more
of distance. Identification in terms of frequency differences could,
in principle, be repeated several times so that the cyclic ambiguity
would vanish as a practical problem. For several years the Navy made
transmissions at various very low frequencies and observed them at
many places. I recall one experiment, observed only by me, in trying
a lower frequency. This, like much of the early work, ran into the
difficulty that a small antenna will, other things being equal,
Trials at Carrier Frequencies 302
radiate an amount of energy that varies with the fourth power of the
frequency. The antenna at Chollas Heights in San Diego was designed
for use in the hundred kilohertz region where it would radiate at
least tens of kilowatts of power. In a VLF environment it was very
small, consisting of a network of cables supported by three 625-foot
lattice towers separated in a triangle a thousand feet on a side. At
the Radux frequency of forty to fifty kilohertz it could radiate
several kilowatts. At ten kilohertz, where our first VLF experiments
were made, I believe that the most power that could be radiated was
thirty watts.
On the occasion I found most interesting, the boys in Hawaii had
pieced together all the loading coils they could find and managed to
get the small antenna at Haiku tuned to 6250 hertz. At this
frequency the power radiated could not have been more than a very
few watts. I observed the signal at Cambridge with our photographic
technique, using triggering pulses at a submultiple frequency, so
that a cycle or two stood still on an oscilloscope screen and the
photographic record (which plotted the oscilloscope picture against
time of day) appeared as black and white stripes. During the night
the signal was marvelously clear but at sunrise it declined so
rapidly that at first I thought that the transmitter had been turned
off. This was because the frequency of the signal came close to or
below the cut'off frequency in the waveguide-like space between the
earth and the lowest ionized layer. The height of the layer dropped
suddenly when the first rays of sunlight reached it in the morning,
and the attenuation of the signal increased rapidly. This and one or
two other experiments between six and ten kilohertz convinced us
that reliable long-distance operation was not to be expected at all
hours at a frequency much below ten kilohertz.
In 1963 the Bureau of Ships appointed me chairman of a small group
called the Omega Implementation Committee, which was certainly a
misnomer. It was to be several years before a final decision to use
Omega was taken. Other members of the committee were my old friend
Dick Woodward, and Winslow Palmer of the Sperry Corporation who, as
reported above, designed the first direct-reading Loran receiver.
Win had, in the intervening years, managed to get support for
experimental developments under the name Cyclan, that provided the
first really satisfactory tests of long range navigation in the 100
kHz frequency region and led directly to the development of the
present Loran C. The fourth and final member of the committee was
Donald Watt, a wavepropagation expert at the Bureau of Standards for
a long time, but currently operating a small research branch of the
Westinghouse Corporation, doing research and consulting in the
propagational field.
This committee met frequently, most often at Dick's headquarters at
Pickard and Burns. We invited help and advice from many sources,
The Implementation Committee 303
even from abroad. Representatives from the British Air Force and
Admiralty were especially active in making their own experiments and
in trying to modify our ideas in directions they thought might suit
them better, but I think that none of their suggested changes were
accepted. There was no formality in the committee meetings, except
for some assignments of reports to be written and brought to the
next meeting. And decisions were made by unanimous agreement
(something, in my experience, only possible in a very small
committee). In most cases there were only two major contributors to
each decision, with the other two members agreeing after discussion.
The committee report was really issued twice, first in June of 1964,
and again in somewhat revised form in May, 1966. This was largely
because a somewhat more desirable method for resolving ambiguities
had been chosen, although there were many minor changes and
improvements. The report contained nearly three hundred pages in
these nine sections:
Part I The System
1. Introduction
2. System Principles and Geometry
3. Propagation
4. Signal Format
5. System Synchronization
Part II Implementation
6. Transmitting Stations
7. System Monitors
8. Omega Receivers
9. Navigation Charts and Compensation Graphs.
My contributions were primarily in sections 2, 3, 4, and 9, on which
subjects I had been making occasional reports for several years.
Sections 3 and 6 were the chief area of interest for Don Watt and
Dick Woodward, although they contributed much to the design of
synchronizing equipment and charting. Win Palmer provided a very
pretty proof that stations at widely separated places could have
their signals brought into coherence without even knowing their
exact locations. He also contributed a far-sighted preview of the
details of a digital receiver, a very advanced idea at that date,
and did much to improve our ideas of instrumentation in every area
of the project.
The first five sections of the report comprised all the system
theory and, as far as possible, proofs that it would work as
expected. The last four were matters of implementation, dealing with
possible locations for stations, required transmitter power, design
The Omega Report 304
of receivers and the computation and use of charts and tables for
navigators. These latter sections assumed that the system would
work, as defined in the earlier sections, and gave chiefly rules and
designs for builders and users. The report as a whole was called by
the engineers at NEL "the grey bible" and was, we were told, for a
long time the text for weekly seminars and discussion groups for
those poor people who had to put our instrumental ideas into final,
and actually superb, form.
An interesting feature of the report is an introductory table citing
the number of days of observations (from 4 or 5 up to well over 100)
made on signals from various experimental stations. There were
transmitters in Hawaii, the Panama Canal Zone, San Diego, upstate
New York, and Wales, used in various pairs. Reports are cited from
43 receiving points, covering much of the area from Alaska to Peru
and West Africa, and from the Fiji Islands to Greenland, Iceland,
and England. At this date all antennas were, of course, borrowed.
The major decision of the committee was that there should be eight
transmitters, scattered as uniformly as nature would permit over the
surface of the earth. These would be synchronized in the absolute
sense; that is, the positive-going axis crossings of the antenna
currents at all stations should occur at the same instants of
Greenwich Time. Thus, radical as it might sound at that time, there
should be no master or slave stations, and a navigator could measure
any signal as compared with any other.
In the presumably rare situation when satisfactory signals might be
received from all eight stations, there would be 28 lines of
position that could be measured, and no less than 266 different
positions, accurate or not, that might be determined from the
necessary three stations. The number of hyperbolic fixes varies with
the number of stations successfully received as shown in the
following table:
Number of Possible Fixes
Number of stations Hyperbolic Circular
================== ========== ========
1 |
--- |
--- |
2 |
--- |
1 |
3 |
1 |
3 |
4 |
7 |
6 |
5 |
25 |
10 |
6 |
65 |
15 |
7 |
140 |
21 |
8 |
266 |
28 |
The column showing the circular fixes on the previous page is
included because the navigator (or his computer) may prefer to make
a solution in terms of the distance from each station rather than in
the customary hyperbolic way. Such a solution is possible, even
without knowledge of absolute time, and may be preferred as it is in
some ways more simple. It is not discussed at this time as I found a
reasonably satisfactory mechanism for solving this problem
(algorithm, if you like) only after my retirement and have not tried
to publish it. It offers equal accuracy and often fewer fixes to be
evaluated and weighed for accuracy.
In ordinary Omega practice, the navigator has chosen a pair of lines
of position and determined his position from them only. The choice
of stations is often pre-selected in terms of geographic position,
and is sometimes given with an alternate station or pair in case a
suitable signal is not received from a station first chosen. With
the advent of computer-operated receivers, it is possible to average
many different solutions although the number needed, in the
hyperbolic case, may be large and the selection (or rejection. on
technical grounds) of the appropriate fixes may be rather intricate.
The choice by the committee of the number of stations was in fact
influenced by a rather shameful reason, entirely aside from the
expectation that the number would be adequate. In my original Radux
proposal I had suggested using three stations at a common frequency
with identification of each burst of signal by a difference in the
length of the burst for at least one station. I later refined this
to a method for four stations with signal durations of 9, 10, 11,
and 12 tenths of a second repeated in sequence each five seconds.
Reception from any one station sufficiently clearly to measure the
length of its burst would establish the timing and identify all
signals. When it came time for Omega, I expanded this to a pattern
of 9,10,11,12,11,9,12,10 in a ten second repetition period. This
method was studied essentially by numerical integration of the
overlaps of the pattern with a replica of itself in every possible
phase relation. The choice was the result of tedious searches
through a considerable number of somewhat similar patterns. No one
else ever suggested a better pattern and I was by no means anxious
to repeat the long search for a pattern suitable for a different
number of stations. The choice of eight was therefore somewhat
constrained by a dislike of the numerical problem of finding a
different identification pattern.
The next major recommendation of the instrumentation committee was
the result of a thoroughgoing attack on the problem of cyclic
ambiguity. We started with a chosen frequency of 10,200 cycles per
second, or hertz. I had originally suggested this number because
things worked quite well at 10 kHz and at the same time I had the
idea that 10 kHz exactly might well be reserved for a worldwide
standard frequency signal. I had recommended this for international
adoption, together with two higher frequencies that I thought would
be appropriate for continent-wide or country-wide use, but these
Details of Ambiguity Resolution 306
suggestions were never adopted. The Radux work had been done with
measurements made at the 200 hertz modulation frequency. It then
would save me some trouble in building my first Omega receiver if we
adopted 10,200 as the operating frequency! I was later to be sorry
for this choice, because improvement of electric power frequency
control techniques ultimately brought the precision of 50 and 60
hertz power lines to such a close tolerance that high harmonics
radiated by those lines could create serious interference at times
over and near land. It would have been better if we had offset the
Omega frequencies from such simple numbers by choosing, say, a
frequency of five megahertz divided by 1191 (yielding a frequency of
10,183.29+ hertz) or through division by some other prime number.
As mentioned above, a train of 10.2 kHz waves can be made to beat
with a similar train from another station producing nulls (or any
other points on a cycle that may be chosen for measurement) that are
separated by about eight nautical miles, or more. Our first step in
choosing a way to increase this separation was to suggest making,
from the same stations, a second transmission at 4/3 of the
frequency or 13600 hertz. The difference frequency of 3400 hertz
(which could be deduced in the receiver even though the signals at
different frequencies would be transmitted in separate segments of
the ten-second repetition period) would have ambiguities spaced
three times as far apart as the 10,200 hertz signals, and would
therefore point to one of each three periods as the correct one.
Ambiguity would thus be reduced to intervals of 24 miles. Another
step could be taken with transmissions at 12,750 hertz (in the first
committee report) so that the beat between 13,600 and 12,750 Hz, or
850 Hz, would identify one out of each four cycles of 3400 Hz,
increasing the intervals of ambiguity to 96 miles; a distance so
large that we could hope that no navigator would ever find himself
so far off course.
For the second and final committee report it was decided to change
the 12,750 Hz frequency to 11,333 1/3 Hz. This more conservative
scheme was adopted. It was, however, later determined that, in
effect, difference frequencies had more stable phases than the
carriers. The earlier proposal would probably have worked just as
well.
While this ambiguity resolution in 72-mile intervals would
presumably be adequate for any vessel with an active navigator, the
committee had a sympathetic appreciation of the plight of a lost
sailor or airman, whose problem is comparable to that of locating
drifting ocean weather observatories or other purposes for which
ambiguity resolution by adding phase modulation to the three carrier
frequencies; the modulations being at 226-2/3, 115-1/3, and 11-1/3
hertz. These further successive stages of lane identification would
extend the distance between ambiguities to 7,200 nautical miles. We
Details of Ambiguity Resolution 307
also pointed out that the 226-2/3 Hz modulation might be used alone
in a simple receiver with accuracy equivalent to that of Radux but
with much greater range, taking advantange of a more expensive
antenna system.
When the Navy became ready to build Omega stations, the three
carrier frequencies were adopted (and a fourth was added many years
later), but the modulation frequencies were never used. The
committtee had recognized that the technical problem of radiating
such modulation at such low frequencies was difficult and would be
expensive; something in the neighborhood of a million dollars per
station. That price, however, we regarded as a small part of the
total cost of a station. The Navy, on the other hand, had little
interest in the lane identification problem, perhaps believing that
the equipment would run with almost perfect reliability (as it does
today), and that it would be used only by human operators. The
officials charged with the building of the Omega system chose
instead to sell the idea of three carrier frequencies to the
admirals as essentially spare transmissions that would be of value
in resisting enemy jamming. I believe that it was many years before
the Navy took any advantage of the lane identification features, or
some of the other potential uses of the multiple frequencies. This,
in my opinion, was all because they did not consider the uses of
Omega for search and rescue as seriously as did the committee.
The synchronization problem was a particularly interesting one.
Suppose, for a moment, that all eight stations enjoy propagation
conditions that are completely uniform. That is, that propagational
velocities are the same for all directions and distances of travel.
This is of course not quite true. Suppose further that every station
has a clock, or frequency and time standard that can be relied upon
to maintain its characteristics so well that no error of important
magnitude will accumulate in less than twenty-four hours. Barring
catastrophic accidents, this may be expected. Now let every station
observe the time of arrival of the signal from every other station
in terms of its own clock, preferably continuously but at least once
per day. If, for example, a station should observe that all the
incoming signals are late by similar amounts, an operator at that
station would have every reason to suppose his own clock to be the
source of the error. He might, with suitable precautions, take the
correct remedial action.
It would be far better for some central authority to receive from
all stations reports of the observations of all signals. He could
then intercompare all observed errors and make an intelligent
decision about what action to recommend (or order) for each station.
If, by some chance, each of a pair of stations should report the
other's signal to be late, the assumption could prudently be made
that both observations were results of a propagational vagary; in
Synchronization 308
this case, action might well be deferred pending the arrival of
later data. In principle, such complete intercomparison of
observations, followed by properly chosen corrections, should result
in making the timing at every station draw closer to the standard
defined by the mean of all of them.
In practice, it is necessary to perform this sort of correction with
several precautions and approximations. In the real world one
station of a pair can receive a satisfactory signal from the other,
while the second station may not be able to reciprocate because of
an east-west difference in the rate of signal attenuation. In this
case the error not well measured must be replaced by values in
effect relayed to the central authority by other stations that did
receive the missing signal. Because all stations cannot be expected
to receive equally satisfactory signals from all other station, some
weighting factors must be assumed and gradually improved as a result
of experience. Also, because of a known slight east-west assymmetry
in the velocity of propagation, small adjustments would have to be
made in the expected times of arrival of signals.
A most important consideration is that all of the observed errors
might be simply results of propagational vagaries. If this could be
known to be the case, of course no action would be taken. In the
absence of such knowledge, only small corrections should be made
until further observations make the situation more clear.
In the practical case, the complete solution of the problem comes
from a study, not only of the current errors, but also whether the
errors are (in recent history) increasing or decreasing and how fast
they are doing so. In simple terms, an observed clock error will
require a large correction if the error is known to be increasing
with time. If the same error is known to be decreasing, the required
correction would be smaller or even possibly in the opposite sense;
the idea being to bring the error smoothly toward zero in such a way
that the corrections would cease just as the right point was
reached.
Again, in the real world, the controller can never win the battle of
adjustments, because the observing, reporting, analysis of the data,
and returning orders to the stations take time, in which new errors
may well be accumulating. I devised a method for dealing with this
problem that depended upon intercpmparison of today's, yesterday's,
and the day-before-yesterday's observations of error. This gave at
least a little information about the apparent error and its first
and second derivatives; that is, the rate and acceleration of its
changes. By a numerical integration (called time series modeling, I
later learned) I tried a lot of cases of assumed errors, both
accidental and real. in various proportions, and reported a
technique that seemed to deal with the real errors effectively. The
method amounted, in approximation, to making a correction of about
one fourth of the error observed today, plus one eighth of what was
observed yesterday, plus one sixteenth of the error from two days
ago. Since this series of factors probably overlapped similar series
originating at earlier dates, the summation tended toward zero if
the various errors were accidental, but toward a factor approaching
one-half of the most recently observed error if the variations
represented real errors of timing. To cite a most improbable event,
if a single real timing error should occur, followed by no others
for a considerable time, the transient effect of the error would be
completely corrected in a week or a little more. This method of mine
was used in operation of Omega for some time and, I believe, quite
successfully, but was later replaced by another which I never fully
understood but trust to have been more professional and more
satisfactory. I found it interesting that later still this problem
of coordinating all error correction was taken over by the Japanese.
There would be no point in allowing such a network of stations to
follow its own average time, which would (like any clock) gradually
drift without limit. The U. S. Naval Observatory is therefore given
the duty of monitoring and gradually correcting the timing of all
stations together to bring the timing close to the international
standard. The present excellence of frequency control techniques is
such that the Naval Observatory probably needs to make a correction
no more often than once or twice a year, unless there are other ends
to be served that need more precision than does Omega.
It may occur to a reader to wonder how, in the era when only part of
the Omega stations were operating (which lasted about fifteen years)
a new station could be brought into the network with, all of its
emissions in the proper phases. This was not unduly difficult,
because all of the Omega emissions from a station are locked
together into a tight pattern which repeats precisely every thirty
seconds. A station in a new location, therefore, can initially set
that pattern to very nearly the correct epoch by the best time
signals available. Thereafter it can be brought into exact agreement
with the rest of the network in relatively few days. Usually an even
longer interval has been required before monitoring stations in
various places can give assurance that the timing is exact and the
transmission reliable enough to be announced as available for use.
After each Omega station has made transmissions at three carrier
frequencies in the chosen segments of each ten-second interval,
about five-eighths of the time is available for other services [Four
frequencies, in recent years, occupying about half of the 10-second
period]. The Implementation Committee recommended that, during these
silent periods for Omega, each station should transmit a steady
carrier at one of eight otherwise unused frequencies. These, like
the primary Omega frequencies, would be derived by dividing 408
Side Frequencies 310
kilohertz by one number or another. These side frequencies, as we
called them, satisfy all the requirements for an ideal Draco aid to
navigation. They are precisely controlled, transmitted from
accurately located antennas placed in useful geographic locations,
and simply related in frequency to each other. The
computer-controlled receivers today, and other navigational
receivers not actually using Omega, are free to use these side
frequencies to constitute a dead reckoning tracker (see the chapter
on Draco) which can add to the knowledge of position in case there
is trouble or doubt about any of the Omega signals themselves. As
the Navy (or now Coast Guard, which actually operates those stations
under United States control) has never managed to build into the
stations enough redundancy to avoid the need to shut down the
transmitters for an annual maintenance period (taken, of course, one
station at a time) these side frequencies are presumably very
useful.
The recommended side frequencies, and the carrier frequencies as
well, are given in the table below. They are all submultiples of 108
kHz, actually being derived from a source of twice that frequency
for convenience in generating square waves in accurate phase
coherence. The factors, frequencies, and uses are:
Divisor Frequency in Hertz Use
======= ================== =============
40 10200 Omega Carrier
39 10461 21/39 Side Frequency
38 10736 16/19 Side Frequency
37 11027 1/37 Side Frequency
36 11333 1/3 Omega Carrier
35 11657 1/7 Side Frequency
34 12000 Side Frequency
33 12363 7/11 Side Frequency
32 12750 Side Frequency
31 13161 9/31 Side Frequency
30 13600 Omega Carrier
The side frequencies expressed in whole numbers are especially
convenient for use as frequency standards. These two, together with
the carrier and modulation frequencies and the burst modulation used
for Omega station identification, all repeat precisely every thirty
seconds. Data for the Naval Observatory's overriding control of the
exact timing of the Omega signals could be procured by observing any
or all of these signal components.
The side frequencies obtained by dividing by 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, and
39 do not obey the 30'second rule. They are made coherent with each
other by keeping all division frequencies in each station locked to
its 408 kHz standard. There is no requirement for keeping the
Other Ideas that Were Not Adopted 311
various stations coherent in this respect, because any potential
user of the Draco-like signals will operate by multiplying the
received side frequencies from various stations up to 408 kHz before
measuring the phase differences. The only requirement is that the
408 kHz standard in each station must not shift erratically.
The committee also planned a system of phase modulation of the side
frequencies for transmission of information from station to station
or from stations to headquarters. This was intended to be much like
the slow-speed communication experiments I mentioned in the last
chapter. This would have been highly reliable and, I think, useful,
but I do not believe that it was ever implemented in the operating
system. It was basically not necessary because the precision and
reliability of each station's frequency standard was such that
intercommunication could almost be carried out by post card.
It finally evolved that the Navy did not accept our recommendations
for the choice of the side frequencies. Perhaps because more
conventionally-defined frequencies might be easier for manufacturers
to use in Draco-like receivers, the frequencies now radiated are
certain multiples of 100 Hertz. How the phase integrity of the side
frequencies is guaranteed I do not know. The list of choices is as
follows:
Station Location Side Frequency in kHz
======= ======== =====================
A Norway 12.1
B Liberia 12.0
C Hawaii 11.8
D North Dakota 13.1
E La Reunion 12.3
F Argentina 12.9
G Australia 13.0
H Japan 12.8
I have no idea why there are gaps in the sequence of frequencies, or
why they are placed as they are.
The recommendation of sites for stations was a curious and
entertaining problem. Having decided on eight stations, various
semi-geometrical patterns came to mind. One might have four stations
north of the equator and four in southern latitudes. Each four might
be at 90 degree differences in longitude. The northern and southern
pairs might be at the same longitudes (at the corners of a cube) or
might be twisted by 45 degrees, so that as longitude increased the
stations would come alternately north and south of the equator. Any
idea of this sort is instantly defeated by study of a terrestrial
globe. Transmitting antennas have to be on land, partly because of
their size but chiefly because their positions need to be accurately
known. One discovers immediately that only 29 percent of the area of
the world is land. Only 10 percent lies south of the equator and, if
we exclude Antarctica for practical reasons, only 7 percent is land.
The land areas are very irregularly distributed and islands do not
seem to occur in convenient places for our purposes. It is useless
to describe the many hours I have spent turning a small globe and
measuring distances.
Another problem was that we could not publish a report showing sites
in foreign countries without having given those countries advance
notice, which we certainly were not authorized to do. Also, we could
not always guess what political factors might defeat any suggestion
we cared to make. I did go so far as to ask the State Department for
guidance about a moderate number of suggested places. I was
surprised at how many sites that I felt might be satisfactory were
taboo from the diplomats' point of view. One French island group was
dismissed because installations are planned with which we do not
care to be associated; meaning atomic bombs not our own!
In the end, we published in our report several sets of possible
sites, including those that we rather preferred. I have, while
writing this chapter, taken the trouble to compare this list with
the final locations of the stations. The results are amusing but not
necessarily enlightening. One station remains as in our suggestion.
Six others can be considered to have been moved between 850 and 1300
nautical miles (in one direction or another), if one makes the
assumption that each was moved from a proposed site to the nearest
actual site. The station now in Liberia remains an exception. It was
apparently moved there from southern Iran, or some other nearby
place, a distance of more than 4000 miles. This case alone may
invalidate the idea that the authorities tried to follow our
preferred list; the rough correspondence of seven of the eight
stations may simply be a statistical accident. It is a further
curiosity that except for the two stations in the United States all
the remaining six have moved from the country we suggested to
another one!
I did not actually feel the need to complain about the relocation of
the first operational station after the one in Hawaii. The Navy
decided that this should be built An Norway, almost at the arctic
circle, instead of in northern or northwestern Ireland. There was at
the time an idea, which we had accepted in our implementation
report, that operation within a few hundred miles of a station might
be unreliable because of an uncertain phase relation between a
ground and a sky wave. We could show that at certain frequencies
this effect should not be serious, but it was then hard to be sure
what frequencies might be the clean ones. In actual fact, I am not
too convinced of the serious nature of this effect, at least for the
Omega frequencies, as I observed signals from Forestport, New York,
Sites for Stations 313
in Cambridge, at a distance of some 180 miles, for a long time with
almost no difficulty of this kind. In the case of Ireland, such a
proximity effect might have been serious for vessels or aircraft
arriving in British waters. Similar phenomena off the Norwegian
coast may have been regarded as affecting only Norwegian fishermen,
although I am sure that some departments in the Navy were concerned
about helping navigation in the Norwegian Sea or Barents Sea.
The change from a suggested site in northern Chile was another
matter. Ireland having been moved further north and east, it did not
seem inappropriate to change from Chile to Trinidad. I went to that
island, with one of the naval officials from the Omega Project
Office, to investigate the desirability of the site which had come
under the control of the American Navy in President Roosevelt's
destroyers for bases deal before we entered World War II. I
recommended that this site should not be used, as it would be
impossible to radiate what we regarded as adequate power (defined as
ten kilowatts) from any antenna that could be erected over the
valley containing (at the end of the war) a Naval communication
station glamorously called Hemisphere Radio. Despite my objection a
station was installed there, as will be described below. It never
succeeded in radiating more than about a kilowatt, but was well
received in the Americas and in Europe. After a time and, I think,
after I retired, this station was discontinued and replaced by one
in Liberia; a rather large extension of the length of the first
move. There it provides good service but, because of poorer
transmission toward the west than toward the east, barely reaches
the east coast of the United States with satisfactory signals.
It is perhaps time to explain the identification of the various
stations. They are named, in no particular order, for the first
eight letters in the English alphabet. Each Omega reading is
identified by the proper pair of letters, taken in the sense of, the
time of arrival of the signal from the station whose letter comes
earlier in the alphabet minus the time of arrival of the one bearing
the later letter. The abbreviation AB, for example, identifies time
A minus time B, and is never cited in the reverse order of letters.
With so many cycles (or periods) to be accounted for, it is
necessary to add a fictitious coding delay so that the reading of A-
B will always be positive, no matter which signal takes longer to
arrive. This fictitious quantity is 900 periods of 10.2 kHz. Its
meaning is that the centerline of each pair (or the great circle
perpendicular at the center of the baseline between stations) always
has the identification number 900. A complete reading of the line of
position might be recorded as AB 576.24, for example, as the
readings are customarily made to a hundredth of a period. The total
number of whole lanes (or periods or cycles, in assorted
terminologies) lies between 700 and 1250 for the various pairs, but
always has the average value of 900. The correct notation should
More Moving / How Readings Are Defined 314
always speak of whole or fractional cycles or periods when speaking
of time units, and of lanes when speaking of distance, as the
hyperbolic lines diverge with increasing distance from the
baselines. A lane, therefore, is always thought of as a band eight
or more nautical miles wide between successive integral values of
phase difference.
The list of stations is:
Latitude Longitude
Station Location State or Nation in degrees in degrees
======= ======== =============== ========== ==========
A Aldra Norway 66.42 N 13.14 E
B Monrovia Liberia 6.31 N 10.66 W
C Haiku, Oahu Hawaii 21.40 N 157.83 W
D La Moure North Dakota 116.37 N 98.34 W
E La Reunion Island France 20.97 S 55.29 E
F Golfo Nuevo Argentina 43.05 S 65.19 W
G Woodside Australia 38.48 5 146.94 E
H Tsushima Island Japan 34.60 N 129.45 E
It will be observed that many nations cooperate in this effort, and
that the overall geographical distribution is fairly well balanced.
Half of the stations are in eastern longitudes. Only three of the
eight are in southern latitudes, but Monrovia (B) is only six
degrees north of the equator.
The great distances between stations are hard to appreciate, even
for me, and I have been studying their positions and geometries for
thirty years. The average of all the base line lengths (between
pairs of stations) is just over 11,000 kilometers or a little less
than 6,000 nautical miles. It is perhaps more meaningful if, for
each station, we eliminate the longest baseline, as that other
station, we would like to think, ought to be more or less on the
opposite side of the earth. The mean distance to the other six
stations (taken in all combinations) is a little more than 5,400
nautical miles, or 90 degrees of arc. This is approximately the same
as the distance from Los Angeles across eastern Canada, the southern
tip of Greenland, and England to Rome! The fact that useful
navigation can be performed with radio signals traversing such
distances continues to amaze me.
I have spoken in praise of the stability of modern sources of
frequency, but it is time to discus the matter more fully. Similar
final results for Omega could have been obtained with crystal
oscillators, but only with the devotion of infinitely more care and
effort than is required with the modern cesium-controlled
Typical Distances / The Frequency Source 315
oscillators. These are much more precise in frequency than the early
ones with which I once worked, and the new ones are markedly more
reliable.
When I write this I realize that I am not telling the exact truth.
In my later years at Harvard, I acquired an oscillator stabilized by
a rubidium resonator. This did not produce quite as accurate a
frequency as a cesium standard, but it was in some ways simpler and
more reliable. This device annoyed me by running well for a week and
then failing. I managed to trace the trouble to the glass vessel
which contained the rubidium vapor. I expressed my disgust by
telephone to the manufacturer, who promptly sent me a substitute
bottle. With great difficulty I managed to take the strange device
apart and replace the vessel. The oscillator immediately began to
behave correctly and then operated continuously and well for the
next eight and a half years!
It is obvious that if two clocks begin to diverge it is not possible
(without reference to some external standard) to tell which one is
in error. If one has three clocks and continuously intercompares
them, it is fair to assume that when one changes the other two are
probably correct. We, in the committee, carried this rule a step
farther, using the argument that these new cesium standard
oscillators were so complex that if one failed it might take a
considerable time to repair or replace it. We therefore demanded
that each station have four cesium-controlled sources of frequency
that would be continuously monitored. In case one began to deviate
from its duty, there would still be a consensus of three that would
guarantee the integrity of the transmitted phases.
We even went so far as to propose a mechanism that would average the
frequencies of the four oscillators so that the station would
operate at the mean of all four, which would presumably be more
accurate than any individual one. More importantly, by having a
device that automatically dropped an oscillator out of the averaging
process if it showed any serious deviation in frequency, this
averaging would provide a frequency source with no possibility of a
phase discontinuity caused by the failure. I believe that this idea
has not been used. It is simpler to maintain the oscillators
separately with continuous intercomparison and with only one
oscillator connected to the frequency generator and transmitter.
This kind of operation demands that should it become necessary for
one of the standby oscillators to replace the active one, those two
outputs would have to be brought into identical phases so that the
transfer could be made by temporarily coupling the two sources
together, thus permitting no alteration of phase. This is exactly
the technique used by electric power companies when another
generating station is to be added to a power grid.
With four cesium-controlled oscillators at each station and eight
stations in the network, the Omega signals become one of the better
standard-frequency sources in the world. It is customary for the
important Standards institutions, such as the Bureau of Standards,
the Naval Observatory, and the Greenwich Observatory, to maintain, a
battery of many such standards, but usually more nearly in one
place. Since my retirement some of my old associations with the
frequency-standard world have brought me data intercomparing various
standards laboratories and signals. It is not too much to say that
timekeeping, at least by such professionals, has reached a stability
of about a millionth of a second per year. It may be doubted that
the oscillators in the Omega network are maintained with such
scrupulous care as those in the standards laboratories, but the
sheer number of intercompared oscillators involved must make the
Omega frequency nearly as stable.
Transmitting antennas for Omega are of two kinds. One, used at the
first two of the operational Omega stations, is the mountain
antenna, where miles of heavy copper-clad cables are strung between
insulators from the peaks of two mountains that are separated by an
unusually narrow and deep valley. The prototype of this was a famous
antenna in Java, built by Dutch engineers in or before 1920.. At
least one end of this antenna was supported by a very high cliff and
it achieved an operating efficiency and amount of power radiated
that was not equalled for many years, perhaps not until the
construction of the Goliath antenna in Russia, or perhaps the
immense antenna at Cutler, Maine. An antenna of this type was
erected during World War II at Haiku, on the island of Oahu. This
consisted of four cables, each about 7,000 feet in length, strung
across the remains of an extinct volcano crater. Its downleads
extended about 1,500 feet from the centers of the strands to the
transmitter building on the floor of the crater. This antenna was
excited, or driven, by one of the old Alexanderson alternators, a
type of electric generator which, by virtue of high rotational speed
and many magnetic poles, actually generated a low radio frequency. I
believe that a score of these machines were built before 1920, and
that thirty years later at least a dozen of them were supposed to be
still in operation somewhere in the world. I have been told that the
operation of each of these machines ceased only when the original
General Electric Company engineers, who were sent to install and
operate them, either died or retired!
The antenna at Haiku worked very well, partly because the site was
in a crater with a bottom a mile or more wide, so that the outer
ends of the antenna cables, where the voltage was at a maximum, did
not hang too close to the conducting earth at the mountain top. A
similar antenna, built in the Cascades in the state of Washington
and used in the Draco experiment, had a disappointing efficiency. I
have always thought that the difference was that this Jim Creek site
was in a valley with a very narrow bottom. The large sag of the
heavy cables brought much of their length too close to the slopes of
the mountains on both sides. Jim Creek was indeed very useful as a
large input to the antenna made it one of the more powerful stations
in the world. The amount of power actually radiated, however, was
only about a third of what its designers hoped.
The first Omega-like transmissions from Haiku were made from the
"small" TCG antenna, named for the type number of its transmitter.
This was the antenna used for my slow-speed experiment. This antenna
was a single strand of cable across the same crater but at a
slightly lower height and with only a thousand-foot downlead. It was
used for early tests by NEL, but later the work was transferred to
the main antenna, which had not been in use for years. The Navy
Electronics Laboratory crew working at Haiku were allowed to use the
large antenna under a curious agreement. They could transmit what
signals they pleased provided that they would rotate the armature of
the Alexanderson alternator about 90 degrees once a week, to prevent
it from developing curvature of the spine, or shaft. This reminded
me very much of the traditional Earl or Baron in the Middle Ages, to
whom the King granted a huge estate in consideration of the payment
of an annual rose, or falcon, or some similar testimonial to
subservience.
Even the large antenna at Haiku was somewhat inadequate at ten
kilohertz. When it came time to promote the station from experiments
to full Omega operation, I believe that the four strands of antenna
were increased to six, thereby achieving ten kilowatts of radiated
power. This was an early estimate of what was needed, but operation
of Trinidad at low power had shown the desirability of such an
increase.
The second type of antenna used for Omega is the umbrella. This is a
single central tower surrounded by radial cables extending from the
top of the tower toward the ground at considerable distances. These
many radials have insulators at such a distance from the tower that
they hang at about half its height. The remainder of each radial is
interrupted by several more insulators, so that the antenna part is
well isolated from the ground system below. For use at the Omega
frequency such a central tower should be about as high as any
man-made structure. I believe that the one at Tsushima is at least
1500 feet in height. In that case, the central tower takes the form
of a steel tube a dozen feet in diameter. The antenna at Monrovia is
supported by a triangular lattice mast 1157 feet high. The whole
umbrella antenna usually rests on massive porcelain insulators that
are strong enough to support the whole weight plus serious strains
from wind loading, and insulated for a couple of hundred thousand
volts. This is probably the most economical type of antenna to use
when "ready-made" mountain sites are not available, as seldom
Antennas at Haiku 318
happens in convenient places.
The base-insulated umbrella is the kind of antenna we designed for
the LF Loran stations at the end of World War II. We surely did not
originate the idea, but such antennas were certainly not used very
often before then.
I have only recently learned that a variant of the standard umbrella
configuration is used at the Omega station at La Reunion and perhaps
in Australia. This is the umbrella with the central tower grounded
at the base and insulated at the top from the radial top-loading
cables. A great advantage of this construction is that the tower is
not electrically hot, and it also permits some simplificati.on in
conducting to ground the strokes of lightning that invariably hit
such a tall structure. Because the grounded tower offers a short
capacitive path to ground from the high voltages on the radials
(somewhat like the situation in a valley antenna with too small a
height of parts of the radials) the efficiency is sure to be reduced
in comparison with the same antenna with an insulated base. The
large and expensive porcelain insulator, however, tends to be
mechanically the weakest part of the structure and limits the weight
that can be placed on it. The base-grounded antenna can therefore be
extended to a greater height and thus permit radiation of as much
power as a somewhat lower tower with an insulated base. The tower at
La Reunion, for example, is no less than 1,600 feet tall.
By the time when the first three experimental stations (Hawaii,
Norway, and Trinidad) were operating at two radio frequencies, I had
built a cumbersome mechanical receiver that I hope Harvard has
preserved as part of its collection of ancient instruments. It
measured phases by mechanical resolvers rotated by servomechanisms,
and showed the readings of all three pairs at three frequencies
(including the difference frequency of 3,400 hertz) on mechanical
counters mounted behind a black panel. The readings were
simultaneously recorded at desired intervals by keeping the
counters in a darkened box in front of one of our regular recording
cameras. At the appropriate instants a bright light was flashed on
in the box and recorded the readings of all the counters on a long
roll of bromide photographic paper. This whole mechanism would
greatly astonish a future generation, if it still exists.
From 1967 until my retirement this machine gave excellent service.
It was especially important in giving me readings on the pairs
connecting Norway with the low-latitude stations. The signal from
Norway to Cambridge came across part of the Greenland icecap, which
greatly attenuated the signal, and also for a long distance through
the auroral zone, where bombardment of the upper atmosphere by ions
shot off in solar eruptions at times caused important decreases in
thee time of transmission. In the minds of some people these
More about Low-Frequency Antennas 319
effects, combined with somewhat similar ones caused by solar flares,
threatened to make Omega useless.
A solar flare is a brilliant spot of light that appears at times on
the surface of the sun, generally close to a sunspot group and
consequently more probable in the years when sunspots are at a
maximum. These flares emit intense ultra-violet light and X-rays
that produce ionization at lower heights in the atmosphere than is
usual. This low-level ionization causes strong absorption of energy
from high frequency signals but does not do so at the very low radio
frequencies. In the frequency region of Omega, however, the lowering
of the bottom of the ionized layer makes the carrier-frequency
signals arrive earlier for a time.
A typical solar flare may cause a propagation time to decrease some
ten to twenty or more microseconds in five or ten minutes. The
effect then dies out, usually in an hour or less, but perhaps
lasting two or three hours in the case of an unusually intense
flare. Because the effect is caused by electromagnetic waves it
appears as soon as the flare can be seen and fades away with it.
This SID, or sudden ionospheric disturbance, obviously affects the
entire sunlit hemisphere of the earth, although it is certainly more
troublesome in the sub-solar area in the tropics and in the middle
of the day.
The PCA, or polar cap anomaly, is caused by electrons and other
charged particles. The magnetic field of the earth constrains them
to fall primarily into the regions some 25 to 30 degrees from the
geomagnetic poles. The effects occasionally last as much as ten
days. The PCAs build up rapidly with the arrival of the fastest
particles. Later particles shot off by the sun with less energy,
take longer to arrive and, in effect, keep renewing this unwanted
phenomenon.
My observations of the 3,400 Hz difference frequency promptly showed
me something that I had known in an academic way without really
giving it much thought. I must plead guilty to this fault, although
I suppose it to be common enough. Again and again in my career I
have adopted a course of action (or, perhaps, published a paper)
which would have been greatly improved had I only at the right time
given five minutes more thought to one point or another. I can cite
two or three ways in which the first instrumentation of Loran could
have been improved at the cost of almost no effort at all. In that
case, we had perhaps the excuse of great pressure to produce a
practical device as soon as possible. It has been made clear to me,
in the years since then, that I keep making the same mistake even
when there is no crucial importance to a problem or need to hurry in
its solution. And I have frequently noted the same deficiency in
others. In fact, I have come to believe that nothing is so difficult
Sources of Some Propagational Vagaries 320
as to think one's way clearly and completely through a problem.
In the case of the difference frequency I had noticed, without
thinking about it, that in cases such as the bending of the path of
a radio signal through the ionosphere the phase velocity can exceed
the velocity of light while the group velocity must be less than
that limiting value, as Einstein has taught us. This is implicit in
the basic equations defining the index of refraction in an ionized
medium.
Now if the phase velocity and group velocity (which is the speed
with which energy travels) are not very different, it is a basic
principle that the product of these two velocities equals the square
of the velocity of light. This principle may fail when the phase
velocity gets much above the velocity of light, as it does when
nearing the cutoff frequency in a waveguide or in the space between
the earth and the conducting layers in the upper atmosphere. This
failure is not of much practical importance, however, as the signal
losses become great under such circumstances, as in the 6250'hertz
experiment described above.
It was soon obvious that, when a SID or a PCA caused a sudden
reduction from the normal time of arrival of the carrier
frequencies, the difference frequency signal diverged from the
normal in the opposite sense. It was delayed instead of coming
earlier, as did the carrier frequencies. This was simply a
manifestation of the fact that, the carrier phases that I had been
observing for so long (while thinking of them as time of arrival)
were really only phase phenomena. The difference frequency, like the
signals modulated by pulses in Loran or modulated in any other way,
is quite another matter and travels at the group velocity of the
propagation medium; which is in this case the space between the
earth and the ionized layer.
It took many observations before it came to my full attention that
there was a characteristic difference in the magnitudes of the
propagational anomalies when observed at the two carrier
frequencies, 10.2 and 13.6 kHz. This was, although I had not yet
thought of it in that way, because the 10.2 kHz carrier was
considerably closer to the cutoff frequency of the medtam, which is
near 11 or 5 kHz, so that the departure from the velocity of light
was greater at the lower, of the two frequencies. When enough
experimental data had been collected, it was possible to show that,
on the average, the 13.6 kHz carrier varied only about 5/9 as much
as the 10.2 kHz carrier, and that the 3,400 Hz difference frequency
changed 7/9 as much as did the 10.2 kHz carrier and in the opposite
sense. Some of my slowness in appreciating the importance of these
ratios may have come about because all the deviations from normal
were small, within, about two or three parts in a thousand of the
Phase or Time? / Composite Signals 321
velocity of light. Many of the transient PCAs and SIDs were so small
that accurate measurements were not to be expected; while noise and
instrumental deficiencies caused some distortion of the results.
In any case, at the end of a year I was able to make my first report
on what I called composite signals. This was a technique for roughly
canceling the unfortunate effects of the two kinds of ionospheric
anomalies caused by irregularities in emissions from the sun. It
amounted to suggesting that observations might be made by
subtracting 5/4 of a time difference observed at 13.6 kHz from 9/4
of the time difference simultaneously observed at 10.2 kHz. This
trick, for which I deduced a theoretical justification, yielded a
composite time difference that seemed to vary only slightly when the
anomalies occurred. It did not do as well at canceling the observed
diurnal variations. The reason was presumably that the new method
corrected for changes in the ionized layer by making the measurement
at what amounted to the velocity of light. This does not eliminate
an effect produced by the associated change in layer height, because
long-distance signals have to travel at something near 3/8 of the
layer height. So when the ionized layer rises at night (a matter of
20 kilometers or so) the signal has to traverse a slightly greater
distance. The remaining diurnal variation when using the composite
signal is indeed smaller, but it is only reduced to about 1/3 of
that at 10.2 kHz or half of that at 13.6 kHz.
There is actually another form of composite signal that can reduce
the diurnal changes to near zero on the average, but with moderately
large changes near sunrise and sunset. This can only be done at the
cost of leaving the propagational anomalies partially uncorrected.
This subject is not worth pursuing here.
I have found the nomenclature and arithmetic of composite signals
convenient in analyzing VLF propagation. I must admit, however, that
the Omega community as a whole has paid little attention to me on
this subject. Even my most reliable correspondent at NEL has never
really admitted that he believes this theory. I am gratified that
Georges Nard, the French expert at SERCEL (Societe d'Etudes
Recherces et Constructions Electroniques), who has done more than
anyone else to make differential Omega practical, uses the composite
method in his receivers. I know of no American manufacturer who does
so but, because most makers do not care to reveal the details of
their trade secrets, I have had almost no information about the
exact techniques used in most Omega receivers.
The idea of differential Omega arises from the fact that there are
diurnal changes in propagation time, the anomalies I have spoken of,
and some temporary variations that prevent exact agreement between
an observed reading and one predicted for that location. There are
problems on the other side of the equation, as well. The calculation
of the reading to be expected at a given place is not an exact
science. One can only consult all observational data available and
any theory that may be felt accurate enough to be given weight. The
best that can be done is to compile a relatively simple set of rules
that on the average seem to agree with the theoretical and
observational facts. It would be all too easy to construct a set of
rules for this prediction that contain more errors than the
observations themselves. One must do the best he can to distinguish
the heavily veiled truth and then trust that actual observational
experience will lead to revision of the adopted rules to make them
tend toward perfection.
It leaps to the mind that, when making an approach to a destination,
a navigator could profit by information about what errors are
currently being observed at that point. This is one of very few
aspects of Omega that I have never investigated for myself, but
several friends and acquaintances have done so. Nothing could be
expected if the errors of measurement were themselves as large as
those to be compensated. When, however, the experimenters have taken
care that errors of measurement are small, the method is found to be
helpful over distances up to some hundreds of miles. One of the
happy results of this technique is that the problem of accounting
for diurnal and anomalistic variations may be taken from the
navigator's shoulders as, over moderate distances, these effects
should be much the same at the navigational receiver and at the
monitoring point. Most tests have indicated that the instrumental
error should not be more than two or three percent of the eight-mile
lane width, provided that the best Omega signals have been chosen
for measurement. There is general agreement that the differential
method is hardly worth the trouble of introducing the corrections if
the distance between the receivers is more than 500 miles.
If all navigators were approaching the same destination, it would be
convenient to have a radio station at that location broadcast
continuous reports of the readings observed there. These must, of
course, be measured and reported for each pair (or, preferably, each
station) that is useful in that area. The navigator then might
proceed in such a way that the differences between his own readings.
and those reported to him are reduced to zero, at which time he
should be there.
In general, this is not the best technique. It works better and also
over a wider area to report how much each current reading differs
from the standard prediction for the monitor point. These observed
deviations from charted values (or from computed ones stored in
tables or calculated in the receiver by standard formulae) can be
broadcast in various forms and on different kinds of signals.
Georges Nard manages all this very simply and neatly by adding phase
modulation to transmissions from radio beacon stations that are
Differential Omega / Omega in Aircraft 323
already in existence. The radio beacons themselves transmit
navigational information in the form of continuous signals that
contain information about the direction of a receiver from the
station, or that permit a directional receiver on a vessel to
determine the direction to the station. These beacons, even in the
most satisfactory frequency regions, do not give very useful results
at a distance more than two or three hundred miles, because their
errors are directly proportional to the distance. There are,
therefore, many of these inexpensive transmitters in areas of
interest to navigators except on the high seas.
The SERCEL Omega receiver has an associated receiver for the radio
beacon frequencies. Since the correction signals are coded in the
form of phase, it is easy to add them algebraically to the observed
Omega readings. This is all automatic unless the operator wishes to
disconnect the correction signals. A navigator may often not wish to
do this, however, even when far from land, as the SERCEL Omega
receiver uses, besides the differential correction, the opposite
technique which reduces the diurnal variations to such a degree that
the navigator may not feel the need to bother with the normal
day-to-night adjustments.
By about 1980, SERCEL had a network of some dozen monitoring
stations around the coasts of Europe and Africa, from Denmark to the
Ivory Coast, and throughout the western Mediterranean Sea. They were
also beginning to install a few near the Gulf of St. Lawrence and in
the Caribbean Sea. These stations broadcast signals that are useful
as far as 500 miles. The navigator, of course, chooses the one
nearest to him or to his destination, if the computer in his
receiver does not do so for him.
SERCEL claims an overall accuracy such that 95 percent of the errors
of position are within 0.3 nautical mile at 50 miles from the
differential station and 95 percent within one mile at the 500-mile
distance. I see no reason to doubt these figures.
To use Omega in a fast aircraft requires many special peripheral
devices. It bothers me to remember that we, in the early days, did
not really consider its use except on shipboard. With a ten-second
sampling rate for the signals, a plane flying at 300 knots toward or
away from a station would find the phase of the 10.2 kHz signal
changing by about twenty degrees between samples. As each phase had
to be stored for at least some part of ten seconds for comparison
with another, it was obvious, that a flywheel effect (called the
time constant) had to be used so that each signal would be smoothed
into a moderately steady value. If, as seemed reasonable, this time
constant were to be at least two minutes, our 300-knot airplane
would find its readings lagging about ten miles behind its actual
position. This might possibly be useful, but only on the assumption
Differential Omega / Omega in Aircraft 324
that aircraft seldom change course and usually do so slowly. If that
hope were valid, simple extrapolation of the observed positions to a
point two minutes ahead might come somewhere near the real position.
Before the age of fast and powerful small computers, we would never
have dared to contemplate the navigation of supersonic aircraft.
Another fundamental difficulty in aircraft is that, at heights where
ice crystals may form, a wire antenna (or any other that responds to
the electric field) is vulnerable to precipitation static that can
drown out most reception at the ordinary radio frequencies. This can
be avoided quite well by using shielded loop antennas that respond
to the magnetic, rather than the electric part of the
electromagnetic field of a signal. It is, nevertheless, always
advisable to use wick dischargers or other devices to help
electrostatic charges leak off from an aircraft in a way that
produces as small magnetic fields as possible at the location of the
loop antenna.
An inherent property of the loop is that, if the plane of the coil
of wire is perpendicular to the direction from which the radio waves
come, the output voltage is zero. This is the fact that makes the
loop valuable for direction finding. It is also true that the phase
of the output current from a loop antenna changes by 180 degrees
depending upon which side of the loop the waves impinge upon. These
characteristics are, for the purpose of general reception, very
inconvenient. The ordinary solution is to use two loops that are
physically at right angles, so that if the signal is weak in one it
must be strong in the other. The phase of the signal, which is what
we wish to measure in Omega, thus depends upon which side of which
loop is presented to the radio wave. A convenient way to combine the
currents from both loops is to couple them together with 45-degree
phase-shifting circuits. This produces an output signal with an
amplitude that does not change with direction, but whose phase will
change by 360 degrees if the aircraft turns in a circle. In an Omega
receiver, the signal would gain or lose a cycle in such a turn,
depending upon whether the turn were to the right or left. This
would be intolerable unless something were done about it.
The computer is easily able to solve these problems. By connecting
to it inputs from the aircraft's course and speed indicators, the
computer calculates the direction of each station with respect to
the heading of the plane, and makes a correction for the rotating
phase of the signal. This set of directions to the various stations
is also converted into directions to the stations from the most
probable position of the aircraft, which may be no more than the
last measured position. Artificial signals are generated in the
receiver, and these are corrected for each station so as to adjust
for the direction and speed of the aircraft. The actual measurement
of the incoming phases is made with respect to the aircraft standard
Loop Antennas / Mactaggart 325
after these individual adjustments for each station. All signals are
thus made to stand still, or at least move more slowly, to permit
accurate measurement. As the errors of dead reckoning in an aircraft
do not often accumulate at more than a fifteen-knot speed, the
overall result is to make the Omega receiver "believe" that it is at
rest, or at worst moving no faster than a ship.
I may have understood many of these facts to a minor degree, but
they were made real to me by a number of conversations with Donald
Mactaggart. Don was a bright young engineer with the Canadian
Marconi Company who wished to build a fully modern Omega receiver.
For some reason he chose to come for advice to the Implementation
Committee, or at least to Dick Woodward and me, rather than to get
specifications and help from the Navy, as did most American
companies. After several discussions, he went back to Montreal and
designed the correct equipment and constructed a computer algorithm
that has not yet needed to be amended -- a mathematical triumph
indeed.
It may be that the receiver made by Canadian Marconi performs no
better than some of its American competitors, but it certainly had
an expert demonstrator and salesman in Don. The positional output
was designed to be similar to that from an inertial navigation
instrument. A single switch allows two counters to display the
latitude and longitude, or true course and speed, or the direction
and time-to-go to any of a set of pre-chosen way points, or even
(after subtracting out all of the better-known variables) the
direction, and speed of the wind! All this, from a box that occupied
perhaps half a cubic foot, amazed me. Don flew a company airplane
anywhere he could find a potential customer and gave elegant
demonstrations. I especially remember his description of a trial for
the chief navigator of Pan American Airlines, a man whom I had met
at a meeting in Munich in 1965, and who then had had almost zero
interest in the idea of Omega.
Don set up this demonstration in a very pretty way. He inserted, as
waypoints, the latitudes and longitudes of a dozen or more small
islands, or lighthouses, or other places that could be easily
identified on a flight throughout the Bahamas and part of the
Caribbean Sea. As each one was passed, he would have the plane
follow the indicated course to the next waypoint and set the switch
to read the time-to-go for that place. As that indication approached
zero, Don would be sure that the Pan American chief navigator looked
down to see the expected point below. This could hardly fail to be
convincing when no attention had been paid to the aircraft's own
indicators of speed and direction.
It is not strange that Pan American became the first major airline
to install Omega as a routine navigational aid. It was a surprise to
me, however, when some years later Don told me that the Russians had
become the Marconi Company's second largest customer.
I was pleased by a reporter's detailed account of a round-trip
flight from New York to Monrovia that was printed in a technical
magazine in early 1979. This gave me some longed-for data about the
accuracy actually achieved in service, and also some idea of the
precision of our old bug-bear, inertial navigation. On this flight
two separate Omega receivers were compared with a single inertial
navigation device and with positions determined by overflights of
known places. Both flights were made overnight, between ten o'clock
at night and eight AM, Greenwich Time, (with an hour's stop at
Dakar) on the outward trip; and between nine PM and six in the
morning on the non-stop return flight. Omega accuracy is commonly
supposed to be only half as good at night as by day. Accurate
positions were known at New York, Nantucket, and at three points
along the African coast. The positions indicated by the two Omega
receivers differed from each other, on the average, by less than
half a mile. For the whole round trip, all Omega positions from both
receivers differed from ground truth by an average of 1.11 nautical
miles, with a maximum error of 2.1 miles at Dakar. These numbers,
although reporting only twenty independent measurements, may be
compared with the Coast Guard's estimate of Omega accuracy, which is
95 percent of all readings within four miles at night.
In a malicious way, I was pleased that, after showing an error of
1.2 miles at Nantucket on the outward trip, the inertial navigator
failed to perform properly. On the return trip, the inertial
navigator recovered its poise. It showed errors of 0.8 and 1.3 miles
at the two known points in Africa (after leaving Monrovia), and
errors of 7.3 and 6.8 miles at Nantucket and New York.
I was recently greatly pleased to hear on good authority that Omege
was the only navigational aid used on the first non-stop flight
around the world by the famous Voyager aircraft.
I might have mentioned earlier that, aside from doubts of phase
stability, the implementation cC Omega was delayed by three factors:
(1) competition by inertial navigation, (2) the same by navigation
by satellites, and (3) by fear of hydrogen bombs.
The first of these was very natural. The guidance of missiles and
satellites had brought inertial navigation forward in long strides.
Before the time of a meeting in Munich in 1965, inertial methods for
aircraft navigation had been refined and improved to a degree
surprising to me. At that meeting, the hero of the occasion was
Professor Charles Stark Draper of MIT, to whom most of the inertial
credit belonged. The three Omega papers at the meeting were listened
to politely, but it was clear that most people thought that the
The "Challenger" Flight / Various Delays 327
future belonged to inertial navigation.
Overlapping the belief in inertial to some extent was a school of
thought that believed that all future navigation would be done
through satellites. This era had begun, soon after the first
artificial satellite, in the form of Transit, a system that depends
upon study of the Doppler shifts in a signal from a satellite in a
known orbit. This is the exact inverse of the observations of the
Marconi Company that I had admired in England in 1957. The accuracy
was later improved by a change to time-of-arrival methods and is now
reaching a (perhaps final) state in what is known as GPS, or Global
Positioning System. When it achieves its full twenty-four
satellites, GPS promises to give worldwide position, including
height, with a precision of ten meters or better for military
purposes. It is, of course, forbiddingly expensive, and the
military, under great pressure, have only agreed to let it be used
for civil purposes in a degraded form, perhaps accurate enough for
most navigation while still with enough errors to discourage use by
an enemy! In this case, I could agree with a theory which I scouted
in the case of Omega, as will be mentioned below: that if sole
reliance were placed on GPS a declaration of war might take the form
of the disappearance of the navigational satellites.
I actually served for a year on a NASA committee working toward this
end, but was dismissed (under the pretext that I had asked to be
relieved for reasons of health) in some ignominy as I declined to
believe that all other navigational efforts of the government should
be discontinued. In any event, faith in the future of some yet-to-
be-named satellite method caused more delay in getting approval for
Omega.
The third obstacle was what seemed to me an obvious attempt to
frighten governments contemplating the installation of Omega
stations. This appeared first in Norway, as far back as the first
installation of an experimental station there. The stories
circulated in newspapers and magazines claimed that the Omega effort
was in support of the Polaris missile development (quite untrue) and
that such a station would be the first thing attacked in case of
nuclear war. The Norwegian government paid little attention to these
stories, apparently in the belief that the Omega system would be of
great help to its commercial shipping and fishing interests.
The only place that I seriously felt should be the site of an Omega
station was at the extreme southern end of New Zealand, preferably
as far as possible into the offshore islands. This would counter a
distressing tendency for the sites chosen for stations to creep
northward and unbalance the overall geometrical pattern. I was much
surprised to find that the exact same arguments as in Norway
appeared in the New Zealand press, and on the radio. I was lucky
enough to be asked for comments on this matter by a New Zealand
reporter who had become interested in refuting these ideas. I am
still happy to have a small file of letters from him. He was able to
show, not only the identity of the arguments with those in Norway,
but in many cases the use of the same paragraphs in the news
stories. I do not know how much influence these may have had, but
the New Zealand government refused to allow Omega a site in that
country. I hope that this contretemps was not the source of the
anti-nuclear distrust that has now excluded American warships from
New Zealand harbors and broken the ANZUS alliance.
After long delays, the Australian government gave Omega a home
there, but for many years the unnecessary Trinidad station was kept
in operation while there were more delays in the choice of a site
and in completing construction in Australia. It was, as I perhaps
mentioned earlier, only in August, 1982, that the Omega transmitting
network was finished. Omega had had to survive even one era when
Australia was determined to put the station in an area to which the
government wished to attract tourists! Fortunately, the final
decision was to put it where it should be; as close as was practical
to the New Zealand area.
* * *
In the end, the success of Omega had one unpleasant effect for me.
For a dozen years, the Bureau of Ships had added occasional sums to
the grants through the Office of Naval Research (including equal
contributions by the Army and Air Force) that supported a large part
of my work at Harvard. In about 1968 the Omega Project Office of the
Navy, which had taken over management of Omega from the Bureau of
Ships when action was taken to build the system, decided that
research was no longer needed. To this end, its contributions to
Harvard were no longer made, although the research agencies of the
three military services continued their faithful support. This
considerably curtailed the research funds available to me and, as
costs were continually rising, caused a gradual decrease in my staff
that continued until my retirement a half dozen years later.
I have mentioned one or two of the ways in which the Navy, the only
government service willing to support the Omega effort, failed to
adopt the recommendations of the Implementation Committee. I did
not, for example, worry much about the delayed decision to use the
side frequencies, or to the change in the choice of frequencies when
they were actually radiated. Also, I am by no means sure that the
Omega stations have ever used the full complement of four cesium
frequency standards we wished for but experience has shown that the
signal reliability is very satisfactory in any case. It is also true
Other Personal Disappointments 329
that I have evidence that the precision of signal synchronization is
less than it should be even though direct interstation comunication
probably has not been installed.
I find it more serious that Omega has never been equipped for
continuous signal emission. It disturbs me to hear that the various
stations are shut down, one at a time, for some weeks for annual
maintenance. I feel that probably one or two extra stations might
well have been added to our choice of the number eight. There is
some evidence that the service is thin in a few areas at some times
in the day and year. This deficiency must be greatly exaggerated
when an operating station is shut down for maintenance, which
happens in one of eight selected months for one station or another.
To me, the most disappointing omission is the other frequencies that
we proposed should be emitted in the form of phase modulation. These
transmissions, expensive as they might have been, would have
provided the kind of unattended position finding most critically
required for search and rescue purposes. In recent years a fourth
frequency has been added that resolves ambiguity to 288 nautical
miles, nominally. It is hoped that this distance can be extended,
effectively to infinity, by measurement of the times of arrival of
the various bursts of signal. Such measurement would have to be
accurate to a few milliseconds of time. Many years ago, when the
low-frequency Naval station in the Panama Canal zone was
transmitting a short burst of signal each second as a method of time
distribution, I made some studies of the precision I could achieve
by measurement of the time of arrival. I found a standard deviation
of about half a millisecond, but only with a very strong signal, a
"pulse" each second, and a very long integration time.
Today's techniques are no doubt more accurate, but bursts of much
weaker signals come only each ten seconds (unless they are made on
each of the four transmitted frequencies) and useful integration
times should be no more than a very few minutes. It appears to me
that this technique may be hard to use to gain the necessary
precision. I have read no papers that disclose results from such a
method and have not heard that it has been successfully tested.
In the last year before my retirement there was a very interesting
effort to reduce to practice a search and rescue system under the
name GRAN, or the Global Rescue Alarm Network. This proposed that
the phases of all Omega signals should be retransmitted in the form
of modulation on a signal of 400 to 500 mHz, that would be relayed
to a shore-based station through a geostationary satellite. Position
of a vehicle or man in distress could thus be determined on shore
and transmitted to a rescue vessel.
This project was, for a short time, carried forward by a small group
Other Personal Disappointments 330
operating with support from the Navy, the Coast Guard, and NASA. At
the time I first heard of their work they had demonstrated
successful relaying of Omega signals by satellite with little more
than the power of a flashlight and with no requirement for a
directional antenna. The leaders of the work came to me for ideas
about extending the range of ambiguity resolution. I suggested the
addition of a fourth frequency at 10880 kHz which offered resolution
to a nominal 360 nautical wiles. Further resolution was loosely
suggested through the use of signals from more than the required
three stations, or through the pulse-timing idea described above, or
both.
In the fall of 1973, such signals at four frequencies were received
in Texas from the experimental stations at Forestport (New York) and
Trinidad. The measurements were brought to me to be put through the
lane identification process. The results, to me, were quite
satisfactory although in the middle of the night there were many
instances of failure of the identification of the 10.2 kHz cycle.
The lower frequency identifications were entirely satisfactory. I
attribute this difficulty in part to the rather short distance from
ForestPort (about 1300 nautical miles) but primarily to the fact
that only approximate calculations of the expected phases were
available. These measurements were made on only four nights in
October and five in November. I was at that time busy developing a
correction method, based upon intercomparisons at different
frequencies, that made it possible to correct, to some extent,
observed data for errors in prediction. This technique enabled me to
dispose of the night-time errors except for a few cases.
Perhaps my report of these difficulties discouraged the
experimenters, or perhaps (as rumor suggested) there was some
administrative difference of opinion about assessing the costs of
the experiment to the three governmental departments involved. In
any case, my visitors suddenly stopped coming to see me and the
project apparently collapsed.
I greatly regretted this, and hope that the work may some day be
revived under happier auspice; as the Omega signal offers unusual
opportunities for such signal relaying in a very narrow bandwidth. I
had really felt great interest, and confidence, in the idea that an
inexpensive piece of gear could be operated hand-held in a lifeboat
(or could float free in case of the sinking of a ship or aircraft)
and would call a rescuer promptly to the scene of an accident.
My most distressing experience, in respect to Omega, was to find
that upon my retirement all communications from the Navy and Coast
Guard (which had assumed operating control of the Omega system)
The Proposed Global Rescue Alarm 331
ceased at once. I could only assume that no one wished any
experimenting to continue that might contribute new ideas to
complicate the lives of those charged with constructing and
maintaining an operating system. I have mentioned above the
unfortunate results (for Germany) that followed upon Hitler's
abandonment of scientific research after 1939, so I will decline the
opportunity to repeat that lecture here.
* * *
I am still pleased that none of my efforts to aid navigation earned
me any money directly. Both at MIT and at Harvard, all funds were
granted to the institution which then paid me whatever it was felt
that I deserved. In both cases it is likely that my success at what
I was doing caused some increases in salary, but I have always been
able to enjoy the happy feeling that I was the perfect amateur,
doing what I felt was right in the national interest without thought
of personal gain. I did, as a matter of fact, refuse many offers of
a consulting agreement, as I usually felt that what was wanted was
not my expertise but the use of my name. It is also true that I
greatly enjoyed my resulting freedom to criticize anyone or any
institution!
There are other aspects of my doings in connection with Omega that
may appear in later chapters. If I had thought things through from
the beginning of these memoirs, I would have tried to maintain
better separation between my technical affairs and the personal
stories that must be more likely to interest others. I shall, to try
to restore the balance a little, close this chapter and devote
whatever else may be found in these pages to matters much more
likely to please my family or others.
332
27.
Some Travels in 1965, 1966, and 1967
In February, 1965, a civilian administrator in the Omega Project
Office and I flew to Trinidad to inspect the site of the Hemisphere
Radio station mentioned in the last chapter. The place was still
under the control of the U. S. Navy, as a part of the base that
continued to be maintained there.
Our first surprise was to find that no plane reservations could be
made to Trinidad for a week or more and that no hotel rooms would be
available if we could get there. We had accidentally chosen to go at
the time of Carnival, just before the beginning of Lent. When we did
get to the island and learn more about that festival, we agreed that
it was essential to time any future visit more carefully, as will
appear below.
I had at that time no passport that had not lapsed. At the Pan
American desk at Kennedy Airport I was surprised and somewhat amused
to find that an old Army ID card, probably issued in connection with
the traveling I had done for the Research and Development Board
seventeen years earlier, was the only identification that the
airline was sure would permit my return to the United States. It did
work perfectly, when needed.
In Trinidad, Rex Stout, the Project Office representative, and I
were driven to the naval base at Chaguaramas, in the northwest
corner of the island, where a beautiful site gave an overview of the
small islands dotting the Dragon's Mouth, the western passage
between Trinidad and Venezuela. This was the same strait where our
Pan Am clipper had had such trouble taking off in 1944. We were
assigned rooms in the bachelor officers' quarters, which had been an
old millionaire's mansion before the base was leased to the Navy.
The large and airy house had two wings extending forward to enclose
a well-kept garden with many handsome tropical trees in blossom.
This area was inhabited by a gorgeous scarlet macaw, fully three
feet long, who was always to be seen in the garden or perched
somewhere in the colonnade that overlooked it. We were told that he
had flown over from Venezuela some twenty years before and had
stayed on that property ever since.
When we were taken to see the old wartime, or really postwar,
transmitter building, I made my first close acquaintance with the
tropical jungle. The valley over which the antenna had hung, and
which was proposed for the same use again, had an area of a square
333
mile or more. A track used for occasional inspection by jeep had
been kept hacked through the growth of twenty years since the whole
area had been cleared. We could therefore be driven to the building,
which was among the most substantial I have seen. It was of
reinforced concrete with a bomb-proof flat roof five or six feet
thick and with walls to correspond. My hesitation, above, in calling
this a wartime building is because, in a common military fashion,
the station had operated throughout the war but the bomb-proof
building was not finished until after war had ended.
There were no windows in the building, but it had three or four
openings a few inches high just beneath the roof, or ceiling. These
had admitted a colony of surely ten thousand or more bats. The
interior was filled with them, their sounds and their smells. In
what little light there was, I could admire the dexterity with which
a bat could fly along, just under the ceiling, and suddenly invert
himself to seize an inconspicuous roughness to suspend himself on,
upside down of course. The performance of this feat had to be quick,
as there were few empty spots and always hundreds of bats looking
for a landing place. It was barely conceivable that this barren and
stinking cave could be made into a suitable building for a
transmitter.
This site was near the bottom of a valley between ridges nine
hundred or a thousand feet above the valley floor. There was a
cement perimeter a dozen feet wide surrounding the building and
holding the jungle at bay at that distance. I had seen a plan of the
area and knew that there was a small gully a few yards away from the
building. As I wished to see how much of an obstacle this might be
to laying a good wire ground screen, I started from the edge of the
cement to go see as much as I could.
The growth of vegetation was amazing. I cannot say how much was
trees and how much vines, many two to three inches in diameter. The
entangled canopy extended to a height of thirty feet or so. I went
to the edge of the cement, forced the vines apart until I could take
one step into the jungle. As I tried to clear the way for a second
step, I realized that it would certainly take me all morning to
reach the little gully, and retreated to the edge of the cement.
I was much interested to learn that the proposed clearing of this
square mile of difficult terrain, for the installation of the ground
system, would be done in the old-fashioned way by a myriad of
workers with machetes. I suspect that the growth was so intertwined
as to entangle even a bulldozer, but possibly the choice was simply
a matter of utilizing a cheap labor force.
I made some calculations, on the spot, of the power that could be
radiated from an antenna covering most of the valley. I found that
Bats / The Tropical Jungle 334
the required power for Omega could not be reached without putting a
row of towers four or five hundred feet high along the crests of the
ridges to raise the height of the antenna. The valley was simply too
small. The cost of so many towers, sturdy enough to hold the heavy
cables under great tension, seemed to me excessive. I recommended
that Trinidad should not be adopted for a station, unless such
towers could be used. As so often happened, the Navy paid no
attention to this suggestion and built a station there anyway. A
year later I was to have the surprise of seeing the same building,
now tile-lined and air-conditioned, with a fine transmitter
installed where in 1965 the bats had lived and multiplied in peace.
The view from the top of the transmitter building was impressive.
The whole valley was a rich and quite uniform green. A half mile or
more away there were three or four green fountains extending above
the general level of the jungle, where the green climbed up and fell
back in festoons. These were the rusted remains of lattice radio
towers a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet tall. In one case, the
cross-bracing could be detected among the vines after the existence
of the towers had been called to our attention.
The base commander lent us his little seaplane to fly over the site.
I was greatly impressed to find that, even from a low altitude, one
could not distinguish any difference between the jungle where a
clearing had been only twenty years before and the original jungle
that surrounded it. This was my most impressive demonstration of the
power of nature in replacing or covering the works of man, even
though I had known that some of the woods I had roamed in as a boy
had been cleared fields a century earlier.
When I left Trinidad to come home, it was convenient to stay
overnight in a hotel in Port of Spain while waiting for a morning
plane. I spent part of the evening sitting beside the hotel's
swimming pool and watching a small bat drinking from it. The bat
flew, for half an hour or so, in an ellipse almost the size of the
pool. As he (or she) came by near me on each circuit, he would
descend from a height of four or five feet to almost zero, drop his
lower jaw, and apparently take up a few drops of water, much as the
old steam trains scooped up water from troughs between the rails.
The bat could not have caught much at each trip, because it
continued this activity for so long. It occurred to me that the
intent might have been to pick up insects, but the pattern was so
uniform, always going down to the surface at nearly the same place
in the pool, that I felt quite sure that water was the objective.
The Navy asked me to give one of three papers about Omega at a
meeting of an international association of Institutes of Navigation
Another Bat / Munich 335
in Munich in August. I prepared a paper on the general idea of
hyperbolic navigation at very low radio frequencies, with special
emphasis on the trigonometrical features that operate so strongly to
limit the dilution of accuracy when using very long baselines. The
other two papers were given by friends from NEL and NRL. They dealt
more with practical matters and the results of experience.
This time I managed to avoid the pain associated with using military
transportation and flew to England by commercial airline. I did not
have much time there, but did pay calls in or near London upon
acquaintances and correspondents. I flew, one evening, to Munich on
a plane of the British European Airline, which stopped at Frankfurt
for immigrations and customs examination. This was the simplest and
shortest, not to say most farcical, border crossing I ever
experienced. We were herded off the plane, without our bags, and
into the immigration area. When my turn came I extended my passport
to a suave and polished gentleman of about sixty years. He smiled
gently, took the document by a corner between thumb and finger and,
without opening it, handed it back. I did my best to return his
courteous bow and passed on into the customs area. This was
completely empty of both bags and officials. With nothing else to
do, we all got back onto the plane and proceeded to Munich.
I had long realized that the one year of German I had foolishly
taken had done me little good. I was quite sure of it when I could
barely direct the taxi to my hotel. But a few days later I was
cheered to discover that I was beginning to understand a few words,
here and there.
This deficiency did not matter, as the meeting was prepared to deal
with several languages. It was held at IKOFA, a park-like area with
many varied exhibition halls and meeting places. The room for our
meetings was the first I encountered with full translation
facilities. A wire antenna looped around the room radiated
translations of all the papers and discussions in a half-dozen
languages. We could turn the selector on a box connected to our
headphones and amuse ourselves by trying to decide whether the
speaker in Spanish were getting ahead of the one in French, for
example. All our papers had been sent ahead for translation in
advance, but the translators also handled the discussions with what
seemed equal ease and accuracy. My paper was the first and only one
of mine that I know to have been printed in both French and German
and, if I was told truthfully, in Russian.
The meeting went on for several days, and covered some aspects of
navigation that were not of much interest to me. There was, of
course, plenty of time to see some of Munich and its uninhibited
night life. I recall one night club where I ate the most delicate
and delicious schnitzel I ever had. There were seven or eight of us
crowded around a circular table with a sort of pedestal in the
center. This turned out to be the resting place for a good-sized keg
of beer which we drew upon at will. The show was presumably very
funny and was greatly appreciated by the large and vociferous crowd.
About the only bit I understood was when the ardent swain's trousers
fell down in the presence of the mayor. This was clear in any
language.
On our most formal evening we were invited to an abendessen in
Ratskeller zu Rathaus, or a dinner in the Council's dining room in
the cellar of the city hall. Several of us went to this function in
what was probably the fastest taxi ride I ever took. I sat in front
with the driver and, to keep from seeing the way in which we hurtled
through traffic in the heart of the city, watched the speedometer
hovering between 100 and 110 km/hr most of the time.
The dinner itself was notable for well-arranged seating so that each
of us had reasonable exposure to some of the dignitaries of the host
association and of the city and state, as well as an assortment of
our co-workers in other countries. My chief memory is of the
meticulous care with which one of the hosts explained (while.the
waiters carried out) the tradition that in Munich one does not allow
a guest's beer glass to become empty. Mine, I noticed, seemed to be
replaced each time the level got down to about a half. This occasion
was my one and only experience in drinking toasts in beer.
On another occasion we drank at the Hofbrauhaus, the beer-hall that
became notorious as Hitler's early meeting place. By Munich's
standards I suppose it was relatively small, seating two or three
thousand people. The sight and sound of so many Germans all singing
and enjoying themselves was interesting in itself. I understand that
some of the brewing companies' tents, that are set up for the
Octoberfest, seat as many as twenty thousand.
Our meetings must have extended through parts of two weeks, as I had
pleasant experiences during the weekend. On the Saturday I spent the
day alone at the Deutschesmuseum, possibly the finest scientific and
technical museum in the world. I happened to start by going down
into a mining exhibit dug far into the ground below the museum. I
think it included at least iron, coal, and gold mining. .1 wandered
from place to place underground, through shafts, corridors and
galleries, with models of all operations at full scale. I began to
wonder whether I would ever come to the surface again, but I did so
after nearly two hours.
The transportation exhibits were magnificent, extending even to
fairly large trading ships of various eras. My favorite in this
section was a canoe like Hiawatha's, with the delightful label
BIRKENRINDENKANU. I still quote this occasionally as an example of
the way the German language frightens one off by running three or
four English words into one. Until one learns to take such a
compound word apart, this style can cause great confusion. Another
remarkable exhibit was the chassis and engine of the automobile
which won the improbable race around the world from New York to
Paris in 1908. I do not think that this grandfather of all long-
distance races went through Alaska, as in the movie farce The Great
Race, but it did involve the long overland run from Vladivostok to
Paris in the days before filling stations, and took several months.
If I remember rightly, it started in February, the winning car
arrived in Paris in June, and the second place car in September. In
its exhibited form, the car has had ninety-degree sectors cut out of
the cases of the gear box and differential, so that the strength and
elegance of the gears can be seen. It was one of the finest pieces
of machinery I ever expect to see, and kept me fascinated for a long
time.
The exhibit that most pleased and impressed me was a room full of
Heinrich Hertz's original experimental gear, with which he
demonstrated the fact that radio waves are simply light waves with a
far greater wavelength. The museum seemed to have all of his plane
and parabolic mirrors (made of wires) and prisms (made of pitch).
How he accomplished all he did continues to amaze me, as his only
deteption mechanism was to look for tiny sparks with a magnifying
glass. To be sure, he had James Clerk Maxwell's electromagnetic
theory to guide him but, as a brilliant experimenter, he must have
regarded the theory with at least a degree of skepticism.
I had entered the Deutschesmuseum when it opened in the morning and
left it only when dinner time approached. It was a happy, tiring,
and fruitful day for me.
On the next day I became the complete tourist, and took a bus trip
to Oberammergau. I was drawn to this, while my Omega friends went to
Salzburg, because I remembered Grandma telling me about how she and
Grandpa had gone there for the Passion Play in 1910. Our tour went
through the beautiful alpine scenery of Garmisch-Partenkirchen, the
ski resort used for the winter Olympics in 1936.
I knew that the Germans tend to worship the memory of Goethe. I was,
nonetheless surprised by the reverence displayed by the tour guide
when, in a town whose name I forget, he pointed out a bronze plate
on the front of a small restaurant, which commemorated the fact that
on a day in 1771 Goethe had had lunch there!
My own lunch, also in a town I do not remember, was called a
bauernomelett. It must have taken four eggs to bind together the
liter or more of potatoes, ham, onions, and other fragrant things.
Munich and Oberammergau 338
It was half the size of a football, and I could not eat as much as
half of that.
After a stop at a most baroque church on the mountain above
Oberammergau, we finally reached that village only twenty minutes
before the shops closed at four in the afternoon. This no doubt
saved us collectively a lot of money. We were able to glance into a
number of the woodcarvers' shops, but there was not time enough for
comparative shopping. My only souvenirs were two tiny hedgehogs
which still remind me of Herkemiah at Ak-Bulak as well as of
Oberammergau.
Munich became even more memorable as, early in the next week, I fell
victim to my last fairly serious attack of epididymitis. After
spending two days in pain in my bed in the Excelsior Hotel, I
managed to pull myself together and get to a plane to England, where
I had an appointment to give a colloquium at the Royal Air Force
research station at Farnborough. To my surprise and relief, the
trouble got better as I traveled and I was able to give my talk
without too much discomfort. I did not stay long in England,
however, and I am happy that since that year I have had no more than
twinges of my old difficulty.
* * *
Rex's determination to see the Carnival in Trinidad bore bitter
fruit for him but much fun for me. By February, 1966, the Omega
station in Trinidad was ready for testing. We had made reservations
and taken steps to reserve (at our own expense) the necessary
tickets for the 8everal major Carnival attractions during the five
days ending with Shrove Tuesday.
Possibly Rex talked too much at the office. Or perhaps the idea of
Carnival was just too much to be resisted by his boss, Max Polk, the
Omega Project Officer. He bumped Rex and decided to do the
inspection of the station himself. I fancy that he tried to do the
same thing to me, as he wished to take along a close friend in the
Navy. If so, that scheme failed and I was allowed to make the trip
as planned. Max was a captain in the Navy, having the same rank as
that held by the commander of the Trinidad base. This fact was to
become very beneficial.
We arrived in Port of Spain with nearly a week of Carnival
remaining. The festivities had been. building up for several days
before that, with minor celebrations of many kinds, including many
parades through the city by steel orchestras each of which carried
with it a large group of celebrants jumping up. Max and I were met
by our official host, the resident captain, and given our tickets to
the various attractions, and also guest memberships at the Country
Club. These were thoughtfully made out in the names of Mr. and Mrs.,
Farewell to Munich / Trinidad Again 339
in case we wished to take along some substitutes. We were taken to
the same BOQ at Chaguaramas and were given the keys to a car rented
forus by the naval base.
In the first day or two we managed to make an hour's visit to the
Omega station, which was neat and clean and working perfectly,
though with limited power. After that visit, we were quite busy
sightseeing and learning how Carnival works. It seems that the
festivities are largely in the hands of bands, which are not musical
but groups of people ready to parade and perform together for
several days with little rest. One or two bands consisted of as few
as 300 people, but some of the more enterprising ones contained as
many as 2,000 celebrants. A band is reputed to begin preparing
costumes for the next Carnival within two weeks of the end of the
latest one. The costumes, in each band, are all coordinated to fit
with whatever theme the band has chosen. One of the more spectacular
bands in 1966 was dressed as Roman soldiers. The costumes were
little less than magnificent and, from a distance of a few yards,
showed no anachronisms and no imperfections of detail that we could
detect. This band was divided into four quarters, each in its own
color: red, green, blue, or yellow. Those in each color marched, or
danced, in a group. There were no differences in costume throughout
the band except for the color of the different regiments.
In its many public appearances, each band was accompanied by its own
orchestra (which is what, in this country, we would call a steel
band) often of a hundred performers. When the appqarance was at one
of the functions in front of the grandstand in the Queen's Park
Savannah, the orchestra would pass beside the ramp that led up to a
platform several feet high in front of the grandstand. Forming on
the far side of the platform, the orchestra would play jumpup music
while the band marched, a dozen abreast, up the ramp and danced its
way across to the descending ramp. I no longer have any idea how
many bands and orchestras there were, but they surely were numbered
in the dozens, if not scores.
The steel orchestra plays upon a family of instruments devised by an
unknown genius. He found that the top or bottom of a standard oil
drum (a very common commodity in Trinidad) could be made into a
surprisingly pleasant instrument. By properly heating, hammering,
and tempering the steel drumhead, a dozen or more dents or bosses
can be so shaped that each responds to a drumstick with a note in
the musical scale. A group of a hundred performers playing these
instruments can produce an exceedingly loud, yet very musical and
exciting result. Much music has been composed for these orchestras,
all of it toe-twitching and highly suitable for jumpups. These are a
kind of local dance that I find it totally impossible to describe.
It requires as much energy as go-go dancing but has, somehow, a more
joyful and less sexual character.
Carnival 340
When driving around Port of Spain in the evening, we would often
meet a large group of dancers following an orchestra. We soon
realized the extent of their fatigue. Because the group occypied the
whole street we would, if cornered by it, turn off the engine and
let the dance sweep by us on both sides of the car, usually taking
ten or fifteen minutes to pass. The dance has, as its name implies,
rather more vertical than horizontal motion. Those dancers who
managed to get close enough to the small car would invariably lean
against the top, suported by an elbow, and allow the car to hold
them up as the rest of the crowd forced them along until they were
pushed off at the other end of the car.
It was probably on the Friday of the Carnival weeke9d that we were
moved into Port of Spain. For a time I did not understand why we
were being transferred to the Queen's Park Hotel, but the reason
ultimately became clear. There seems to be a rule that during
Carnival local people may not occupy rooms in hotels. We, as
foreigners, could have rooms that would be convenient as resting and
relieving places for the naval officers and their wives who would be
attending Carnival. As a result of these rules, the club took two
rooms in our names. One was a beautiful large one on the front of
the fourth floor, with a long balcony overlooking the street and
across to the savannah where the formal entertainments were held.
The second room was a small double one in the rear of the hotel
where it was hoped that it would be quiet enough for us to sleep. As
a matter of fact, noise from the festivities hardly bothered us at
all, as we did not often try to rest and, when we did, were
generally tired enough to sleep anyway. When we were taken to the
large room, we found an unusual feature. A big closet, had a shelf
bearing several dozen bottles of liquors. It seemed that the
officers' club had also provided this supply and used it on the
honor system, whereby each officer paid for what he used. As hosts,
Max and I were exempted from this arrangement and told to help
ourselves to these supplies as desired. It became common to find our
balcony occupied by several officers and wives, chiefly in the late
afternoon. Of course, the club liquor was far cheaper than that
served in the hotel bar downstairs.
I am sure that there was a major show on the main stage that Friday
night but do not recall just what it may have been, except that the
devil was a major character in the performance. Saturday night has
blotted Friday out of my memory. That was the night when the
attraction on the stage was the selection of the King and Queen of
the Carnival. These choices were supposed to be made entirely on the
basis of the best and most extravagant of the costumes worn by the
leaders of a dozen of the more prominent bands. These costumes were
generally so large and complex that the human in the middle was
visible only as a face, if that. Many, especially those worn by men,
Choice of the Queen of Carnival 341
were often six or eight feet broad and deep, and many even higher
than that. One strong man representing King Neptune carried a
brilliantly decorated costume (on a sort of concealed scaffolding)
that was reputed to weigh three hundred pounds. He could only cross
the stage in little four-inch steps, obviously taken with great
effort.
One band, representing playing cards, violated this tradition. The
female leader was a "high yaller" woman well over six feet tall. She
wore a brilliant scarlet sleeveless floor-length gown that clung
closely to her superb figure. Her costume was a flat sheet of giant
playing cards that extended well out sideways but not at all to the
front or rear. This device concealed none of the lady's own charms,
which were copious, magnificent, or what adjectives have you?
Max and I realized from the reactions of the audience near us that
this violation of custom was most incorrect. By this time, however,
the effects of the officers'club liquor were being felt and we
applauded the playing-card lady vociferously at every appearance. At
the end of the show, toward one A.M., the decisions of the judges
were announced. To our surprise and delight, the judges also had
apparently been overcome by the lady's charms and the leader of the
playing cards was named Queen of the Carnival.
After this Saturday night show a certain conclusion had become
traditional. The part of the audience which had the use of the
Country Club went there when the show ended and enjoyed a jumpup
until five in the morning. At that hour it was correct to repair to
a church to take communion. Because Max was an Episcopalian, we went
to the service at the Church of England. I had never taken communion
in England but, even so, only one aspect of the rite surprised me. I
understood how the congregation knelt at the altar rail in groups of
forty or fifty; and, having seen it done in the movies or somewhere,
I was not surprised at the curious gesture of sticking out the
tongue for the priest to place the wafer on it. I was, however,
startled by the dexterity of the young priest in serving the wine.
It came in a sort of huge brandy snifter that would, when full, have
held at least two quarts. The priest held it cradled in one hand
with the other supporting the base. With some kind of a twitch I
could not fathom, he shot into each open mouth about a tablespoonful
of the wine. This, from a vessel with a four-inch hole at the top,
impressed me as a skill of a very high order.
The popular theory seemed to be that if, after taking communion, one
slept for the rest of the day on Sunday it should not be necessary
to go to bed again before midnight Tuesday. It. did not work that
way for us for, on Monday morning, we were awakened by a tremendous
noise that came echoing up through the atrium that extended upward
from the lobby of the hotel. It seemed that a large orchestra had,
formed up at the entrance of the hotel and suddenly started playing
surely the loudest music I ever heard. Further sleep instantly
became impossible.
Somehow the details about Monday escape me except that, in the early
evening, Max and I decided that we should stop drinking the Navy
bourbon and go downstairs to see what was being served at the hotel
bar. With difficulty we wormed our way through the crowd in the
lobby and got into the bar and provided ourselves with glasses of
planter's punch. Working my way back to the lobby, I looked (or a
clear spot and was lucky enough to find a corner with a pretty girl
alone in it. She was wearing a pair of silver earrings in the shape
of starfish. As a conversation opener, I asked if these were a
local product, because I thought our friend Madelene Pierce, a
marine biologist, would like a pair like them. The girl said that
they were a gift and she did not know where they came from. While
saying this, she removed the earrings, took off the matching brooch
that I had not noticed, and dropped them all into my shirt pocket. I
have often used this story as an excellent example of the spirit of
Carnival. The girl earned at least a good dinner by way of thanks
before rejoining her group of young people. She came from
Manchester, New Hampshire, and was employed as a teacher of English
in a company school in the Venezuela oilfields. She gave me her
address, but I was wise enough not to try to see her again.
Catherine enjoyed this story, but side-tracked the pin and earrings
before they ever got to Madelene. Catherine continued to wear them
frequently as long as she lived.
I must admit that we did get out to the Omega station a second time,
I think for at least an hour, during the week that we spent in
Trinidad. We also had lunch once with the commander of the base at
his lovely home overlooking the Dragon's Mouth. My only real
reflections of this occasion were of a very good meal and the
pleasure I took in seeing a five-foot iguana resting on a big branch
of a tree a few feet from the railing of the captain's porch.
On Tuesday, the final entertainments in the Queen's Park Savannah
finished in the late afternoon. By that time, all were certainly
tired. Quite a naval group was chatting quietly, glasses in hand, on
our balcony as the last performers were leaving the savannah. The
band representing playing cards came out into the street and, for
some unknown reason stood around there with its center not more than
fifty yards from us. At this point something, perhaps whisky,
inspired me to get up and say, "I'm going down to see if she (the
Carnival Queen) is as beautiful close to as she is several yards
away." The lobby and street were fearfully crowded, but I put my
shoulder down as a wedge and forced my way out and down the road. I
had no way to tell how close I was getting to my objective until I
suddenly broke out of the crowd and into an open space a few feet in
The End of Carnival / Norway 343
diameter with the Queen, and me, conspicuous in the center. It had
not occurred to me to prepare any remarks for this occasion and I
was at the moment speechless with the surprise, as well as her
nearness and the overpowering smell of sweat from the lady and her
entire entourage. No way to explain my sudden appearance occurred to
me except to bow low, snatch the lady's hand, and kiss it, mumbling
congratulations on her selection for her high honor. I suspect that
she was the most surprised Carnival Queen in recent years as I
slipped back into the crowd. Looking up to our balcony when I got
free enough, I had a fine view of the naval group enjoying an acute
attack of hysterics. Max, of course, brought this story back to the
United State; amplifying it the while, and had much fun distributing
it among my friends. I am sure that his version, by the time he had
a chance to tell it to Catherine, was far better than mine.
As the Carnival was wearing to a close, surely from fatigue, the
Tuesday evening was spent at a jumpup at the Country Club. Our
fairly large group spent most of the evening over drinks at tables
bordering the dance floor. In the latter part of the evening, it was
a frequent occurrence. for one or another of Trinidad's very pretty
girls to slow down her dancing near one of our tables and ask the
time. One or another of us would look at his watch and reply,
perhaps, Ten-thirty. This almost invariably provoked the response,
Oh, my God! I'll never make it!
It became abundantly clear at midnight, when, the music and dancing
stopped. The room was instantly littered with bodies, lying wherever
they happened to be when the Carnival period ended. The same was
true of the city in general, as in our drive back to the hotel
similar inert forms were to be seen scattered over the lawns,
sidewalks, and even streets.
In the morning the base commander came to take us to the airport,
first paying our hotel bill from a large wad of American hundred-
dollar notes. These were, he assured us carefully, officers' club
funds, not naval ones.
* * *
In August of 1966, Dick Woodward, Lowman Tibbals, the leader of the
Omega work at NEL and my closest friend there, and I flew to England
for a meeting with the radio navigation people at the Royal Aircraft
Establishment, and then to Norway to see the Omega station being
built there. This was a double pleasure for Dick and me because just
after World War II we had had a two-years' acquaintance with Bjorn
Rorholt, a young Norwegian flyer. He had served in the Underground
during the war, had flown in some capacity with Bernt Balchen, and
had frequently been parachuted into his homeland. His services in
the war had earned him a reward of two years in America, most of
The End of Carnival / Norway 344
which he chose to spend working with my research group at Harvard. I
still have no idea why he made this choice. In the intervening years
he had become a colonel in the Air Force and, in 1966, was serving
as Chief of Communications for the Norwegian Joint Services. This
gave him a professional as well as personal interest in Omega and
also in the big VLF communication station then being built for NATO
in northern Norway.
Bjorn had mistaken our date and we surprised him in the morning a
day earlier than he had expected. Nonetheless, he rose to the
occasion, arranging an excellent dinner for us on that same day.
This introduced a Norwegian custom new to us. Many people choose to
work from morning until about four in the afternoon and then enjoy
the big meal of the day, to be followed by supper some time in the
evening. Our meal was obviously at one of the better restaurants and
I enjoyed my first ptarmigan although I have forgotten the
Norwegian name for it. Another small group had been invited to meet
us. These were the senior engineers engaged in building the NATO VLF
station. I was pleased to find that this group was headed by my old
acquaintance Captain Burke, who had retired from the Navy after
completing thq big VLF station at Cutler, Maine. Nothing untoward
happened at the dinner, but we found out later that Mr. Burke and
Bjorn were rather at swords' points over many diplomatic problems
concerning the construction of the station. Apparently each of the
parties to the controversy had been throwing his weight about to an
unnecessary degree.
Fortunately, a few days later, the same people, with others,
attended a large cocktail party given, if I remember rightly, by the
American company which had the contract under NATO. At this function
I performed one of my easiest and most successful diplomatic chores.
I spent much of the evening, cocktail glass in hand, chatting with
the heads of the two groups, telling each of them some of the
stories I happened to know about the achievements of the other in
various difficult situations. I was to hear later that, while Burke
and Rorholt did not become bosom friends, they did decide to respect
each other, and afterwards worked together very successfully.
In a few days we saw some of the charms of Oslo, of which I remember
chiefly Vigeland's amazing statues in Frogner Park. We also spent an
interesting time visiting Tron Horn, the chief expert in stringing
long cables over fiords, which is very necessary in building the
Norwegian electric system. I was surprised to learn that, in the
climate of northern Norway, one of the desirable reatures is to let
the center of a long span drop to about a thousand feet over the
water. If the center were higher than that, there would be an
unnecessarily great strain on the cable, while if it drooped lower
heavier ice-loading would make the total strain greater than it need
be. I asked Mr. Horn what was the length of the longest span in the
electric system. After a few seconds of thought he amazed me by
saying "About five kilometers, or 3.1 miles." This man's experience
was of great value to Omega, of course, although, in a mountain
antenna, there is a great premium for not letting the spans droop
lower that safety demands.
Omega profited by the use of a cable-hanging ship, made by equipping
a wartime landing craft with hoisting engines and cable reels. This
ship was sent anywhere it was needed for such purposes as raising
the Omega antenna. In this case, as in some others, it had been
necessary to hoist the necessary gear by helicopter to the tops of
the mountains. These were so fractured by freezing and thawing that
they had little structural integrity. The first operation was to
drill dozens of holes through the rock and pump into them enough
cement to make the whole peak of each mountain one block of
concrete. After sufficiently strong pulleys had been mounted at the
take-off points, the cable ship would string the antenna anross the
fiord, buoying it up to lie easily at the surface. Lines would then
be carried up at each end of each span, reeved through the pulleys,
and brought back down to the winches on the cable ship. Sailing as
necessary from one side of the fiord to the other, the cable ship
could then hoist each antenna strand into position, so that men on
the mountains could make permanent attachments. The antenna at
Aldra, as the island is called, or more properly at Bratland, the
name of the hamlet on the mainland, was used for a time with two
strands across the water. These were later extended by addition of a
third, each of the three going to a different peak on the mainland.
Dick and I, who had known Bjorn in Cambridge, had a very pleasant
dinner with him and his wife, whom we had also known as they had
been married while he was in America. We were especially delighted
with his smoked salmon, which he had caught himself and had had
smoked by some great expert in that ancient art. Bjorn was proud,
not to say vain, of these fish, and had long been promising us (by
mail) that he would have some waiting for us when we got to Oslo.
The salmon were fully worthy of his praises, being the most delicate
and delicious that I ever ate.
After a few days of introductions to the city and to military and
other people interested in either Omega or the NATO communication
station, Dick, Lowman, and I were escorted to the edge of the arctic
by Bjorn himself. We flew to Trondheim by commercial aircraft and
then went further north in a Norwegian Air Force helicopter. This
was, we quickly discovered, a magnificent way to view the fiord
country. We flew, usually, at more or less half the height of the
mountains so that we had elegant views into the fiords. The
sightseeing ships full of tourists looked like pretty toys below us.
Landing near the site of the future NATO station, we were shown the
Cable Hanging Techniques / Oslo 346
rocky saddle inside which three caverns had been excavated. These
were to be the rooms for the large transmitter and for the two
outlying loading coils for the two halves of the mountain antenna. A
light strand of antenna had been suspended across the valley with a
lead-in down to a hut on the top of the saddle, where a small
transmitter was being used for the first actual tests at the site.
We climbed the saddle, several hundred feet high and covered by
rocks and brush, in our city clothes as a snowstorm was beginning.
This may have been the first occasion on which I felt the effects of
the emphysema that had resulted from forty years of smoking, as I
remember that I had great difficulty in keeping up with the other
members of the party, and that they clearly felt a little concerned
about my difficult breathing and fatigue. To this day, I do not know
why we climbed this minor obstacle, except that Bjorn was so pleased
with the progress being made on the station that he wished us to see
every detail.
I found the tunnel that had been bored through the width of the
saddle very interesting. Bjorn had a story, which I don't
necessarily believe, that the Norwegians had talked NATO into
financing this access route, between the tuning points and the
transmitter, because it was desired as a passage for school children
between their homes at one end and their school at the other. If
this be true, I can easily understand the desire of parents not to
have to send their children up over this saddle in the winter. We
observed that the tunnel was quite large, permitting a two-lane road
of generous width, and was entirely rough and unfinished above
although the road was smoothly paved. Apparently both of these
features were matters of economy. The size was especially important
as it allowed ordinary earth-moving equipment to move in and out
readily during the tunneling; and it was left untiled because that
was considered to be a necessary economy. In Norway, excavating in
the rock is common and is done very professionally. Biorn told us
that the entire tunnel, a little less than a mile long, had been
bored (from both ends) in three months and at a cost of half a
million dollars. We Americans agreed that in our homeland the plans
alone for such a tunnel would have cost a half million, and that the
time taken for the whole would probably have been three years rather
than three months.
This is as good a time as any to mention a legend we heard several
times. It seems that trolls resent the activities of humans in these
northern climes unless the people excavate places in the rocks that
may serve as accomodations for the trolls. It is therefore wise to
dig as much as possible to divert the malicious actions that
otherwise might ensue. We usually heard this story from trained
engineers, some of whom had studied in England or America. It was
obvious that these acquaintances tried to laugh as they spoke about
the trolls; nevertheless we fancied that we detected a
Trolls / Bodo 347
stratum of belief underlying the amusement.
As we left the NATO site and flew toward Bodo, where we had hotel
accomodations, I learned about a most convenient ability of a
helicopter in such a northern region. After a time the snow became
so thick that the aircraft's windshield wiper failed to keep up with
the accumulation. When this condition became severe, the pilot would
find a small place along the shore where he had room to land. He
could then get out and scrape the windshield clean!
Bodo is a small city of perhaps 30,000 people, and is the capital of
Nordland county, if that is what such a region is called in Norway.
It was essentially new and notably neat (even for a town in Norway)
because it had been totally destroyed by the German occupation
forces during World War II. We arrived late and left early, so I
really recall little more than a very good dinner in the hotel.
When we visited the Omega station, a half dozen miles south of the
arctic circle, we were lucky enough to see a fantastic feat of
helicopter flying. The station was then operating, though at less
than nominal power, and there was still much construction activity
on the mountains. As time had passed it had been found that the top
of the mountain on the mainland was enshrouded by clouds too
frequently. A cableway had therefore been constructed to the top
from a flattish area about a third of the way up. A commercial
helicopter was employed in flying supplies, such as sand and cement,
up from the edge of the sea to the lower end of the cableway. The
small helicopter was paid by the ton hoisted to the plateau and the
pilot therefore wasted little time in returning after he had dropped
a load. Instead of flying down in a normal attitude, he would tip
the helicopter up to an angle less steep than the slope of the
mountain and slide down at an increasing speed. In this part of the
trip the forward-moving tips of the blades of the helicopter
exceeded the speed of sound. The descent was thus made to the
accompaniment of rapid succession of sounds like the explosions of
giant firecrackers, which could be heard from a distance of six or
eight miles.
As we approached the station, our military helicopter toured the
antenna supports at the tops of the mountains and then landed a mile
or two from the station where there was a flat place at which we
could wait for cars from the station to pick us up. During this
pause the commercial helicopter came banging down the slope. The
pilot was clearly minded to show the Air Force crew that they were
not the only ones who could fly helicopters. Instead of stopping at
the normal place to pick up his next load, the pilot continued
another half mile along the coast, still at a very high speed. He
came over the water at a height of no more than ten or fifteen feet
until nearly opposite us and at a couple of hundred feet out from
Construction on the Mountain 348
the shore. As he reached this point he swung the aircraft up into a
steep climb and checked his ground speed by accelerating his engine.
This maneuver brought him to a complete stop at a height of about
fifty yards. At the peak, his rotor blades seemed exactly vertical,
for a moment. As he dropped he returned to the horizontal, with the
engine still at full throttle, brought the helicopter into a normal
attitude only a few yards above the water, and chugged sedately back
to his base to pick up his next load. We were sorry that there was
no way for him to know how deep an impression he had made. Our
flight crew could only fill our ears with excuses because the Air
Force would not allow them to try such a stunt.
As suggested above, the Omega antenna in Norway had required much
reinforcing work on the mountains at the ends of the strands of
cable. Some details are of interest. On the mainland side, the
mountain top approached knife-edge sharpness. Before even the
solidification process could be begun, much material and several
workmen had to be hoisted to the top. The first operation was to
lower men and supplies to build a small cabin and a landing pad for
the helicopter. The former was needed at once to provide a place
where a few men could stay when a cloud descended on the mountain
with little warning. The very idea of the landing platform gives me
qualms. It was a square wooden structure three meters on a side! To
find a perch for even a small helicopter on this, with such a steep
mountain ridge under it and when buffeted by the winds to be
expected in such a high and exposed situation, must have called for
a pilot with the traditional nerves of steel. It should be no
surprise that the later work took advantage of the cableway.
It is curious that seeing the Omega station did not interest me as
much as hearing these stories about how things are done in Norway.
Of course, I had previously seen many radio transmitters, all of
them very similar, and some had presented far greater engineering
problems. In any case, many of my reactions in Norway were similar
to those I had felt when I learned of the cheap telephone
communication available on the Finnish ship in 1936.
The peaks of surprise and admiration came when we were back in Oslo
and Bjorn took us to see the headquarters station of the military
ultra-high-frequency communication network. This station was
invisible to the eye of the casual visitor. We were introduced to it
when Bjorn drove us up to the television tower on the heights at the
end of Oslofiord. This was the standard European tapered tower of
reinforced concrete with antennas at the top and below them a bulge
two rooms wide and several stories high. This space contained the TV
operating rooms and transmitters. When we approached the tower,
instead of continuing to the normal parking area around the base,
Biorn turned off the road into an unimproved dirt track through a
grove of small trees fifty or more yards below the top of the hill.
An Invisible Communication Network 349
He parked at the edge of this road at the back of the hill, near a
small building rather like the end of a small garage partly buried
in the sloping ground. A key unlocked a padlock on an
undistinguished yet sturdy door leading into a small tunnel, as
rough and unfinished as the much larger one we had seen at the site
of the NATO station in Nordland. This tunnel led us horizontally
into the hill for a hundred yards or more and ended at an obviously
stronger door with a more impressive lock. Beyond this, we found
ourselves in a brightly lighted and highly modern communication
station containing many transmitters and some of the offices of the
military network.
This cavern was directly under the television tower and buried far
underground. Another locked door let us into an elevator car which
we found was the normal one used by the public for access to the
observation gallery in the bulge. Buttons in the elevator allowed
the public to travel between the ground floor and souvenir shop, the
TV transmitter area, and the observation gallery, but showed no
indication that there was anything below the ground level or that
there were a couple of levels in the bulge that contained parabolic
antennas for the military system. These levels were reached by the
use of a key to an inconspicuous lock on the elevator control panel.
The antennas of the military system were pointed as necessary in the
directions to relay points leading to all parts of the country. All
of this network was more or less parallel to the normal telephone
system but was completely independ0nt.
The antennas in the tower were not the only resource of this
installation. Scattered in the woods below the public parking area,
but still not far below the top of the hill, there were a number of
small wooden buildings that could only be called shacks. These had
been red, but the paint was blistered and peeling, and the small
windows looked as though they had not been cleaned for years. They
were so dingy that, from the outside, one could not detect that they
concealed almost nothing except large holes in the ground. These
buildings covered reserve parabolic antennas, all mounted on
hydraulic lifts that could, in an emergency involving loss of the
television tower, be activated to bring these antennas up to a
considerable height with each pointed in exactly the right
direction.
All of this ingenuity was not what most impressed me. This system
had been set up in a way that could not be imagined in the United
States. All of the electronic equipment had been picked up in the
surplus market, subject only to the requirement that it could work
reliably at the correct frequencies. We saw labels from Philco and
General Electric, the English Marconi Company, and one or two French
and German suppliers. There is much to be said for using ingenuity
An Invisible Communication Network 350
and determination instead of dollars.
The most surprising bit of data Bjorn gave us was that this entire
network of, I believe, 140 stations was operated by a total full-
time staff of less than that number of people. The stations,
scattered completely around the entire perimeter of Norway, were
capable of operating unattended. At every site an inhabitant nearby,
perhaps a farmer with no more than minimal technical understanding,
was kept on notice to get to the station in case of any failure. If
he could reactivate the power supply or make some other correction,
well and good. If the difficulty were beyond his capacity, he was
authorized to call upon any facilities of the Norwegian armed
services. They would respond at once to any call for help and
enquire into the degree of necessity only after the station had been
restored to full operation.
One unimportant detail pleased me. At Harvard, my group had used
some morse code intercommunication between rooms. A single letter
was the call of each person. That letter plus a question mark meant,
Where are you? and would be answered by a room number. An
individual's letter followed by a number meant to answer a telephone
call on that particular line, and so on through many brief messages
and responses. Bjorn had apparently liked this arrangement and we
found a trace of it in this military network. A call to, say, the
Nordland area would start with what corresponds to our area code.
The area would respond with a dial tone so interrupted as to form a
repeated morse letter, thus confirming at once that the caller had
reached the correct zone before he dialed the local number.
We were not asked to keep any of this information secret. The whole
apparatus was simply made inconspicuous. This has many advantages as
compared with an activity that inspires curiosity, as the Norwegians
clearly knew as well as anyone.
It happened that Dick and I finished our visits in Norway three or
four days earlier than we had expected. We went immediately to
London, hoping to change our reservations to cross the Atlantic.
This was when we discovered that the tourist season no longer ends
at Labor Day. It was impossible to arrange an earlier departure, so
we became simple tourists and had a very relaxed and pleasant time.
We visited the Tower of London (for me, at least, the first time
since 1936) and took sightseeing-bus rides that brought us to
museums new to us, and to other attractions. I even surprised myself
by spending an hour and a half in happy contemplation of da Vinci's
Madonna of the Rocks while Dick wandered in other parts of the
National Gallery. For some reason I don't understand, in London I
have always been able to reserve theater tickets at short notice,
and we took full advantage of that happy arrangement. So we managed
to pass the required time with no boredom whatever.
* * *
In 1967 it seemed to us that a trip to see the World's Fair at
Montreal might be our last chance to do something as a family before
the children stopped having long summer vacations. Bob was then 22
and Joy 20 years of age. We accordingly chose a date, bought
passports to the Fair, and arranged reservations in Montreal.
Catherine ran into an obstacle when she suggested leaving our
dachshund, Gretchen, in a kennel. The dog was such a pet of all of
us that Catherine received no second to this motion. We therefore
saw to getting all Gretchen's innoculation and health certificates,
while Bob applied to his Draft Board for permission to leave the
country, a requirement that very much disgusted him. At the Canadian
border, in both directions, the immigration officials surprised us
by carefully reading every word on the dogs papers while they
politely declined to be interested in Bob's permission. I doubt that
he was ever again so insulted!
Our reservation turned out to be in a little French rooming house.
We found it conveniently located and equipped, and even with
elementary kitchen facilities, but the four separate beds we had
requested did not seem to be available. It was unfortunate that my
French was far behind me, if it ever had been useful in spoken form,
while no one at that time in the house knew any English. We finally
worked it out that the proprietor, who spoke English but operated
two similar places, would not be available until supper time. So an
afternoon was practically wasted before he arrived and so juggled
rooms that we were satisfied. Once this had been done, we found the
place quite satisfactory.
My French had another hard time in the morning when I was sent out
to get coffee for all, with varying demands for no sugar, or no
cream, or double cream. The only cafe' in the immediate neighborhood
was presided over by a statuesque and beautiful woman who had the
greatest difficulty in detecting what I wanted, but I finally got
all the orders filled correctly. Thereafter, for some reason or
other, I recall no further linguistic difficulties.
The problem of Gretchen solved itself beautifully. A small animal
hospital not too far away would take her as a day student if we
would pick her up each evening before dinner. The dachshund adjusted
well to this regime and we had the pleasure of her company at night.
We also found an ideal place for breakfast next door to the animal
hospital, so we patronized that regularly and reserved our own
kitchen facilities for snacks. The breakfast place had a curious
pricing method which I discovered by experience. Our bill was always
75 cents each plus 15 cents, no matter how much or how little anyone
Facilities at Expo 67 352
ordered.
At the Fair we let the children pretty much alone to wait in line,
if they wished, for the most popular exhibits while, with one
exception, Catherine and I set a policy of going in to see only
those things that did not require any waiting at all. Joy happened
to have a school friend living in Montreal, so she spent much time
doing things with her. Bob made new acquaintances as necessary and
took care of himself very well, so we met occasionally by
appointment or sometimes only when we got back to our quarters at
night.
It happened that I had suffered a ruptured spinal disc a year or two
before and in 1967 was using a rather rough and large cane. This led
to two interesting events. When we first went to the exposition
grounds it seemed best to start by taking a ride on the minirail, an
elevated transit system that ran through much of the fair grounds.
We found one of its stations close to the entrance and rode around
to see how the various areas were arranged. It was natural that the
minirail ride ended at the Canadian Pavilion, so we went in to see
that first. Outside, we had noticed a number of Royal Canadian
Mounted Police in their scarlet uniforms and had not yet discovered
that the Expo police wore entirely different uniforms. Inside, the
Canadian art exhibit seemed the best one to start with, so we went
in there and found it interesting enough to keep us for thirty or
forty minutes looking into various galleries. After a time I
realized that wherever I went there was a Mountie within a yard or
two of me. As I moved from one gallery to another, sometimes a
policeman would wander along with me, and at other times I would
find a different one in the next gallery. Just as this fact began to
worry me, there was a flurry of activity at the other end of the
large room we were in. A group of eight or ten people, most of them
in correct morning dress, were escorting two well-dressed but more
informal visitors. As this group passed out of the pavilion, all of
the Mounted Police vanished as well. Before we ourselves left we
made some enquiries and tound that the distinguished visitors were
the King and Queen of Greece, being shown through the exhibits. The
security force in the scarlet coats had obviously been unsure that
my stout cane did not conceal a firearm. With perfect courtesy, they
never approached me but made sure that one officer or another should
always have me within his reach.
At almost the end of our visit the cane had a different, but equally
courteous, result. Until then, Catherine and I had clung to our
policy of not waiting in line. There was, however, an unusually
excellent international art exhibition that we all wanted to see. On
several different days we had failed to get to this museum before it
bacame filled. Expo 67 had an admirable policy of allowing visitors
into the museum until a comfortable number were inside, and then
The International Art Exhibition 353
admitting others only as the earlier arrivals left. On our last day,
we again failed to get to this exhibit before a long waiting line
had formed. We decided that we had no alternative but to wait.
After about five minutes of leaning on my cane at the end of the
long line, I was approached by one of the regular Fair police.
Without preamble, be said to me, "Are you alone?" I replied, "No. We
are a family of four." "Bring them", he said, rather brusquely, and
led us toward the side of the museum. On the way, he kept using his
walkie-talkie, speaking in French. At a looked side door, a second
policeman let us in and conducted us to an elevator so that we
avoided a long flight of stairs to the exhibition area. This
courtesy saved us what I bad estimated as two hours of waiting;
extra time that we were delighted to have at the exhibit. Catherine
and I each found a few paintings we had admired, either in Russia or
in western Europe, and since then had wondered whether we would ever
see these old friends again. I am sure that this exhibit was, for
us, the highlight of the Fair.
I no longer remember any of the other national or state exhibits
except for the Finnish artifacts that were displayed in a most
memorable way. Large frames enclosed collections of all sorts of
manufactured objects, from sets of china to tapestries and even gun
barrels, all so grouped as to simulate impressive art. The
cumulative effect of a large room full of patterned groups of this
sort was overpowering and still not forgotten.
Recalling our happiness at the New York World's Fair in 1939 and
1940, we searched for but could not find a Finnish place where we
could rest and drink coffee and eat schmeerbrot (however it should
be spelled) the delicious open-faced sandwiches of Scandinavia and
Finland. Catherine did presently discover the approximate equivalent
in the Scandinavian Pavilion. This was nothing more than the wide
entrance hall leading to an excellent dining room and an equally
good bar. There were little tables along the sides ot this area,
where we could sit interminably and be brought delightful sandwiches
of smoked salmon, shrimp, or even scrambled egg and eel, drinking
akavit and watching the long lines of untutored patrons standing in
line for hours to get into the dining room, We spent a large part of
many happy evenings there.
354
28.
Having been an astronomer before her marriage, Catherine was
interested in eclipses of the sun and had had an excellent chance to
see her first one not far from Mount Holyoke College while still a
student there. I cared little about these phenomena, before the one
in the Soviet Union at which I met Catherine. Thereafter we both
paid more than casual attention to them. It is now at least fun for
me to recount the circumstances in which one or both of us made such
an attempt. The order might as well be chronological.
1. January 24, 1925
At this date Catherine was a sophomore in South Hadley and already
studying astronomy. She was, during her undergraduate years, keeping
a line-a-day diary. In it I find no mention of the eclipse until
January 14 when she saw Miss Farnsworth about the eclipse. On the
morning of the 24th, Catherine and other interested girls took the
seven o'clock train to Windsor, Connecticut, some thirty miles
south, and watched the eclipse on a brilliant winter morning. In her
diary she wrote, "Eclipse wonderful. Got our shadow bands OK.", but
found it equally worthy of mention that there were 69 more days
before spring vacation.
On the same day I was suffering from having to take the final
examination in a course on Ancient Civilizations at the University
of Maine. I have not yet forgiven Professor Huddleston for ruling
that my only choices were to see the eclipse or to pass the course.
He would not even let me go to the window for a quick look at the,
partial phase. I now remember almost nothing about the course except
for one of the professorial jokes: Mark Antony went down to Egypt
and tripped over Cleopatra. He got up, brushed himself off, and
said, Excuse me, and wilt thou?' -- and she wilted! I am not at all
sure that the joke is worth more than seeing the eclipse.
April 28, 1930
This interesting eclipse occurred during Catherine's years at the
Lick Observatory. It was a California special, being of almost
unique brevity. The earth was so nearly at the extreme end of the
penumbral shadow of the moon that the eclipse was reputed to be
total on the mountains and annular in the valleys along the path of
totality. Catherine saw it, but I do not remember just where. She
reported the width of the shadow as only a hundred yards or so, and
that a group trying to observe the eclipse had to make very careful
observations of the positions of the sun and moon in the weeks
More Eclipses 355
before the eclipse and did, in fact, move its camp once or twice to
be sure of being on the centerline at the right time. I. find that
the duration of the eclipse was predicted to be 1.5 seconds, but it
could not have been so long if Catherine's figure for the breadth of
the shadow is correct.
For my own part, I am sure that I never heard of this eclipse until
after I met Catherine.
3. August 31, 1932
Catherine was travelling in Europe at the time of this eclipse,
which came in the era when I was experimenting with 5-meter amateur
radio. I rather foolishly drove over to the region at the base of
Mount Washington to see if I could detect any eclipse-induced
variation in a signal from the top of the mountain. The weather
turned out to be rainy with solid clouds.
The only happy result of my effort was my making, by way of radio,
the acquaintance of Alexander McKenzie, who would become a lifelong
friend. He was then operating an experimental station on the top of
the mountain; the nucleus of the present Mount Washington
Observatory. Mac, or Alex, which he now prefers, turned up again as
the editor in our Loran division, where he.was responsible for the
clarity of most of our reports. He also became one of the editors of
the book about Loran which was published as volume four of the
Radiation Laboratory Series of twenty-eight books about the wartime
work.
4. June 19, 1936
This was, to me, the most important eclipse that ever happened. It,
or at least the trip to the Soviet Union and return, has already
been fully described in Chapter 7.
5. October 1, 1940
Catherine and I attended this one together in South Africa, as
described at great length above in Chapters 10 and 11.
6. July 9, 1945
At this time Catherine was busy taking care of our eight-month-old
son, Bob. I was equally busy making tests on Low Frequency Loran. In
this connection I wished to examine these new signals over land at a
considerable distance. It occurred to me that it would be amusing to
drop in on Dr. Donald Menzel, the former leader of the eclipse,
expedition to the Soviet Union, who was preparing to study an
eclipse in western Canada. It was easy to fit these two enterprises
together, so I took the small plane, which had been lent us by the
Army Air Force for testing purposes, to Regina, Saskatchewan. There
I talked two officers of the Royal Canadian Air Force into driving a
staff car the hundred miles to Bredenbury. where Don's eclipse camp
had been set up.
Everything started smoothly. I walked into Don's tent but, as I
should have expected, he was so busy that, he hardly noticed me. I
did, however, have an opportunity to meet a lady astronomer from the
Lick Observatory who remembered Catherine vividly. When the eclipse
arrived, fairly early in the morning, there was a dense cloud
overhead but with a completely clear sky all around the horizon in a
band from five to ten degrees wide. Thus we missed the eclipse but
nevertheless saw a most beautiful sight. The orange light around the
visible part of the sky, which is characteristic of a total eclipse,
was reflected in bright spots from the lowest areas of the cloud.
These orange spots, by contrast, turned the remaining parts of the
cloud a gorgeous deep purple. The effect was rather like the path of
moonlight reflected from water, but upside down and extending all
around us, instead of being in a rather narrow strip.
This was disappointing to the Canadian officers, and even more so to
Dr. Menzel and his crew. The patch of cloud over us could not have
been more than perhaps twenty miles in diameter, and I learned from
news reports that this was the only cloudy place along the entire
Canadian part of the eclipse track. So my whimsy cost me the sight
of my first visible total eclipse at which I had no duties. The
tests of LF Loran, however, were quite satisfactory.
7. October 2, 1959
This eclipse proved to be a total fiasco for both of us. The path
was practically in our back yard, so we took the children and stayed
overnight in a motel in Nahant, a dozen miles east of Arlington. As
the sun in that location was supposed to rise in mid-eclipse, we got
up in deep darkness to find ourselves under black clouds in a heavy
and persistent downpour. We could not even detect any brightening as
the time approached when the eclipse was supposed to end.
8. July 20, 1963
The track of this one passed through western Maine and we finally
got the children to see a total solar eclipse, although only by a
slim margin. The American Association of Variable Star Observers, of
which Catherine had been a member ever since her college days
(although she never, so far as I know, observed a variable star),
decided that the eclipse made a splendid opportunity for a meeting.
This was, technically legitimate as the brightness of the sun does
vary a little, although by no means noticeably. A second cousin of
The "Telster" Eclipse 357
mine, Cyrus Fernald, lived in Wilton, Maine, not far from the
eclipse path. He was a stalwart of the AAVSO and, as it happened,
Catherine had known him for years before she ever heard of me. The
AAVSO decided to take its telescopes to a site between Wilton and
the Telstar station in North Andover, Maine.
The Bell Telephone Laboratories was then making its first
experiments in transmitting television signals between America and
Europe, using a satellite called Telstar which was, I believe, the
first active satellite used for that purpose. Through Cyrus and
Catherine I found myself asked to arrange a visit to the Telstar
station for the entire AAVSO party. This came about because, before
1950, Dr. James Fisk had retired from a promising career at the Bell
Laboratories and become a professor of Applied Physics at Harvard,
where I had a slight acquaintance with him. After two years, he had
returned to the Bell Labs and, by the date of the eclipse, had
become its president.
The pressure by Catherine and Cyrus upon me was intolerable, so I
wrote Dr. Fisk to ask him to arrange a visit to the Telstar station
for a group of about 120 people with considerably greater scientific
understanding than the general public. It was perhaps unfortunate
that the eclipse came on Saturday afternoon so that the only
reasonable time for people to get to Andover would be late Sunday
morning, as many would need to leave for home that afternoon. After
I had written this request, nothing was heard about it for a
considerable time. Just as I was getting quite concerned, the phone
began to ring and I soon found myself talking to telephone company
people in Boston, Andover, New York and, for some reason I never
learned, in Washington. I could then visualize Dr. Fisk as having
written "Do this" on my letter, and leaving it to an army of
assistants to make the detailed arrangements.
When the great Saturday came, we drove for an hour or more from our
motel to the appointed field in a heavy rain. This gradually
decreased, but we ate our sandwich lunch in the car and set up our
projection telescope in a drizzle, as did all the other AAVSO
members and their families. At almost the latest possible moment, a
small clear space in the sky, perhaps six or eight degrees high and
twenty degrees long, appeared in just the right place. The clear
spot among the clouds drifted a little but managed to contain the
sun continuously from first contact to a few minutes after totality
ended. We saw all the important effects very well, but in the time
between third contact and the end of the eclipse the clouds became
opaque again.
On Sunday morning we drove to Andover in clear weather, getting
there at about eleven. Instead of needing, as did the uninvited
public, to peer into the balloon dome, some 200 feet in diameter,
through a plate glass window, we were escorted through double doors
into the dome itself. The huge antenna, essentially a conical horn
forty or fifty feet long with an attached 115 degree mirror at its
larger end, was laid horizontally on a rotating platform that filled
most of the inflated sphere. This platform was mounted on
essentially trolley-car wheels that rolled on a 150-foot circle of
rails that had been leveled and smoothed to about a thousandth of an
inch. The horn and mirror rotated about a horizontal axis while the
whole platform rotated about a vertical axis, with both motions
controlled by computer to let the antenna follow a satellite as it
crossed the sky.
Between the track for the antenna and the dome itself, ten or a
dozen large picnic tables had been set up. We were all seated at
these and given an excellent lobster luncheon while the manager and
the chief engineer of the station explained its details to us. One
interesting and non-technical feature was a group of small holes in
the center of the top. It seems that after the sphere had been
inflated but before the equipment had been installed, a heavy storm
had deposited enough snow on the top to depress the canvas into a
large dimple because the available air pressure could not support so
much weight. When the snow melted it left a pool weighing many tons
high in the air with no way of getting access to it. The solution
was to engage a local farmer to bring his hunting rifle and shoot a
few holes in the ceiling. The water gradually drained down through
the holes. After the driving equipment and some heaters had been
installed, the internal temperature was such that snow never
accumulated again.
After the luncheon and discussion, we were shown through the entire
station. I remember being especially impressed by the extent to
which normal telephone techniques had been used, so that people on
the telephone companies' staffs could easily adapt to this new
development.
Before and during the time when we were eating and talking, the big
antenna had been searching for the first Telstar satellite which had
been lost (or more probably had fallen silent) a few days before. It
was being searched for by followtng with the antenna the track
through the sky from which it was believed that the signal would
come. To increase the likelihood of success, this moving average
position was modified by adding a spiral scan that alternately
increased and decreased in radius. This combination of motions, when
changed into altitude and azimuth terms, caused a most curious and
ever-varying back-and-forth rotation of the wheels on the track and
of the cone on the platform. It is my impression that contact with
that first satellite was never re-established, but I am not sure. At
least, telephone and television communication across oceans is now
so common as to excite little interest, except for the few people
Telstar / Our Last Eclipse 359
who understand all of the difficulties.
It is perhaps not necessary to add that, since this splendid
luncheon and reception of the AAVSO group at Andover, the magnitude
of my telephone bill disturbs me much less than before. And I trust
that all the AAVSO members join me in this sentiment.
9. July 11, 1972
We made up a party of four for this eclipse and chose Prince Edward
Island as the place to see it. Professor and Mrs. Bancroft Sitterly
flew from Washington to Bangor, where we met them with our car.
Benny was the astronomer who did so much to elucidate the
mathematics of Loran navigation in the Radiation Laboratory, and
Charlotte was the astronomer who had shared Catherine's bed at the
Lick Observatory more than forty years earlier. Both have remained
among our closest friends ever since we met them. We drove across
New Brunswick, stopping to traverse the covered bridge, almost a
quarter of a mile long, that crosses the St. John river at Hartland,
and to see at Moncton the tidal bore which, at that distance up the
Petitcodiac River, was little more than a rapidly rising tide.
Taking the ferry to Summerside, we drove to Charlottetown and found
the rooms we had reserved. We visited the hall in which the Canadian
Federation of Provinces was established and, of course, Green
Gables, as both ladies had been fond of the story of Anne.
On eclipse day, we drove to the north side of the island, where we
understood that the eclipse would last longest, but retreated to the
southern coast when a thin haze developed in the north. We saw the
eclipse well and attracted a good deal of interest with our
telescopic projection of the partial phases, as we had set it up in
a public park.
The next day after the eclipse we started for Nova Scotia,
fortunately according to plan, as we had to wait from before noon
until nine-thirty at night to be let onto a ferry. Happily, we had
many books in the car so that all could read while we waited in
line; but we were very irritated when every truck full of chickens
or potatoes was sent on the next terry while passenger cars waited.
At Truro, the proprietor of our motel had waited up for our arrival.
From the motel grounds we could watch the tidal bore in the next
morning and evening. This was better than the one at Moncton, as the
initial bore came up the river over bare sand at a height of about
two and a half feet. This was followed by a great many secondary
surges that brought the depth of water up to fourteen feet in forty
minutes. We did some exploration of the south coast of Nova Scotia
before other appointments made by the Sitterlys forced us to let
them leave by air from Halifax. We decided that we would meet again
to see more 6f Nova Scotia the next year. That trip was postponed by
Prince Edward Island / Summary of Eclipses 360
someone's illness but fortunately did take place in 1974.
* * *
I believe that Catherine. thought that she had tried to see eight
total solar eclipses. I am unable to find listed in our astronomy
books more than seven that she could have seen. In either case, her
record was remarkable as she actually saw six eclipses in seven
chances, if not seven out of eight. I too have been in attendance at
seven total eclipses, but have seen only four, a much more normal
ratio.
361
29.
The five years before I retired in 1974 were largely devoted to
studying some interesting details of propagational phenomena that
seemed to me important in the use of Omega. There was a gradual
decrease in research funds, as I said above, because the Omega
Project Office had decided (wrongly, I felt) that because the system
was reaching operational status further research would not be
required. This fact did not trouble me as much as might be expected,
however, as I was quite annoyed at the thought of the many years of
what seemed unnecessary fears and delays since my proposal of the
idea. In other words, I was getting old and weary. I also realized
that the Navy could have become tired of having me suggest new ideas
and modifications that might interfere with its somewhat placid and
leisurely habits.
* * *
For four years I occupied a position on the Science Advisory
Committee of the U.S. Coast Guard, a new effort for them. I was made
the leader of a small panel worrying about problems in electronics.
While we examined many aspects of the varied services performed by
the Coast Guard, perhaps our most important contribution was to help
convince the Commandant that the service would benefit from having
its own Research and Development Laboratory. At about the time I
retired, the nucleus of such an organization was established in
temporary quarters on the coast of Connecticut, pending arrangements
to build a permanent laboratory on the grounds of the Coast Guard
Academy in New London.
After I retired from the Committee, was interested to find that I
was given a Public Service Commendation calling attention to my help
in the development of vessel traffic systems. This referred to an
effort of the whole committee, with which I had relatively little to
do. It was essentially another example of the old problem of
relieving the captains of ships of some responsibility, especially
in cases where danger to other vessels was of paramount importance.
It was very clear that it would be necessary to give the Coast Guard
the right to require certain behavior of vessels when entering
American harbors or traversing the coastal zone where traffic was
heavy. This problem was exactly equivalent to air traffic control,
where some rights had to be withdrawn from individual craft to
increase the safety of all. In this case, it had to be approached
through the testing of a system of harbor advisory radars which
362
could identify approaching vessels and offer suggestions about their
movements. The time for supplanting the absolute authority of
captains had surely arrived, but for a while the Coast Guard had to
operate in a purely advisory capacity. In some cases, such as when
large oil tankers turned northward in San Francisco Bay to pass
through a region that was often occupied by a thousand or more small
sailboats which theoretically had the right of way, things were very
difficult indeed. The only solution, as in the English Channel and
many other congested areas, was to allocate routes to various
classes of vessels, and to give the Coast Guard authority to enforce
the rules. All this took a lot of time and a lot of diplomacy, but
not much of either of them was required from the Committee.
At that time the Navy was making arrangements to have the Coast
Guard operate those Omega stations under U.S. control. I spent some
of my Advisory Committee time in trying to encourage the Coast Guard
to adopt an aggressive policy of supporting research on Omega, but
with no results whatever, at least before my retirement. It was much
too easy for the Coast Guard to perform only the operating services
that the Navy would pay for and to exert none of its own guiding
influences. I hope that this policy has by now been corrected.
The Coast Guard had two customs with respect to the committee that
had my entire approval. They called meetings, usually of three days
duration, at many different places so that we could see for
ourselves some of the very varied things they did; and they actually
paid the committee members a modest fee of $100 per day, which was
then unusual among government agencies. They even called all
meetings to begin in time for dinner on the evenings before the
business sessions in order to legitimize an extra hundred dollars
for each of us.
I found amusing a few details about some of the meetings. One that
was perhaps interesting rather than amusing was a session at
President Nixon's Western White House, which he liked to have used
for conferences of small groups when he was elsewhere. The White
House consisted of two or three single-story temporary buildings on
the property of a Loran station that happened to be adjacent to the
President's new home at San Clemente, California. I did not visit
the Loran station, but we did have time to tour the grounds which
surrounded the President's house and admire the quite attractive
sentry boxes scattered here and there among the trees.
Particularly interesting was an artificial hill which Mr. Nixon had
caused to be erected by marines from Camp Pendleton to cut off a
distant view of trains on the coastal line, which unfortunately ran
behind the bluff between the estate and the ocean. We, of course,
all came home with an assortment of valueless souvenirs, such as
match books and paper napkins identified as belonging to the Western
The Coast Guard Science Advisory Committee 363
White House.
Having grown up near 45 degrees north latitude, I was somewhat
surprised, when we had a meeting at Mobile, Alabama, to find that
that was the home port of the helicopters used to search for
channels through ice floes for ships in the arctic regions, as well
as to carry out search and rescue missions as required. It took me
a little time to realize that the helicopters were as likely to be
dispatched to the south polar regions as to the northerly ones, and
that they might as well be stationed at some place having a
comfortable climate.
I have always thought of the Coast Guard as a nuts and bolts sort of
practical service, with a myriad of assorted duties, that could
undertake successfully almost any job. This complimentary attitude
was a little damped by the discovery that it had taken until that
year (1971, I believe) to learn that for service in the arctic and
antarctic it was better to paint the helicopters in fluorescent
orange rather than in the Coast Guard's customary white. I thus came
to realize that a governmental body may follow an old habit
slavishly, without any actual thought, as easily as I can.
At Governor's Island in New York harbor the committee found much of
the perimeter of the island occupied by large heaps of dirt from
many excavations. We were told that extensive changes had just been
made in the sewage system of the base, on which about 6,000 people
lived, with thousands more who came each day by ferry. There had
been, I believe, some twenty-odd outlets which had discharged raw
sewage into New York harbor. The Coast Guard had recently been
assigned the duty of inspecting ships' dispositions for the
treatment of sewage, and it had become embarrassing to have such a
large problem of its own while being required to discipline even
small ships for having inadequate sanitary provisions.
As a result, the various small sewers on the island had been dug up
and connected to a new main conduit passing under Buttermilk Channel
to South Brooklyn, where it joined a larger New York City sewer. It
was, of course, not a responsibility of the Coast Guard .that the
New York sewer then passed two blocks farther south and emptied into
the harbor.
One of the members of the committee pointed out that it was
unfortunate that the Coast Guard had to expend some of its efforts
in these inspections of incoming ships, as there were surely more
porpoises swimming in an ocean than there were men sailing on its
surface.
I hope that these anecdotes are not taken as implying any lack of
respect for the Coast Guard. I have always admired it as an over
Coast Guard / Old Ironsides 364
loaded Service which does not expend its energy on training, as do
the military and naval arms, but works hard and faithfully at
impossibly varied and difficult tasks, from mounting guard against
icebergs and drug smugglers to replacing buoys in the Mississippi
River and inspecting life-preservers on small pleasure craft
operated by owners of doubtful sobriety. These officers and men
could not be given too much praise. It will be a fortunate day when
our national budget gets under control so that they can be
adequately funded for the important services they are obliged to
perform.
* * *
In my boyhood I was an avid reader of tales of the exploits of the
United States Frigate Constitution. As a delayed consequence, I took
steps in 1973 to get myself invited to take a very short trip on Old
Ironsides when I heard that she was about to go into drydock for a
three-years refitting. Fortunately, this turned out to be the first
year when ladies were allowed on such a turn around cruise (so
called as the ship was taken out into the harbor and turned each
year to make the effects of weathering equal on both sides), so
Catherine and I were duly invited, to join the ship at the somewhat
inconvenient hour of seven in the morning.
The Constitution was towed from her normal berth in the Charlestown
Navy Yard two or three miles along the Boston waterfront before
turning back and entering the drydock in which she would be
refitted. She carried a Naval band, which played more or less
continuously, and was accompanied by fireboats squirting high
fountains of water and by innumerable small boats carrying people
with cameras. We were also kept in view by four or five helicopters
taking movies of our slow progression. Catherine and I, and perhaps
a hundred, other guests, were given handsomely illuminated
certificates attesting our contributions to the success of this
voyage and designating us as Honorary Navigators in the Continental
At the end of the voyage Catherine's lameness made it a little
difficult as the ship was then in a huge dry-dock and we had to
debark over a very long and steep gangplank. She was, I think, quite
pleased to be helped ashore by no less than two Lieutenant
Commanders. She later took a little pride in being one of the first
ladies to travel on Old Ironsides, until I found that in 1849 the
ship had had to convey an American Consul from Tripoli to
Alexandria. Catherine then had to give up her claim, because the
consul's son was born on board, an event that could not have
occurred without a lady present. The son was, of course, named
Constitution McCauley.
My interest in Old Ironsides brought me a curio I enjoy. It was
given to me at the time of my retirement by Ryder Eriksen, the only
Old Ironsides / Nova Scotia 365
technician who stayed in my group at Harvard throughout my post-war
years. This souvenir is a pair of book-ends, cast in a metal that
seems to be at least partly bronze. They were made of material
removed from the frigate Constitution at the time of her renovation
in 1927-1930, and had been bought by Ryder's father. The form of the
bookends is the conventional ship's steering wheel with a medallion
of the ship under sail in the center. At the bottom of the medallion
are data about the ship and British vessels she defeated;
Launched 1797
1812 Guerriere Java
1815 Cyane Levant
In Chapter 28 I described the trip Catherine and I took with
Charlotte and Bancroft Sitterly to see a total eclipse in Prince
Edward Island. On that occasion we had a very happy time exploring
parts of Maine and New Brunswick, but in Nova Scotia saw only the
narrow strip of between Truro and Halifax. We fully intended to go
to Nova Scotia again the next year, but something made us postpone
the trip until 1974.
I cannot remember the dates with precision, but I fancy that I
technically retired on June 30th of that year somewhere in Nova
Scotia. The trips in 1972 and 1974 were made in the best period;
that is, when strawberries had come into the market while the
lobster season had not yet ended. I fancy that it was in New
Brunswick in 1972 that Banny and I standardized the pink and white
luncheon; that is, a bowl of lobster stew followed by strawberry
shortcake. Thereafter we enjoyed this fine menu nearly every noon
while we were in the Maritime Provinces.
For this second joint trip to that area Catherine and I took the
ferry from Portland to Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, while Charlotte and
Banny flew to Halifax. We visited Peggy's Cove and other points of
interest near Halifax and then drove along the southeast coast,
stopping at every village that seemed interesting. After a night at
Antigonish, we crossed the causeway onto Cape Breton Island, our
chief objective.
For several days we made our headquarters at a delightful inn at
Baddeck, on Bras d'Or Lake almost in the center of the Island. As
three of us were then forced to use canes, we stayed on the ground
floor of an annex that was just opening for the season. This
The Marconi Site 366
building had an attractively furnished parlor, and rather long
private rooms that gradually changed from bedroom near the door to
living-room at the end near the windows, which looked out upon a
yard and garden with flowering trees. Almost immediately after our
arrival a procession of seven or eight chambermaids came into the
parlor, each bearing two or three brass candlesticks or decorative
utensils that had obviously just been polished to begin the season.
The dining room, in the main inn, was also beautiful, but insisted
on serving meals far more complete and delicious than any of us felt
we needed. Fortunately or unfortunately, the only other place for a
good dinner in Baddeck had recently been damaged by fire and was not
open for business!
From this inn it was an easy day's run to any of the points of
interest in that most eastern part of Nova Scotia. We spent one day
touring the Cabot Trail, in a clockwise direction so that we could
end with a memorable dinner at Keltic Lodge. Another day was spent
mostly at Louisbourg where the fortress (which William Pepperell,
assisted by one or two of my remote ancestors, captured temporarily
in 1745) has been handsomely restored. In Baddeck itself we found
the Alexander Graham Bell museum very interesting, with its,
concentration on Bell's devotion to kites and aircraft in the latter
part of his life.
My most memorable stop was at Glace Bay to see the site of Guglielmo
Marconi's first wireless station on the North American side of the
Atlantic. The place does have a small monument, but it is not well
advertised so that I had to enquire at a bank to get instructions
for finding the site, even though it is really in the city itself.
It is on the top of a rocky headland (a very poor site for a low-
frequency radio station) perhaps a hundred feet above the water, and
with a magnificent view of the sea.
There was a little dirt and grass in crannies, but half the area
seemed to be completely bare. The footing of one tower was nearly
intact, although the frost had heaved it into a tilted position, and
I could identify the hole from which the remains of another must
have been recently removed. There had originally been four towers,
but I could find no trace of the other two positions although the
geometry of the square, some four hundred feet on a side, seemed to
be clear. The footing that still existed was not more than five feet
square and perhaps two feet in thickness; a rather small support
for a tower two or three hundred feet high and carrying part of the
weight of a complex network of heavy wires or cables.
The remains of foundations for three buildings could still be
identified. They were of concrete only about five inches wide and
barely deep enough to establish a plane just above the rocky
surface, the height ranging from six to eighteen inches. These
The Marconi Site 367
footings, like those of the towers, were made of concrete with
minimum cement and lots of sand and small stones. The top surface of
the tower support, however, was decorated by a layer of waterworn
pebbles of various colors, presumably brought up from the beach
below the cliff.
The sight of these remains gave me an answer to a question that had
intrigued me for years why did Marconi abandon this site after at
Glace Bay after only two or three years of use and replace it with a
new station less than ten miles away on the other side of a
peninsula? The niggardly use of cement clearly suggested to me that
a financial problem had forced construction of a station that soon
began to need repairs.
It seems clear that Marconi could afford nothing better until after
he had proven the utility of transatlantic wireless communication.
I fear that my three companions did not share my happiness in
exploring this bleak promontory. They were, however, very patient
with my pacing of dimensions and trying to see all of what little
there was.
The word seeing reminds me of my surprise at Banny's acute vision. I
did all the driving on these trips with Banny beside me in the front
seat, and no automobile ever traveled with such an excellent
navigator. He invariably had mastered the maps before we reached any
waypoint, but what really amazed me was that he could always read
the names on the street signs at a hundred yards distance, and often
before I had detected the sign itself. I need not say that we never
overshot a turning point. And Banny was close to eighty years old in
1974!
After the Sitterlys left us, again by airplane, Catherine and I took
the ferry from Yarmouth to Bar Harbor. This was a day trip that got
us there at or just after dusk. We decided that word of some
suspected smuggler had reached the customs officers, as we waited an
hour or more for service and then had to get out of the car while
they searched every nook and cranny. We were lucky to reach our
motel in Ellsworth soon after midnight.
368
30.
Almost as soon as we returned from Nova Scotia in 1974, I began to
compose this memoir, The project went ahead rapidly throughout most
of the first year. I wrote, as I still do, almost entirely by pen,
especially with a beautiful big Mont Blanc, given me at retirement
by the last three people in my group. After a few months in whic4h
I, from time to time, revised parts of the composition, I typed it
double-spaced and for several years continued to edit it
occasionally.
In May of 1975 the Navy presented me with the Robert Dexter Conrad
Award for Scientific Achievement for my work on Omega. This is, or
was, the Navy's only award for science. It was named for Captain
Conrad, who had been Admiral Purer's deputy, in the former Office of
Research and Inventions. At Admiral Purer's retirement, Captain
Conrad had become a leader in the organization of the Office of
Naval Research until he suddenly succumbed to leukemia and died. I
was greatly pleased that the Chief of Naval Research, Rear Admiral
Richard Van Orden, whom I had known a little as a Lieutenant-
Commander at San Diego many years earlier, chose to come to
Cambridge to present the award in person. I was greatly surprised to
find that the award included a gold medal, which I had never heard
about until the Admiral produced it and pinned it onto my jacket.
The years before the disintegration of Catherine's health were
brightened for us by three honorary memberships in societies formed
to support special interests. The first, in 1977, came from the
International Omega Association, a small group interested in that
specific aid to navigation. Another, in 1979, testified to
recognition of my contributions by the much larger Institute of
Navigation; and the third, in 1980, was from, the Wild Goose
Association. This consists of people especially interested in the
development of Loran. I have thus learned that there are at least
two small societies formed by aficionados of aids to navigation in
which I am still deeply interested.
These, like most such certifications of honorary membership, made
rather exaggerated statements about abilities and accomplishments
which I do not feel it necessary to quote. I do, however, cherish
especially these memberships in groups that presumably know
accurately what I have done.
In the summer of 1987, I was asked by the editor of the quarterly
369
newsletter of the International Omega Association to write a short
account of the origin of Omega to be quoted in that publication,
This I wrote in three parts, one dealing with my youth and early
activities at Harvard, and one part each about Loran and Omega. I
had assumed that these would appear in successive issues of the
newsletter, but the editor decided to use all my material in a
single special issue, which was published in very attractive form in
July, 1988. It was embellished by an introduction by Eric Swanson,
the still-active expert from NEL (now the Navy Ocean Systems Center)
who probably knows most about my work. This special issue also shows
two or three pictures of me, in various eras, and a copy of the
letter of congratulation from the Assistant Secretary of the Navy
for Research and Development on the occasion of the awarding of the
Conrad Award. The editor, Bob Revel, also topped off the issue with
my answers to a few questions he had asked. The Special Issue is a
very attractive booklet and I am grateful that the IOA has given me
enough copies so that I can send one to each of my descendants.
I am confident that this editor was also the instigator of a
proposal to send me to Munich in the coming October to attend the
Annual Meeting of the IOA. This plan is largely to allow me to see
Omega in operation as a navigational aid, as I had happened to
mention that I had never seen it at work on a moving vehicle. I am
happy to have the invitation and trust that I can attend the meeting
as scheduled and so learn much about developments in the use of
Omega in the fourteen years since my retirement.
Another event that is still in the future will presumably be the
awarding of the Elmer A. Sperry Award, given under the auspices of a
consortium of five large societies of engineers. This, I am told, is
to be given this fall to the Omega System, with me as its
representative.
The system is thus to be complimented as a distinguished engineering
contribution which,, through application, proved in actual service,
has advanced the art of transportation.
I speak here of these future expectations only because I now feel
quite sure that I shall complete this long memoir before the autumn
season is over.
In the chapter about Catherine I did not mention the fact that some
six months before she died I had succumbed to the lure of the
personal computer, at least in the form of a word processor. At that
time I had completed this memoir through Chapter 22. I had not
written much in the preceding four, or five years, but had edited
and re-edited the earlier work at odd moments. I had also enjoyed
My First (and only) Computer 370
the inestimable advantage of Catherine's sharp eye and sensitive
ear. She had read and improved much that I had written.
It happened that I bought the computer at one place, the word-
processing program at another, and a printer at a third. I was a
little startled and worried, when I came to put them together, to
realize that I had no experience with a computer and a total of
thirteen pounds of instruction books. All went quite smoothly,
however, and I was soon making fairly efficient use of the machine.
This was about the most fortunate timing of a purchase I had ever
had. There was much text well prepared and needing little
modification ready to be put on to discs. Thus, in the most
difficult six months of Catherine's illness, I was able to go to the
keyboard, at any time when I was free for a half-hour or so, and
transcribe my typewritten text with no requirement for more than
purely mechanical operation. I found this to be a most valuable
relief and therapy. I could devote my attention to the typing,
releasing my mind from the continuous worry, and still hear
Catherine if she needed anything. It may not be too much to say that
this simple task alone perhaps maintained my sanity during that
terrible period.
It is interesting, at least to me, to observe how much the quality
of my writing has declined from Chapter 23 onward. This may be
caused by the absence of Catherine's good advice, or perhaps by my
advancing age, but I feel that much of the decline arises simply
from the loneliness I feel in her absence. It is clearly harder to
get myself re-started at writing since her death, and at times
months go by before I can attack writing again. It is a great relief
to find myself so nearly finished, except for the index I hope to
compose. I look forward to this part as a purely mechanical
operation requiring little thought and, in a way, much like the
earlier transcription to the discs.
I am glad that Catherine did not hear of the need of our daughter
Joy to obtain (or possibly to agree to) a divorce, after sixteen
years of marriage and three children. I learned about the problem of
a divorce only a couple of'months after Catherine died. It soon
became clear that the best solution to Joy's and my problems would
be for me to sell the Arlington house and to buy one we could share
in New Hampshire where she had good friends.
Joy managed the selection of a house very intelligently. She kept a
couple of horses, a pony, a goat, and several house pets. We
therefore would require a place with barn and paddock, which greatly
limited the possibilities. Joy had, and still has, a close friend,
also horsey, who, with her husband, was having a new house built in
a neighboring town. Joy caused me to come to New Hampshire to be
shown several houses by a realtor. None of them were at all
satisfactory, but they taught me to understand the prices that were
being asked in the vicinity. After dismissing the realtor, Joy then
took me to see the house of her friends, complete with barn,
paddock, and riding ring. I had no hesitation in agreeing to buy the
property, subject only to the assurance by a realtor friend in
Arlington that I could sell my house for enough to pay for the
property in New Hampshire.
Because we had to give Joy's friends time to finish their new home,
I sold my house in May for delivery in August. The sale was amazing
to me, as I then had no true idea of the real estate market in the
Boston area. It happened that my house was put on the market on a
Monday, two days after the newspapers had announced that Boston had
become the most expensive real estate market in the country. Silly
as it sounds, this seemed to have given people the idea that then
was the time to buy. My realtor friend (and former neighbor) brought
her force of agents to see the house in the morning. At eleven-
thirty they left to phone their potential customers, and I had a
busy afternoon, both at the telephone and at the door. At seven-
thirty that evening I signed the agreement to sell at considerably
more than the asking price. I actually received nearly twenty times
what Catherine and I had paid for the house in 1946, despite the
fact that it was about a hundred years old, in poor condition, and
on a small lot.
Because of the necessary delay in delivery, I could take my time in
disposing of things that would not fit into the smaller house in New
Hampshire. The only really difficult part was having to get rid of
about three thousand books, keeping only a thousand favorites. Soon
after my retirement I had finally prepared a card index of our books
and discovered that Catherine and I had bought a book for each five
days since we had been married. Of course, it was also hard to get
rid of the card index, as I could not find time to search out and
remove the cards as books were sold or given away.
Catherine had been such a good cook that I could give her new and
fine cookbooks several times a year. These were among her favorite
reading in her later years. I was delighted to find that the Schles
inger Library at Radcliffe, well-known for its collection of cook
books among other things important to women, was strong in foreign
cookbooks but relatively weak in American ones. They were happy to
accept about two-thirds of those that Catherine left. I can
therefore enjoy the idea that Catherine's name is preserved, if
nowhere else, on the bookplates of a hundred or more cookbooks in
that library.
I moved to Weare, New Hampshire, a town of about 4500 people less
than twenty miles west-south-west of Concord, at the end of August
New Hampshire 372
in 1986, almost two years ago as I write this. The house is small
but attractive and the accomodation for animals is satisfactory.
Until I moved, a few days after Joy had occupied the house, I
expected that Joy and her daughter Jenny would be the only other
inhabitants as her two sons had chosen to live with their father. I
found that the older boy, Chris, had already left his father. At the
end of the next school year his brother Brett also chose to join us.
This makes the place somewhat crowded, but we have had two small
rooms finished in the basement so that we get along without too much
pressure for space.
Joy is an avid trail rider and a very aptive member of the New
Hampshire Equine Humane Association, a sort of minor S.P.C.A. for
horses that endeavors to teach people not to buy horses and then
neglect them. She keeps herself busy with her job, with frequent
rides with friends, and at times joining organized trail rides. At
any moment there may be a requirement for rescue efforts, if reports
of underweight or otherwise mistreated animals have been reported.
* * *
When I retired I could not have believed that I would spend fourteen
years writing this memoir. It has been great fun for me to do the
remembering. Now that I have finished all I plan to write, I look
forward to compiling an index and then making enough copies for all
my descendants and perhaps a few friends.
When I get this done, I really will get at a four-drawer file of
papers that I could not bear to throw away when I retired. Some of
these may contain information interesting enough for the archives of
either Harvard or the University of Maine. I shall need to devote a
fair amount of time and energy to straightening out a rather
disorganized mass of material and composing enough introductory
explanations so that others can make some sense out of whatever I
choose to leave for them. This chore should help to fill my ever-
more-declining years.
FINIS
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce
373
AAVSO at Solar Eclipse 357 Conway, Mr. 138
Ak-Bulak, Kazakhstan 47 Cottage at Queenstown 113
power supply at 56 returning the keys 136
Alaska, a trip to 217 Cruft Laboratory 38
homing to Norman Wells 221 Crystal Oscillators 208
American Academy 230 Cutler, Maine transmitter 291
Appleton, Sir Edward V. 48 costs of site 289
on SS Loran 174 Cycle matching 195
lecture at MIT 206
AT Loran 191 Davidson, David 149
on weather vessel 165
Baker, Captain 109 deBettencourt, Joseph 107
Balloon-borne antennas 193 Dippy, Robert J. 150
Bar Harbor, Maine 41 Dow, Richard P.
Benner, Harold 90 and "Jim" 96
Bent, Arthur 45 Draco, proposed Nav Aid 261
Bermuda tests, first 156 theory 261
on LF Loran 195 problems 264
Beverage, Harold 298 at Jim Creek 267
Blimp Trip, the 162 results 272
Boston Symphony 143 "VLF navigation" 274
Boyhood, my 19 DuBridge, Lee A. 150
Bridgman, Mrs. Percy 104 in England 185
Burke, Captain 292
in Norway 344 Eagle Project, the 184
Bush, Vannevar 149 Eastham, Melville 149
project C 150
Canadian Arctic, trip to 198 Bermuda trip 156
Catherine's Palace 53 Loran agreement 189
Chaffee, Emory Leon 38 Eclipse in Connecticut 354
with Admiral Furer 197 Eclipse in Russia 47
with John H. Hammond 298 in Maine 356
Cape floods 121 in Prince Edward Is. 359
Capetown, South Africa 111 in Saskatchewan 194, 356
Change Ringing 284 in South Africa 106
Churchill, Manitoba 198 the rim of the sun 125
Clock comparisons 242 in the Soviet Union 47
College, Arthur 95 England in 1936 48
Cohen, I. Bernard 202 later in 1936 83
Compton, Karl 150 in 1944 173
before A.D.L. lecture 206 in 1957 280
"Comradely tea party" 65 Essen, Dr. Louis 235
Conrad award 368 definition of second 254
"Copper battle wagon" 40 and change ringing 284
Conant, James Bryant 149 Examination by provost 222
his "haircut" 224
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 374
Fenn, Courtenay Hughes 102 Heywood, Joseph Converse 4
Fernald, Harriet Converse Heywood, Mary Lovejoy 9
career 9 her powerful memory 11
the Skimmers 17 her writings 12
Fernald, Merritt Caldwell 19 Hickman, Roger 38
Fink, Donald 149 at Harvard Club 108
RCA contract 159 Higgs, A. J. 125
to England for SS Loran 170 Homing to Norman Wells 221
Finland 50 Horned toad, the 231
travels in 79 Hunt, Frederick Vinton 38
Finnish ship 50 and phonographs 85
ship-to-shore telephone 49 Hurricane of 1938 101
the last night out 50 Hyperbolic navigation 152
Fisher, Clyde 112 chart computation 166
Fog in London 179
Foster, Cdr. John Ralph 161 Inspection of Equipment
Fourth of July picnic in the Soviet Union 72
in the Soviet Union 69 Interference trials 177
Frequency Comparisons 237 International Omega
routine reports 243 Association 368
with Atomichrons 247 Introduction
British vs. American 238 by Jack Pierce iii
Furer, Admiral 197 by Don Mactaggart i
Garfield, Mason 154 Jim Creek 263
German use of Gee 183 Johannesburg, U.S.Africa 130
Gledhill, John gold mine 130
in Queenstown 114 speaking at University 132
Johnson, Mary 108
Halliday, Eric 125
Hammond John H., Jr. 298 Kazakhstan 47
Hampden, Walter 98 Keary, Joseph 107
Harrington, Rev. J. H. 1 Kennealy, William
trip to the Holy Land 5 boxes for Russia 72
appreciation of Grandpa 6 the L.F. speaker 94
Harvard Administration 108 Kerr, Donald 155
Harvard, early years at 38 King, Paul 40
Harvard Kopie 133 applesauce 63
Harvard Stadium 43 Koussevitski, Sergei 144
watching football 44 Kruger Park 127
Harvard Tercentenary 86
Helsinki 51 Lancaster, SS 107
travels in Finland 79 Lawrance, Richard 189
Herkemiah 60 Leningrad 54, 72
Her Majesty's Emeralds 286 May Day parade 55
Hermitage Museum 73 return to 71
inspection of gear 72
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 375
Leningrad (cont.) 72 Old Ironsides 364
millimarlenes 76 Omega 300
Lenin's Tomb 54 philosophy of 302
LF Loran 192 VLF experiments 303
balloon antennas 193 Implementation Comm. 312
cycle matching 195 synchronization 308
"Little Blitz", the 180 sites 314
Locusts 134 frequency control 315
Long baseline transmitting antennas 316
measurements 314 my 3-frequency data 332
Loomis, Alfred 150 composite signals 321
divulging secrets 156 differential 322
Loran, first field trip for aircraft 323
Bermuda measurements 156 reports of results 326
Receiver modifications 150 obstacles to progress 330
adoption of the idea 152 GRAN 330
the first blimp test 162 mountain antenna 331
Lyman, Theodore 2 O.S.R.D. 149
Mactaggart, Don 325 Packard, Frederick 97
Marconi Company 282 Palmer, Winslow 196
Marconi site in Glace Bay 367 Pan American Airlines 325
Marriage to CSSP 103 Pershing, General John. J 28
Maxfield, Joseph 95 Phonograph pickup 85
May Day in Leningrad 55 patents 92
Melville, Mr. and Mrs. 140 Pierce, Catherine
Memorable Concerts see Catherine Stillman
the Glass Armonica 256 Pierce, George Washington 38
Monteux's birthday 259 re royalties 93
Menzel, Donald 47 "Jim" 96
in Saskatchewan 194 Pierce, John Alvin I
Meteoric Ionization 99 career 15
Millimarlenes 76 Pierce, John Alvin II
Mimno, Harry Rowe 36 introduction to radio 22
the "Shadow" 44 schooling 23
my B.A. 85 swimming the Dead River 35
Mitchell, H. T. 239 radios for fire towers 36
Morris Liebmann prize 232 Pierce, Margaret Lovejoy
Montreal in 1967 351 western trip 278
Multiple Reflections 104 Pierce, Martha Jane
departure from Maine 29
Navigation, Inst. of 370 Pierce, Robert Bancroft
Navy, service with 209 western trip 278
N.D.R.C. 150 Polaris comnunications 287
New Hampshire, move to 371 distributed transmitter 289
New Haven railroad 26 slow-speed keying 292
Norman Wells, homing to 221 Portsmouth, England 280
Norway, a visit in 1966 344 Pote', Alfred J. 60
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 376
President Conant's haircut 223 Selvidge, Harner
Presidential Certificate at Bar Harbor 40
of Merit 212 in Finland 56
Pretoria 122 "Shadow", the 45
"Professor Pierce" effect 126 Shaw, Henry S. 36
Promotion to Division head 189 Simultaneous presentation
to the lEE and the IRE 202
"Queen Mary", on the 173 Sidney Sussex College 282
Queenstown, C.P. 112 Sitterly, Bancroft W. 190
the cottage at 113 in Canada 353
observing techniques 116 Sitterly, Charlotte Moore
thunderstorms 117 in Canada 359
bioscope 113 Soga, Miss 122
pickaninnys 119 South African eclipse 102
shopping 120 Soviet economy 73
erosion 122 Sperry Award 369
Afrikaans language 124 Sporadic E Ionization 101
trip to Kruger Park 127 SSBN "George Washington" 297
SS Loran, the idea 170
Radar 84, 149 trials 171
Radiation Laboratory 150 in Europe and Africa 176
Radux 225 Stillman, Catherine
Ratcliffe, J. A. 238 meeting in USSR 64
Raymond, Sister Mary 3 in Denmark 82
Read, William 107 marriage to 103
Reade, Cdr. Lyle 231 Street, Jabez C.
Recording the B.S.0. 144 first loran receiver 148
Dr. Koussevitski 144 to England 174
Rogers, Marion Caroline Swope, Henrietta 165
marriage 29 Symphony, Boston 144
Roelofse, J. C. 111 Szendrei, Mike 114
Rubles 67
Russian Eclipse trip 47 Table of Contents iii
in Ak-Bulak 56 Taylor, Margaretta
Catherine's Palace 53 Adelia (later Fenn) 102
Hermitage Museum 53 Telephone company, little 31
Leningrad 54, 72 Thompson, Mr. and Mrs. 111
Moscow 70 Three-service contract 208
on the Volga River 68 Thurlow Award 212
Tierney, Walter 161
Saunders, Frederick 95 Tijuana customs 233
Schonland, Basil F. J. 107 Tizzard, Sir Henry 150
Second, definition of the 249
ephemeris time 246
consultative committee 252
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 377
Travels in the Sixties
Trinidad in 1965 332
Munich in 1965 334
Trinidad in 1966 338
Norway in 1966 343
Montreal in 1967 351
Trinidad, first visit 140
URAD 62
US Coast Guard 169
Science Adv. Committee 361
Very Low Frequencies 235
diurnal variation 239
Visas for Trinidad 139
Volga River, on the 68
van Heerden, Martin 119
Verwoerd, Mr. and Mrs. Bob 112
Wartime work at MIT 149
Watson, Prof. Fletcher 165
Watson-Watt, Sir Robert 84
at Boston Garden 207
Wild Goose Association 368
Williams, Jack 189, 217
Winter in London 179
Witwatersrand, Univ. 107
Woodward, Richard H. 149
Yorkshire, ride from 178
Zeeman, Pieter 111
INDEX to Memoirs of J.A.Pierce 378
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